V 

EEMINISOEUOES 


1 


JAMES    A.    HAMILTON; 


OR, 


MEN"    .A-INTD    EVENTS, 


AT    HOME   AND    ABROAD, 


DURING    THREE     QUARTERS     OF    A    CENTURY. 


NEW    YORK: 
CHARLES    SCRIBNER    &    CO.,    654    BROADWAY. 

1869. 


Entered,  according  to  Act  Of  Congress,  in  the  year  1869,  by 

CHARLES    SCRIBXEE,  &  CO., 

in  the  Clerk's  Office  of  the  District  Court  of  the  United  States  for  the  Southern 
District  of  New  York. 


THE   TROW  &  SMITH 

BOOK    MAXUFACTVRIXO    CO.VfPX.W, 

46,  46,  60  Greene  Street,  jr.  Y, 


PBEFACE. 


THE  author  of  this  work,  from  a  well-founded  diffidence  of  liis  abilities,  was 
induced  to  undertake  this  work  by  a  desire  to  do  justice  to  his  Father  against  the 
aspersions  of  Mr.  Jefferson,  and  more  recently  of  Martin  Van  Buren,  in  his  Inquiry 
into  the  origin  of  Political  parties  of  the  United  States.  He  had  the  good  fortune 
to  enjoy  the  society  of  His  Father's  cotemporaries,  officers  of  the  war  of  the 
Revolution — members  of  the  Government  of  the  United  States — Rufus  King,  Gou- 
verneur  Morris,  Col.  Pickering,  George  Cabot,  Oliver  "Wolcott,  II.  G.  Otis,  and  those 
members  of  the  Bar  of  New  York  who  were  his  associates,  Kent,  Harrison,  the 
Ogdens,  Hoffman,  Riggs,  and  others — and  to  learn  from  them  incidents  connected 
with  his  conduct  in  the  important  situations  in  which  he  was  called  to  act.  The 
work  has  been  extended  far  beyond  the  original  purposes  of  the  author  by  recollec 
tions  which  are  assumed  to  have  some  public  interest. 


ERRATA. 

Page  184,  9th  line  from  bottom— for  ''realized,"  re&d  "  relieved." 
227,  20th  line  from  top— for  "Boraush,"  read  "Branch." 

552,  date  of  letter  to  Wm.  P.  Fessenden-for  "  January  22,  1863,"  read  «  July 
22,  1864." 

561,  last  line  of  page—for  "  my,"  read  "  very.'' 
"      571,  4th  line  from  top— for  "in,"  read  "  OH." 


ing — A  threatened  duel — Marriage — Struggle  with  poverty — The  bar  of  Colum 
bia  county — Bitter  hostility  of  political  parties — Unpublished  party  Listory- 
A  political  dinner  party-— Removal  to  New  York — A  Master  in  Chancery — The 
Morris  Estate — Louis  Philippe  in  exile — A  loan  from  Gouverneur  Morris — Diffi 
culty  regarding  its  repayment 40 

CHAPTER    III. 

EARLY    POLITICAL    LIFE. 

The  American  newspaper  and  the  Bank  of  America — An  inquiry  into  the  conduct  of 
Mr.  Van  Ness — Effect  of  the  exposures — The  duel  between — The  forged 
challenge  to  Aaron  Burr — Retirement  from  office — The  De  Longuemare  and 
Meade  claims,  &c. — Conversations  between  the  Secretary  of  State  and  James  A- 
Hamilton,  relative  to  the  Spanish  treaty — The  Presidental  contest  of  1824 — A 
visit  to  New  Orleans — General  Jackson — Incident  of  the  battle  of  New  Orleans 
— Return  home — Encounter  with  Indians — Correspondence  with  M.  Van  Buren 
— Appointed  an  Aide — Banks  and  Banking 48 


CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER    I, 

EARLY    LIFE    OP    ALEXANDER    HAMILTON. 

Birth  and  parentage — Recollections  of  Alexander  Hamilton — Letter  from  Philip 
Hamilton — Charges  against  Alexander  Hamilton  examined  and  disproved — 
Unworthy  insinuations  of  James  Madison — Correspondence  regarding  Hauteval 
— The  French  Minister,  Genet — Alexander  Hamilton's  professional  life— Sketch 
of  his  career  by  himself — Jefferson's  charges  and  insinuations  examined — Char 
acters  of  Jefferson  and  Hamilton  compared — Washington's  opinion  of  Jefferson. 
— Proof  that  Alexander  Hamilton  wrote  Washington's  Farewell  Address — 
Hamilton's  Financial  System — Virginia  State  armory 1 

CHAPTER     II. 

GRADUATION  AND  ENTRANCE  ON  POLITICAL  LIFE. 

Graduation  at  Columbia  College — Admission  to  the  Bar — Speech  at  a  Federal  Meet 
ing — A  threatened  duel — Marriage — Struggle  with  poverty — The  bar  of  Colum 
bia  county — Bitter  hostility  of  political  parties — Unpublished  party  history- 
A  political  dinner  party— Removal  to  New  York — A  Master  in  Chancery — The 
Morris  Estate — Louis  Philippe  in  exile — A  loan  from  Gouverneur  Morris — Diffi 
culty  regarding  its  repayment 40 

CHAPTER     III. 

EARLY    POLITICAL    LIFE. 

The  American  newspaper  and  the  Bank  of  America — An  inquiry  into  the  conduct  of 
Mr.  Van  Ness — Effect  of  the  exposures — The  duel  between — The  forged 
challenge  to  Aaron  Burr — Retirement  from  office — The  De  Longuemare  and 
Meade  claims,  &c. — Conversations  between  the  Secretary  of  State  and  James  A. 
Hamilton,  relative  to  the  Spanish  treaty — The  Presidental  contest  of  1824 — A 
visit  to  New  Orleans — General  Jackson — Incident  of  the  battle  of  New  Orleans 
— Return  home — Encounter  with  Indians — Correspondence  with  M.  Van  Buren 
— Appointed  an  Aide — Banks  and  Banking 48 


VI  CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER    IV. 

FROM  DECEMBER,  1827 DECEMBER,  1828. 

A  visit  to  New  Orleans — Gen.  Jackson  at  home — A  banquet  in  Nashville — Incidents 
of  the  Battle  of  New  Orleans — Anecdotes  about  Gen.  Jackson — Threat  to  shoot 
a  river  pilot — Mrs.  Jackson's  Arrival  at  New  Orleans — Entertainments — A  negro 
ball — Mobile — Adventure  with  the  Indians — Impressions  of  Gen.  Jackson — 
Political  manoeuvres— Offer  of  a  position  as  aide-de-camp  on  Gov.  Van  Buren's 
staff — The  offer  declined,  but  the  appointment  made — Paper  on  banks  and  bank 
ing 67 

CHAPTER    V. 

FROM  JANUARY,  1829 APRIL,  1829. 

Election  of  General  Jackson  to  the  Presidency— Formation  of  the  Cabinet — Extract 
from  letters — Gov.  Van  Buren  Secretary  of  State — James  A.  Hamilton  Acting  Sec 
retary — Letters  from  Mr.  Van  Buren  to  Major  Eaton  and  to  James  A.  Ham 
ilton — The  Evening  Post  and  political  affairs — The  foreign  appointments — Ap 
plications  for  appointment  to  office — President  Jackson's  inaugural  address — 
Memoranda  on  foreign  affairs  by  Henry  Clay — John  Quincy  Adams  and  Alex 
ander  Hamilton — Convention  with  Great  Britain — Piracies — Depredations  by 
inhabitants  of  New  Brunswick — Treaty  with  Mexico — Social  and  political  com 
plications — Letters  from  Mr.  Gallatin — Correspondence  with  William  Coleman 
— The  Minister  to  Erance — How  Mr.  Rives  was  appointed — Excitement  on 
removal 87 

CHAPTER    VI. 

FROM  APRIL  23,  1829 — DECEMBER  16,  1830. 

Mr.  Hamilton  appointed  District  Attorney  for  the  Southern  District  of  New  York — 
Difficulties  of  the  Position — Judgment  against  Edward  Livingston — Its  Settle 
ment — Letters  from  Martin  Van  Buren — Instructions  to  Ministers  Rives  and 
McLane — Mr.  Rhind's  Negotiations  with  the  Porte — Mr.  Van  Buren  on  the 
Newspapers — The  Eaton  Affair  considered  in  the  Cabinet — A  Long  Account 
by  Mr.  Van  Buren — General  Jackson's  Message— The  National  Bank— General 
Jackson  and  Congress — Memorial  on  the  German  Trade 140 

CHAPTER  VII. 

FROM  JANUARY.  1831  — JANUARY,  1834. 

Foreign  affairs — Vindication  against  Mr.  Calhoun's  charges — Mr.  Rhind  and  the 
horses  presented  by  the  Sublime  Porte — The  negotiations  with  the  Sublime 
Porte — Resignation  of  Mr.  Van  Buren — Changes  in  the  Cabinet — The  jewels 
stolen  from  the  Princess  of  Orange — Their  recovery— The  nullification  move 
ment— Gibbs  the  pirate— The  United  States  Bank— Resignation 193 


CONTENTS.  Vll 

CHAPTER  VIII. 

FROM  JANUARY,  1834 — MARCH,  1841. 

The  Bank  question — Views  of  President  Jackson — Projects  submitted — Letters  from 
Mr.  Van  Buren — President  Jackson  refuses  to  modify  his  plans — Efforts  to  aid 
the  Government — Attempt  to  assassinate  the  President — War  threatened — The 
great  fire  in  the  city  of  New  York — Account  of  the  way  in  which  it  was  arrested 
— First  visit  to  Europe — Sketches  of  distinguished  people — A  visit  to  Talley 
rand  269 

CHAPTER   IX. 

FROM  MARCH,  1841 — JULY,  1844. 

Letter  to  President  Harrison  on  our  relations  with  Italy,  &c. — The  Constitutionality 
of  a  United  States  Bank — Opinion  of  Win.  Beach  Lawrence — Letter  to  Henry 
Clay — Second  voyage  to  Europe — Visit  to  Russia — Object  of  the  journey — Dif 
ficulties  with  the  Russian  officials — An  Appeal  to  the  Emperor — Successful  result 
—Notes  on  Russian  manners  and  customs — A  Ball  at  the  palace — Journey  to 
England — Interview  with  Lord  Aberdeen — Letter  from  Mr.  Seward — The  Dorr 
Insurrection 314 

CHAPTER   X. 

FROM  JULY,  1847 APRIL,  1848. 

Offer  of  services  to  the  Government — The  Chicago  Internal  Improvement  Convention 
— Letters  from  Daniel  Webster — Affairs  in  the  Papal  Dominions — To  England 
and  France — Arrival  at  Florence — Outbreak  of  the  Revolution  in  Tuscany — 
Government  Institutions  in  the  Papal  States — Financial  affairs — Military  force — 
Population  of  Italy — Memorandum  submitted  to  the  Pope — Memorandum  from 
an  English  gentleman — Reflections  by  J.  A.  Hamilton  upon  the  political  condi 
tion  of  Italy — From  Rome  to  Naples — An  interview  with  Ibrahim  Pacha,  Vice 
roy  of  Egypt — A  messenger  from  the  Italian  Liberals — Mr.  Hamilton  determines 
not  to  join  the  Committee — A  warning  of  the  rising — The  Vienna  Revolution — 
General  uneasiness  throughout  the  Continent — Holland — The  Harlem  Sea — In 
cident  of  the  Revolution  in  Paris — Letter  from  George  Sumner 354 

CHAPTER    XI. 

FROM  1850—1859. 

Neutrality  of  the  Isthmus  of  Panama — The  Panama  Railroad — Communications  to 
President  Taylor  and  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury — The  yacht  America — 
Particulars  of  her  contests  and  victories — Letters  from  J.  A.  Hamilton  to 
Samuel  Rogers— Interesting  letters  from  Hon.  Edward  Everett — His  oration  on 
Washington— Mr.  Everett's  political  views — Hamilton  Fish  on  the  Whig  party 
and  the  Know  Nothings — Suggestions  to  Lewis  Cass — Letter  from  Lewis  Cass 


Vlll  CONTENTS. 

— Call  for  a  public  meeting  to  arrest  Disunion — Plan  to  assist  in  bringing  the 
breadstuff's  from  the  interior  to  the  seaboard — E.  H.  Pendleton  on  Irving's  Life 
of  Washington — Letter  from  Gov.  King  on  financial  affairs — Fifth  voyage  to 
Europe — Letter  to  F.  P.  Blair — Hints  upon  political  affairs — The  President's 
power  of  appointment  and  removal — Letter  from  Daniel  Webster  on  the  politi 
cal  situation . .  .'  393 


CHAPTER  XII. 

THE    REBELLION. 

Preliminary  Observations — Letter  to  the  Hon.  John  Cochrane — The  contest  for 
the  Speakership  in  the  House  of  Representatives  in  1860 — The  Missouri  Com 
promise — Henry  Clay  and  Samuel  L.  Southard — Effect  of  Rebellion  on  State 
Governments — Compromises  of  the  Constitution — Letter  to  Thomas  Cotswood 
Pinckney — Notes  on  Nullification — Memorandum  on  Secession  submitted  to 
President  Buchanan— Letters  from  J.  M.  Read  and  Hon.  John  Cochrane — Letter 
to  Senator  Morgan — Call  for  a  Meeting  to  preserve  the  Union — Letter  to  Presi 
dent  Buchanan — Effort  to  reinforce  Major  Anderson  in  Fort  Sumter — English 
sympathy  with  Southern  Rebellion  explained 440 


CHAPTER  XIII. 

THE    REBELLION,    CONTINUED. 

An  appeal  to  arras  inevitable— Letters  to  President  Lincoln,  Secretary  Chase,  &c. — 
Letter  from  George  Sunnier — Offer  of  services — Visit  to  Washington — Inter 
view  with  President  Lincoln — Plan  of  operations  suggested — Proposal  to  free 
the  Negroes  — Return  to  New  York — Meeting  with  financiers— Results  reported 
— Democratic  Association  of  the  Friends  of  Freedom— Suggestions  to  Mr.  Chase 
— Letters  to  Sees.  Cameron  and  Wells — Letter  from  Washington  Hunt — Dr. 
Lieber — Kentucky 468 


CHAPTER  XIV. 

1862— DECEMBER,    1862. 

Letters  to  Mr.  Chase  on  Banking  Associations  and  Financial  affairs— Restoration  of 
the  Rebellious  States — Letter  from  Hon.  S.  Hooper — Emancipation  meeting  at 
Cooper  Institute— Address— Letter  to  Gov.  Morgan  on  registering  voters— Letter 
to  Senator  Sumner  on  the  internal  Slave  trade— Letter  to  Charles  Eames  on  the 
Slavery  question — "  Suggestions  for  the  consideration  of  those  who  are  much 
wiser  than  he  who  makes  them  " — Currency — Foreign  Policy — The  call  of  the 
President  for  volunteers — Arming  the  Negroes— Letter  to  President  Lincoln  on 
the  crisis— Circular  to  Governors  of  the  Loyal  States— Raising  troops — Inter 
views  and  suggestions  to  Secretary  Chase — President  Lincoln 507 


CONTENTS.  IX 

CHAPTER  XV. 

1863—1866. 

Suggestions  to  Mr.  Chase — Letter  to  Secretary  Fessenden — Notes  at  interest  and 
convertible — Texas,  its  true  condition  and  means  of  treatment — Letter  to  Sena 
tor  Sumner — Napoleon  and  Mexico — Passage  of  Secretary  Chase's  banking 
hill — Selection  of  Mr.  Olcott  as  Comptroller  of  the  Currency — A  suggestion 
about  Savings  Banks — Commission  to  inquire  into  the  condition  of  the  Freed- 
men— The  invasion  of  Pennsylvania — The  riots  in  New  York — Threatened  dif 
ficulty  at  Tarrytown — The  enlistment  of  blacks — Revenue  to  be  derived  from 
mines — Proposed  act  to  abolish  slavery — Levying  export  duties — Payment  of 
the  interest  on  the  State  debt  in  coin — The  Chicago  platform  and  the  nomina 
tions — Mr.  Fessenden  Secretary  of  the  Treasury — Public  lands  and  the  public 
debt — False  charges  by  the  Confederate  Congress 550 


APPENDIX. 

APPENDIX    A. 

Report  upon  the  condition  of  our  foreign  relations  made  to  President  Jackson  by 
James  A.  Hamilton,  acting  Secretary  of  State , 587 

APPENDIX    B. 

A  letter  addressed  to  a  distinguished  member  of  the  Chicago  Convention 611 

APPENDIX    C. 

Examination    of  the  power  of  the  President  to  remove  from  office  during  the 
recess  of  the  Senate 614 

APPENDIX    D. 

Property  in  Man.     Letter  from  Hon.  James  A.  Hamilton  on  the  Doctrine  of  the 
Constitution  concerning  Slavery 624 


EE  MINI  SCIENCES 


OF 


JAMES   A.    HAMILTON 


CHAPTER    I. 

EARLY  LIFE  OF  ALEXANDER  HAMILTON. 

Birth  and  parentage — Eecollections  of  Alexander  Hamilton — Letter  from  Philip 
Hamilton — Charges  against  Alexander  Hamilton  examined  and  disproved — 
Unworthy  insinuations  of  James  Madison — Correspondence  regarding  Ilauteval — 
The  French  Minister,  Genet — Alexander  Hamilton's  professional  life — Sketch 
of  his  career  by  himself— Jefferson's  charges  and  insinuations  examined — Char 
acters  of  Jefierson  and  Hamilton  compared — Washington's  opinion  of  Jefferson 
— Proof  that  Alexander  Hamilton  wrote  Washington's  Farewell  Address — 
Hamilton's  Financial  System — Virginia  State  armory. 

IN  my  seventy-ninth  year  I  have  employed  a  winter's  leisure  in  committing 
to  paper  these  recollections  of  a  varied  and  somewhat  eventful  life.  Without 
having  been  a  principal  actor  in  any  of  those  affairs  of  public  interest  to  which 
I  shall  refer,  I  have  had  peculiar  opportunities  for  understanding  the  purposes 
and  appreciating  the  characters  of  many  of  the  leaders  in  these  transactions, 
and  I  indulge  the  hope  that  I  may  now  and  then  be  able  to  throw  a  valuable 
side-light  upon  events  in  our  past  history,  which,  though  they  rnay  have  some 
times  been  of  merely  local  importance,  were  often  of  public  interest  and  concern. 

Born  in  the  city  of  New  York  on  the  14th  April,  1788,  the  third  son  of  a 
family  of  six  sons  and  two  daughters,  the  children  of  Alexander  Hamilton 
and  Elizabeth  Schuyler  Hamilton,  daughter  of  Major-General  Philip  Schuy- 
ler,  of  the  Revolution,  my  earliest  recollection  of  my  parents  is  a  journey 
\ve  m ado  from  Philadelphia  to  Albany  by  land,  during  the  autumn  of  1793. 
The  yellow  fever  having  broken  out  in  Philadelphia,  both  my  father  and  mother 
were  attacked  by  the  disease  at  the  same  time.  As  soon  as  they  were  sufficiently 
recovered  they  set  out  for  Albany,  where  my  maternal  grandfather  lived ;  but 
so  great  was  the  apprehension  of  contagion,  that  the  family,  when  they  arrived 
opposite  to  New  York,  were  obliged  to  continue  their  journey  on  the  west  side 
of  the  river  without  going  into  the  city,  and  on  approaching  Albany  they  were 
1 


OF    JAMES    A.    HAMILTON. 

requii$tf.  ;t(»/lia£f,;irriti'i,' tliey  '.obtained  the  permission  of  the  public  authorities  to 
go  to  the'  house  of  'Gene' rat' Seh'u'^ler,  which  was  in  the  fields  south  of  the  city. 
During  this  illness  of  my  parents  they  were  attended  by  Dr.  Edward  Stevens, 
of  St.  Croix,  the  person  to  whom  Hamilton  addressed  the  following  remarkable 
letter,  written  when  he  was  12  years  old  : 

"  ST.  CEOIX,  November  11,  1769. 
"  To  Edward  Stevens.  New  York. 

"DEAR  NED: — This  serves  to  acknowledge  the  receipt  of  yours,  per  Captain 
Lowndes,  which  was  delivered  me  yesterday.  The  truth  of  Captain  Lightbower's 
and  Lowndes'  information  is  now  verified  by  the  presence  of  your  father  and  sister, 
for  whose  safe  arrival  I  pray,  and  that  they  may  convey  that  satisfaction  to  your 
soul  that  must  naturally  flow  from  the  sight  of  absent  friends  in  health,  and  shall  for 
news  this  way  refer  you  to  them.  As  to  what  you  say  respecting  your  soon  having  the 
happiness  of  seeing  us  all,  I  wish  for  an  accomplishment  of  your  hopes,  provided  they 
are  concomitant  with  your  welfare,  otherwise  not,  though  I  doubt  whether  I  shall 
be  present  or  not,  for  to  confess  my  weakness,  Ned,  my  ambition  is  prevalent,  so  that 
I  contemn  the  grovelling  condition  of  a  clerk,*  or  the  like,  to  which  my  fortune  con 
demns  me,  and  would  willingly  risk  my  life,  though  not  my  character,  to  exalt  my 
station.  I  am  confident,  Ned,  that  my  youth  excludes  me  from  any  hopes  of  imme 
diate  preferment,  nor  do  I  desire  it,  but  I  mean  to  prepare  the  way  for  futurity.  I 
am  no  philosopher,  you  see,  and  may  justly  be  said  to  build  castles  in  the  air.  My 
folly  makes  me  ashamed,  and  beg  you  will  conceal  it.  Yet  Neddy  we  have  seen 
such  schemes  successful  when  the  projector  is  constant.  I  shall  conclude  by  saying 
I  wish  there  was  a  war. 

"  P.  S.  I  this  moment  received  yours,  by  William  Smith,  and  am  pleased  to  see 
you  give  such  close  application  to  study." 

After  his  recovery,  Hamilton  wrote  the  following  letter  to  the  physicians  of 
Philadelphia : 

"  It  is  natural  to  be  afflicted,  not  only  at  the  mortality  which  is  said  to  obtain, 
but  at  the  consequences  of  that  undue  panic  which  is  fast  depopulating  the  city  and 
suspending  business,  both  public  and  private.  I  have  myself  been  attacked  with 
the  reigning  putrid  fever  and  with  violence,  but  I  trust  that  I  now  am  completely 
out  of  danger.  This  I  am  to  attribute,  under  God,  to  the  skill  and  care  of  my  friend 
Dr.  Stevens,  a  gentleman  from  the  Island  of  St.  Croix,  and  to  whose  talents  I  can 
attest  from  an  acquaintance  begun  in  early  youth." 

A.  HAMILTON  TO  ME.  JAMES  HAMILTON,  ST.  THOMAS. 

"  NEW  YORK,  June  23, 1785. 

u  MY  DEAR  BROTHER  : — I  have  received  your  letter  of  the  31st  of  May  last,  which 
and  one  other  are  the  only  letters  I  have  received  from  you  in  many  years.  You 
did  not  receive  one  which  I  wrote  to  you  about  six  monflis  ago.  The  situation  you 
describe  yourself  to  be  in  gives  me  much  pain,  and  nothing  will  make  me  happier 
than,  as  far  as  maybe  in  my  power,  to  contribute  to  your  relief." 

*  Hamilton  was  born  on  the  llth  January,  1757.  He  was  a  clerk  in  the  Counting  House 
of  Nicholas  Cruger,  and  in  November,  1771,  as  appears  by  his  Counting  House  letters,  was  in 
charge  of  the  business  of  that  house  in  St.  Croix. 


REMINISCENCES  OF  JAMES  A.  HAMILTON.  6 

"  I  will  cheerfully  pay  your  draft  upon  me  for  fifty  pounds  sterling,  whenever  it 
shall  appear.  I  wish  it  was  in  my  power  to  desire  you  to  enlarge  the  sum,  but 
though  my  future  prospects  are  of  the  most  flattering  kind,  my  present  engagements 
would  render  it  inconvenient  to  me  to  advance  you  a  larger  sum.  My  affection  for 
you,  however,  will  not  permit  me  to  be  inattentive  to  your  welfare,  and  I  hope  time 
will  prove  to  you,  that  I  feel  all  the  sentiments  of  a  brother.  Let  me  only  request 
of  you  to  exert  your  industry  for  a  year  or  two  more  where  you  are,  and  at  the  end 
of  that  time  I  promise  myself  to  be  able  to  invite  you  to  a  more  comfortable  settle 
ment  in  this  country.  But  what  has  become  of  our  dear  father?  It  is  an  age  since 
I  have  heard  from  him  or  of  him,  though  I  have  written  him  several  letters.  Per 
haps,  alas,  he  is  no  more,  and  I  shall  not  have  the  pleasing  opportunity  of  contribut 
ing  to  render  the  close  of  his  life  more  happy  than  the  progress  of  it.  My  heart 
bleeds  at  the  recollection  of  his  misfortunes  and  embarrassments.  Sometimes  I  flat 
ter  myself  his  brothers  have  extended  their  support  to  him  ;  and  that  he  now  enjoys 
tranquillity  and  ease.  At  other  times  I  fear  lie  is  suffering  in  indigence.  Should 
he  be  alive,  inform  him  of  my  inquiries ;  beg  him  to  write  to  me,  and  tell  him  how 
ready  I  shall  be  to  devote  myself  and  all  I  have  to  his  accommodation  and  happi 
ness. 

"  Believe  me  always,  your  affectionate  friend  and  brother." 

Hamilton  entered  upon  the  duties  of  his  office  of  Secretary  of  the  Treasury 
on  the  13th  of  September,  1789.  On  his  resignation,  31st  of  January,  1795,  he 
left  Philadelphia  and  went  to  the  house  of  General  Schuyler,  in  Albany,  where 
he  remained  until  the  summer,  when  he  returned  to  New  York  and  resumed  his 
business  as  a  lawyer.  During  the  first  year  in  New  York  he  lived  in  a  small 
house  in  Pine-street.  From  thence  he  removed  to  the  house  No.  24  Broadway, 
where  he  lived  until  1802,  when  he  removed  to  a  country  seat  eight  and  a 
half  miles  from  the  city.  This  place  he  called  the  "Grange,  "  and  here  he  con 
tinued  to  live  until  his  death  in  July,  1804.  During  his  residence  in  the  coun 
try  he  generally  drove  back  and  forth  in  a  two-wheeled  carriage  with  a  single 
horse.  His  family  at  that  time  consisted  of  his  wife,  five  sons  and  two  daughters 
(his  eldest  son  Philip  having  been  killed  in  a  duel  on  the  24th  of  November, 
1802),  and  Fanny,  the  orphan  child  of  Col.  Autlo  (who  was  killed  in  the  Rev- 
olutionary  war).  She  was  educated  and  treated  in  all  respects  as  his  own 
daughter,  and  married  Mr.  Tappan,  an  eminent  philanthropist  of  New  York. 

Hamilton's  gentle  nature  rendered  his  house  a  most  joyous  one  to  his  child 
ren  and  friends.  He  accompanied  his  daughter  Angelica  when  she  played  and 
sang  at  the  piano.  His  intercourse  with  his  children  was  always  affectionate 
and  confiding,  which  excited  in  them  a  corresponding  confidence  and  devotion. 
I  distinctly  recollect,  the  scene  at  breakfast  in  the  front  room  of  the  house  in 
Broadway,  My  dear  mother,  seated  as  was  her  wont  at  the  head  of  the  table  with 
a  napkin  in  her  lap,  cutting  slices  of  bread  and  spreading  them  with  butter  for 
the  younger,  boys,  who,  standing  at  her  side,  read  in  turn  a  chapter  in  the  Bible 
or  a  portion  of  Goldsmith's  Rome.  When  the  lessons  were  finished  the  father 
and  the  elder  children  were  called  to  breakfast,  after  which  the  boys  were  pack- 


4  REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A<    HAMILTON. 

ed  off  to  school.     The  following  letters  to  his  two  children  will  perhaps  be  con 
sidered  by  many  sufficiently  interesting  to  warrant  me  in  printing  them. 

To  PHILIP  HAMILTON. 

"  PHILADELPHIA,  December  5,  1791. 

"  I  received  w~ith  great  pleasure,  my  dear  Philip,  the  letter  which  you  wrote  me 
last  week.  Your  mamma  and  myself  were  very  happy  to  learn  that  you  are  pleased 
with  your  situation  and  content  to  stay  as  long  as  shall  be  thought  best  for  you.  We 
hope  and  believe  that  nothing  will  happen  to  alter  this  disposition. 

"  Your  master  also  informs  us  that  you  recited  a  lesson  the  first  day  you  began,  very 
much  to  his  satisfaction.  I  expect  every  letter  from  him  will  give  me  a  fresh  proof 
of  your  progress,  for  I  know  you  can  do  a  great  deal  if  you  please,  and  I  am  sure  you 
have  too  much  spirit  not  to  exert  yourself  that  you  may  make  us  every  day  more  and 
more  proud  of  3~oti. 

"  You  remember  that  I  engaged  to  send  for  you  next  Saturday,  and  I  will  do  it  un 
less  you  request  me  to  put  it  off;  for  a  promise  must  never  be  broken,  and  I  never  will 
make  you  one  which  I  will  not  fill  as  far  as  I  am  able ;  but  it  has  occurred  to  me 
that  the  Christmas  holidays  are  near  at  hand,  and  I  suppose  your  school  will  then 
break  up  for  a  few  days  and  give  you  an  opportunity  of  coming  to  stay  with  us  for  a 
longer  time  than  if  you  should  come  on  Saturday.  Will  it  not  be  best  therefore  to 
put  off  your  journey  till  the  holidays?  but  determine  as  you  like  best,  and  let  me 
know  what  will  be  most  pleasing  to  you.  A  good-night  to  my  darling  Son." 

The  following  is  copied  from  a  mutilated  paper  : 

To  Miss  ANGELICA  HAMILTON. 

"SEPT.  21,  1703. 

"  I  was  very  glad  to  learn,  my  dear  daughter,  you  were  going  to  begin  the  study  of 
the  French  language.  We  hope  you  will  in  every  respect  behave  in  such  a  manner 
as  will  secure  to  you  the  good-will  and  regard  of  all  those  with  whom  you  are.  If 
you  happen  to  displease  any  of  them,  be  always  ready  to  make  a  frank  apology.  But 
the  best  way  is  to  act  with  so  much  politeness,  good  manners  and  circumspection,  as 
never  to  have  an  occasion  to  make  any  apology.  Your  mother  joins  in  best  love  (o 
you.  Adieu,  my  very  dear  daughter." 

Hamilton's  kindness  of  disposition  and  generosity  were  not  cormned  to  his 
own  family.  He  was  always  ready  to  give  help  to  those  in  trouble;  even  when 
he  could  ill  afford  it.  I  have  a  picture  of  my  mother,  painted  by  "  T.  Earle  in 
1787."  This  precious  relic  is  due  to  the  benevolence  of  my  father.  Mr.  Earle, 
who  was  an  artist  of  reputation,  having  been  imprisoned  for  debt  in  New  York, 
Hamilton  induced  my  mother,  then  about  28  years  of  age,  to  go  to  the  debtors' 
jail  to  sit  for  her  portrait;  and  she  induced  other  ladies  to  do  the  same.  By 
this  means  the  artist  made  a  sufficient  sum  to  pay  his  debts. 

Hamilton  induced  the  Holland  Land  Company  to  give  Mrs.  Robert  Morris,  the 
widow  of  the  eminent  financier  of  the  Revolution,  an  annuity  which  supported 
her  comfortably.  He  also  obtained  for  his  friend,  Col.  Troup,  the  agency  of  that 
Company  in  the  western  part  of  New  York,  by  which  he  became  quite  indepen 
dent  if  not  wealthy. 


REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON.  5 

Col.  Duer,  a  gallant  soldier  of  the  Revolution,  who  gambled  in  the  public 
stocks,  was  ruined  and  sent  to  jail  by  his  creditors,  where  he  remained  for  five 
years.  Hamilton  addressed  to  certain  of  Duer's  creditors  the  following  letter. 

"  DEAR  SIR  : 

''Poor  Duer  has  now  had  a  long  and  severe  confinement,  such  as  would  be  ade 
quate  punishment  for  no  trifling  crime.  I  am  well  aware  of  all  the  blame  to  which  he 
is  liable,  and  do  not  mean  to  be  his  apologist,  though  I  believe  he  has  been  as  much 
the  dupe  of  his  own  imagination  as  others  have  been  victims  of  his  projects.  But 
what  then  ?  He  is  a  man — he  is  man  with  whom  we  have  both  been  in  habits  of 
friendly  intimacy.  He  is  a  man  who,  with  a  great  deal  of  good  zeal,  in  critical  times 
rendered  valuable  services  to  the  country.  He  is  a  husband,  who  has  a  most  worthy 
and  amiable  wife  perishing  with  chagrin  at  his  situation — your  relative  and  mine, 
lie  is  a  father,  who  has  a  number  of  fine  children  destitute  of  the  means  of  education 
and  support,  every  way  in  need  of  his  future  exertions.  These  are  titles  to  sympa 
thy  which  I  shall  be  mistaken  if  you  do  not  feel.  You  are  his  creditor,  your  example 
may  influence  others.  He  wants  permission  through  a  letter  of  license  freely  to 
breathe  the  air  for  five  years.  Your  signature  to  the  inclosed  draft  of  one,  will  give 
me  much  pleasure.  Your  obt.  servt. 

a  A.  HAMILTON." 

Hamilton's  means  were  not  at  any  time  large ;  although  at  the  time  of 
his  death  his  income  was  rapidly  improving.  Further  on  I  shall  examine 
the  charge  brought  against  him,  that,  by  keeping  his  friends  informed  of  the 
financial  measures  he  was  about  to  take,  he  enabled  many  of  them  to  amass  enor 
mous  fortunes,  and  will  prove  that  these  charges,  first  invented  and  then  kept 
in  circulation  by  Mr.  Jefferson,  had  no  foundation  in  truth.  But  whatever  he 
may  have  been  accused  of  doing  for  his  friends  ;  no  one,  not  even  Mr.  Jefferson, 
ever  charged  Hamilton  with  having  made  a  fortune  out  of  the  office  of  Secretary 
of  the  Treasury.  After  he  was  admitted  to  the  bar  in  New  York,  and  until  he 
was  called  to  the  Cabinet  of  Washington,  he  practised  in  New  York,  and  was  so 
successful  as  to  be  enabled  to  purchase  certain  houses  and  lots  of  land  in  Wall- 
street,  at  that  time  one  of  the  fashionable  dwelling  quarters.  These  houses 
were,  however,  sold  while  he  held  the  office  of  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  and 
the  balance,  after  paying  a  mortgage  on  them,  went  to  the  support  of  his  family, 
for  which  his  salary,  three  thousand  dollars,  was  insufficient.  When  he  returned 
to  his  practice  after  his  resignation,  he  formed  an  arrangement  with  Messrs. 
Thomas  L.  Ogden  and  Ludlow  Ogden,  two  brothers,  by  which  they  performed 
the  duty  of  attorney  and  received  all  the  emoluments  thereof,  while  Ham 
ilton  received  the  counsel  fees.  The  arrangement  was  thus  represented  to  me 
in  the  year  1803  by  Mr.  Washington  Morton,  a  lawyer  in  good  standing,  who 
had  married  my  mother's  sister.  On  a  visit  to  the  Grange,  my  uncle  told  me 
that  the  Messrs.  Odgen  were  receiving  a  very  large  amount  as  the  Attorneys 
of  my  father's  business,  of  which  he  received  no  part,  whereas  if  he  were  to  re 
ceive  only  one  half  of  the  sum  his  profits  would  be  vastly  increased.  He  then 
intimated  that  he  would  be  much  pleased  to  make  an  arrangement  with  my 


6  REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON. 

father,  as  his  attorney,  on  such  terms.  I  asked  him  why  he  did  not  propose  it. 
He  said  he  did  not  wish  to  interfere  in  the  matter,  but  at  the  same  time  he  ex 
pressed  a  wish  that  I  should  make  the  proposition  for  him  to  my  father. 

While  we  were  living  at  the  Grange  I  used  to  drive  out  with  my  father,  and 
often  accompanied  him  when  he  dined  with  his  friend  Gouverneur  Morris.  Dur 
ing  one  of  these  drives,  soon  after  my  conversation  with  my  uncle,  I  told  my 
father  what  I  had  learned,  and  made  the  suggestion  which  Mr.  Morton  had  re 
quested.  He  replied  without  hesitation,  "  No,  my  son;  if  I  received  a  part  of 
the  profits  of  that  business,  I  should  be  responsible  for  it ;  as  I  cannot  attend 
to  it,  I  cannot  consent  to  receive  what  I  do  not  earn."  I  think  it  was  during 
the  same  drive  that  he  related  the  following  anecdotes  which,  though  not  strictly 
in  place  here,  may  be  inserted  as  giving  a  similar  illustration  of  his  integrity ; 
"  When  I  first  came  to  the  bar  I  happened  to  be  in  court  when  a  woman  was 
arraigned  as  a  thief,  who  pleaded  'not  guilty.'  She  had  no  counsel,  and  the 
court  assigned  me  to  that  duty.  I  asked  her  what  defence  she  had.  She  re 
plied  that  she  had  none.  The  prosecution  went  on  to  prove  the  charge  by  cir 
cumstantial  evidence ;  when  that  was  closed  the  case  was  to  be  argued.  I 
opened  to  the  jury,  and  after  endeavoring  to  destroy  the  connection  of  the  cir 
cumstances,  I  said  :  '  Gentlemen  of  the  jury  ;  Woman  is  weak,  and  requires 
the  protection  of  man ;'  and  upon  this  theme  I  attempted  to  awaken  the 
sympathies  of  the  jury,  and  with  such  success  that  I  obtained  a  verdict  of  '  not 
guilty.'  I  then  determined  that  I  would  never  again  take  up  a  cause  in  which 
I  was  convinced  I  ought  not  to  prevail."  On  another  occasion  a  man  from 
Long  Island  called  upon  him  to  retain  him  in  a  suit  brought  by  the  heirs  of 
an  estate  of  which  he  was  the  executor.  He  placed  on  the  writing  table  near 
my  father  a  large  fee  in  gold,  and  then  stated  his  case.  Hamilton  pushed  the 
gold  back  to  him,  and  said,  "I  will  not  be  retained  by  you  in  such  a  cause. 
Take  your  money  ;  go  home  and  settle  without  delay  with  the  heirs,  as  you  are 
in  justice  bound  to  do." 

The  following  letter,  addressed  by  Hamilton  to  Mr.  Gouverneur  in  1792,  is 
worthy  of  attention  as  manifesting  a  proper  sensibility  to  the  character  of  his 
profession : 

'•  Mr.  B.  last  evening  delivered  me  your  letter,  enclosing  a  copy  of  your  corre 
spondence  with  Mr.  Lewis."  *  *  *  "In  one  other  respect  I  feel  myself  pain 
fully  situated,  having  received  a  favorable  impression  of  your  character.  I  am  sorry 
to  observe  any  thing  to  have  come  from  you  which  I  am  obliged  to  consider  as  ex 
ceptionable.  Your  second  letter  to  Mr.  Lewis  contains  a  general  and  of  course  an 
unjustifiable  reflection  on  the  profession  to  which  I  belong,  and  of  a  nature  to  put  it 
out  of  my  power  to  render  you  any  service  in  the  line  of  that  profession.  I  readily 
believe  you  did  not  attend  to  the  full  force  of  the  expression  when  you  tell  Mr. 
Lewis,  'Attorneys  like  to  make  the  most  of  their  bills  of  costs,'  but  it  contains  in  it 
ether  insinuations  which  cannot  be  pleasing  to  any  man  in  the  profession,  and  what 
must  oblige  any  one  that  has  proper  delicacy  to  decline  the  business  of  a  person  who 
professedly  entertains  such  an  idea  of  the  conduct  of  this  profession.  I  make  allow- 


REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.    HAMILTON.  7 

ance  for  your  feelings  when  you  wrote  that  letter,  and  am  therefore  reluctantly  drawn 
into  these  observations." 

Acting,  as  Hamilton  uniformly  did,  upon  such  principles,  it  will  not  be  sur 
prising  that  he  was  long  in  reaching  a  point  where  his  earnings  were  in  any 
proper  proportion  to  his  great  abilities  or  to  his  unflagging  industry. 

James  Madison,  the  Fourth  President  of  the  United  States,  and  the 
associate  of  Hamilton  in  writing  The  Federalist,  fifteen  days  after  his  former 
intimate  friend  had  withdrawn  from  the  Department  of  the  Treasury,  addressed 
a  letter  to  Mr.  Jefferson,  dated  February  15,  1795,  in  which  he  says :  "  It  is 
pompously  announced  in  the  newspapers  that  poverty  drives  Hamilton  lack  to  the 
bar  for  a  livelihood"  This  unworthy  insinuation  is  best  answered  by  the  follow 
ing  facts  : 

When  Hamilton  was  a  delegate  from  New  York  to  Congress,  he  addressed 
the  following  letter  to  Governor  Clinton : 

"  PHILADELPHIA,  December  18, 1782. 

"DEAR  SIR:  I  shall  very  shortly  be  out  of  cash,  and  shall  be  much  obliged  to  you 
to  forward  me  the  State  allowance.  It  will  answer  as  well  in  Mr.  Morris's  notes  as 
in  specie,  provided  the  notes  have  not  more  than  a  fortnight  or  so  to  run.  It  will 
be  better  if  they  are  due.  A  disappointment  in  this  will  greatly  embarrass  me,  and 
from  what  your  Excellency  said,  I  take  it  for  granted  it  cannot  happen.  Nothing  new 
except  a  probable  account  of  the  evacuation  of  Charleston.  I  have  the  honor  to  be, 
with  great  esteem, 

"  Your  most  obedient  servant." 

On  the  30th  September,  1791,  Hamilton,  then  Secretary  of  the  Treasury, 
wrote  thus  to  a  friend  : 

"DEAR  SIR  :  If  you  can  conveniently  let  me  have  twenty  dollars  for  a  few  dnys, 
be  so  good  as  to  send  it  by  the  bearer.  I  have  just  put  myself  out  of  cash  by  pay 
ment  of  Major  I'Enfants'.bill." 

"  Memorandum  by  the  lender : — '  Gave  a  check  dated  September  30, 1791,  for  fifty 
dollars.' " 

Talleyrand  remarked  to  a  friend  :  "  I  have  beheld  one  of  the  wonders  of    i 
the  world.     I  have  seen  a  man  who  has  made  the  fortune  of  a  nation  laboring    I/ 
all  night  to  support  his  family." 

Talleyrand  came  to  this  country  in  1794,  with  a  letter  of  introduction  to 
Hamilton  from  Mrs.  Church,  the  sister  of  Mrs.  Hamilton.  He  had  occasion  to 
pass  Hamilton's  office  late  at  night  and  early  in  the  morning,  and  each  time  saw 
Hamilton's  lamp  burning.*  My  father  was  so  poor  at  his  death  that  his  pro- 

*  Mr.  George  Ticknor,  in  a  letter  dated  January,  1819,  writes:  "'Talking  with  Prince 
Talleyrand  about  his  visit  to  America,  he  expressed  the  highest  admiration  of  Hamilton, 
saying,  among  other  things,  that  he  had  known  nearly  all  the  marked  men  of  his  time;  but 
that  he  had  never  known  one,  on  the  whole,  equal  to  him.  I  was  much  surprised  and  grati 
fied  by  the  remark,  but  still  feeling  that  as  an  American  I  was  in  some  sort  a  party  concerned 
by  patriotism  in  the  compliment,  I  answered  with  a  little  reserve,  that  the  great  military  com 
manders  and  statesmen  of  Europe  had  dealt  with  larger  masses  and  wider  interests  than  he 
had.  '  Mais,  Monsieur  ! '  the  Prince  instantly  replied,  'Hamilton  avait  divine  1'Europe  !'  " 


REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON. 

perty  was  not  sufficient  to  pay  his  debts.     Several  of  his  friends  advanced 
money  for  that  purpose. 

TIMOTIIY  PICKERING  TO  GENERAL  WASHINGTON. 

"  TEENTON,  October  20,  1798. 

"  SIR  :  Recollecting  your  anxiety  that  General  Pinckney  might  feel  satisfied  with 
the  military  arrangements  of  general  officers  proposed  by  you,  I  seize  the  first 
moment  to  relieve  you  from  it.  This  morning  Mr.  McHenry  has  received  from 
General  Hamilton  a  letter  dated  yesterday,  in  which  is  the  following  passage. 
After  mentioning  the  arrival  of  General  Pinckney,  General  Hamilton  says  :  '  You 
will  learn  with  pleasure  that  he  sent  me  a  message  by  young  Rutledge,  purporting 
his  entire  satisfaction  with  the  military  arrangements  and  readiness  to  serve  under 
my  command.  Communicate  this  to  our  friends  Pickering  and  "Walcott,  as  I  am  not 
well  enough  to  write  them  by  this  post.'  I  think  in  a  former  letter  I  expressed  my 
self  confidently  that  General  Pinckney 's  good  sense  and  patriotism,  joined  with  his 
great  respect  for  you,  would  ensure  his  satisfaction  with  your  arrangement.  The 
correspondence  between  Talleyrand  and  Gerry,  concerning  X.  Y.  &  Z.,  you  will 
recollect  offended  the  delicacy  of  the  latter  gentleman,  who  avowed  himself  by  the 
name  of  Ilanteval,  and  addressed  to  Talleyrand  a  letter  declaring  '  that  his  delicacy 
could  not  but  be  severely  hurt  to  see  himself,  under  the  appellation  of  Z,  performing 
a  part  in  the  company  with  certain  intriguers,  whose  object  doubtless  was  to  derive 
advantage  from  the  credulity  of  the  American  envoys,  and  to  make  them  their 
dupes.'  The  quality  of  this  gentleman's  delicacy  you  will  see  in  the  following  extract 
of  a  letter  from  Mr.  King,  which  I  received  this  morning.  'Colonel  Trumbull,  who 
was  at  Paris  soon  after  the  arrival  there  of  the  commissioners,  has  more  than  once 
informed  me  that  Hauteval  told  him  that  both  the  douceur  and  the  loan  were  indis 
pensable,  and  urged  him  to  employ  his  influence  with  the  American  Commissioners 
to  offer  the  bribe  as  well  as  the  loan.'  The  corruption  of  these  scoundrels  is 
unbounded.  In  the  publication  of  the  despatches  from  our  envoys,  although  not 
enjoined  secrecy  in  respect  to  Mr.  Hauteval,  yet  as  the  envoys  mentioned  him  with 
respectful  language,  I  voluntarily  substituted  Z  for  his  proper  name. 

"  I  am  with  great  respect,  sir,  your  most  obedient  servant,  &c." 

At  a  dinner  party  in  New  York,  shortly  after  the  close  of  the  Revolutionary 
war,  at  which  were  present  Messrs.  G.  Morris,  John  Jay,  R.  Harrison,  John  Dela- 
field,  Robert  Lenox,  Nicholas  Law, I.  O.Hoffmann  and  Alexander  Hamilton, 
the  question  was  discussed  whether  the  purchase  of  wild  lands  or  of  lots  in  the 
suburbs  of  the  city  would  be  the  more  profitable  investment.  John  Jay  was 
in  favor  of  New  York,  and  made  purchases  there,  and  as  his  means  enabled  him 
to  hold  his  lots,  his  speculation  made  him  rich.  Hoffmann  also  bought  land  in 
the  vicinity  of  the  city.  Some  of  the  others,  including  my  father,  took  the 
opposite  view,  and  invested  in  the  lands  in  the  northern  counties  of  the  State. 
The  wild  lands  were  purchased  at  a  few  cents  the  acre,  but  they  were  not  settled 
very  rapidly.*  After  the  death  of  Hamilton,  it  was  found,  as  I  have  already 

*  It  is  said  that  the  State  of  New  York  sold  about  seven  millions  of  acres  at  eight  cents 
an  acre. 


REMINISCENCES    OP    JAMES    A.   HAMILTON.  9 

said,  that  his  means  were  not  equal  to  the  payment  of  his  debts,  and  several 
friends  therefore  advanced  money  for  that  purpose,  taking  these  lands  in  pay 
ment. 

Having  learned  that  Major  William  Popham,  one  of  the  gentlemen  who  had 
shown  this  kindness  to  my  father,  was  at  an  advanced  period  of  life  in  poor  cir 
cumstances,  I  addressed  him  the  following  letter  : 


YORK,  October  14,  1824. 

"  MY  DEAR  SIR  :  I  was  this  day  for  the  first  time  informed  by  a  person  who  be 
came  acquainted  with  the  circumstance  at  the  time  it  occurred,  that  you  advanced 
one  hundred  dollars  to  pay  my  father's  debts.  The  gratitude  that  is  due  to  you 
from  every  member  of  his  family  for  this  generous  act  can  never  be  effaced.  You 
must  therefore  believe  that  I  do  not  send  you  the  enclosed  checque  for  the  same 
sum  in  the  hope  of  cancelling  what  is  due  to  you,  but  in  obedience  to  the  sacred 
injunction  of  my  father,  and  because  under  present  circumstances  it  may  promote 
your  convenience. 

"I  requested  Mr.  Pendleton,  one  of  my  father's  executors,  to  inform  me  of  the 
arrangements  made  to  pay  my  father's  debts,  for  at  that  time  I  was  but  young.  He 
informed  me  witli  reluctance  that  my  father's  lands  in  Scriba's  Patent  had  been 
taken  by  certain  gentlemen  in  this  city,  whose  names  he  would  not  mention,  at. 
prices  which,  he  said,  were  perhaps  a  little  more  than  they  were  worth  at  the  time. 
These  gentlemen  hoped  with  the  amount  thus  raised,  and  the  sums  due  my  father,  to 
pay  his  debts  and  leave  the  Grange  clear  for  his  family. 

"I  mention  this  to  show  you  that  I  have  not  been  indifferent  to  this  very  delicate- 
matter,  and  that  if  in  my  course  through  life  I  should  have  come  in  collision  with< 
any  of  those  persons  (with  you,  T  am  happy  to  say,  I  am  sure  I  have  not)  to  whom. 
I  am  indebted  for  these  or  similar  acts  of  generous  devotion  to  my  lather's  memory,, 
it  has  been  in  ignorance,  and  must  always  be  to  me  a  subject  of  deep  and  mortifying. 
regret. 

"With  great  regard,  your  friend  and  obedient  servant, 

"  JAMES  A.  HAMILTON." 

During  a  visit  I  made  to  Boston,  I  was  the  guest  of  the  Hon.  George  Cabot.. 
He  then  related  to  me  the  following  anecdote  as  to  the  French  Minister  Genet.. 
The  conduct  of  this  French  Minister  was  most  outrageous  ;  so  much  so  that 
Washington,  after  long  forbearance,  under  the  urgent  advice  of  his  friends,. 
decided  to  give  him  notice  that  the  Government  would  hold  no  further  official 
intercourse  with  him.  This,  which  was  then  considered  a  very  hazardous- 
measure,  it  was  believed  would  require  the  support  of  all  the  friends  of  the 
administration.  John  Adams,  the  Vice-president,  was  considered  a  very  uncer 
tain  man,  and  the  task  was  committed  to  me  to  take  care  that  ho  should  not  go 
wrong  on  this  occasion.  I  accordingly  called  upon  Mr.  Adams  in  the  morning; 
at  an  early  hour,  and  after  a  few  incidental  remarks,  said  : 

"  Mr.  Adams,  this  French  Minister's  conduct  seems  to  me  to  be  most  objection 
able." 

MR.  ADAMS.  —  "  Objectionable  ?    It  is  audacious,  Sir!  " 


10  REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON. 

ME.  CABOT.—"  I  think  if  you  were  President,  you  would  not  permit  him  to  per 
form  his  office  very  long !  " 

ME.  ADAMS. — "  Not  an  hour,  Sir !     I  would  dismiss  him  immediately." 

MR.  CABOT.—"  I  wish  you  would  allow  me  to  say  to  the  President  that  such  are 
your  views !  " 

ME.  ADAMS.— "  Certainly,  Sir!  I  will  say  so  to  the  President  myself,  when  I 
see  him." 

The  work  was  done.  Before  night,  it  was  known  that  Genet  was  dismissed, 
and  Mr.  Adams  was  gratified  to  believe  his  opinion  had  influenced  the  course 
of  the  President.  This  is  the  inside  view  of  one  of  the  events  of  Washington's 
administration.  When  Fauchet,  Genet's  successor,  arrived,  it  was  ascertained 
that  he  came  with  orders  to  send  the  disgraced  Minister  home,  and  it  was 
reported  that  measures  were  in  progress  to  take  him  by  force,  put  him  on  board 
a  vessel,  and  send  him  to  France.  The  Minister  was  informed  by  our  govern 
ment  that  this  could  not  be  done.  It  was  next  suggested  that  a  party  should 
be  given  on  board  a  French  war-vessel  then  in  the  Delaware  river,  to  which  Genet 
should  be  invited,  and  that  when  he  was  once  under  the  French  flag,  he  should 
be  detained  and  carried  off.  This  plan  was  submitted  to  our  government. 
Hamilton  earnestly  advised  the  President  that  the  French  Minister  should  be 
informed  "that  no  such  stratagem  could  be  permitted,"  on  the  ground  that  if 
lie  were  taken  to  France  he  would  be  executed,  and  the  President's  connivance 
would  be  sure  to  be  imputed  by  his  enemies  to  motives  of  resentment.  This 
advice  was  adopted,  and  Genet  remained  in  this  country.  He  married  a 
daughter  of  George  Clinton,  Governor  of  the  State  of  New  York,  and  left  a 
family  of  children. 

GOVERNOR  CLINTON  AND  THE  FEDERALISTS. 

I  also  remember  this  little  personal  anecdote  of  Governor  Clinton.  The 
'Convention  called  to  discuss  the  question  of  the  adoption  of  the  Federal  Con 
stitution  by  the  State  of  New  York,  met  at  Poughkeepsie  in  the  summer  of 
1788.  Two  thirds  of  the  members  were  opposed  to  adoption.  Governor  Clinton 
was  elected  to  preside.  The  debates  ran  very  high,  and  Clinton,  unable  to 
•contain  his  impatience  under  the  arguments  of  the  Federalists,  rose  from  his 
seat,  and,  leaving  the  room,  walked  for  some  time  up  and  down  the  piazza. 

GENERAL  HENRY  CLINTON. 

General  Clinton,  .Commander-in- Chief  of  the  British  forces  in  America, 
while  New  York  was  in  possession  of  the  English,  lived  at  the  corner  of  Broad 
way  and  what  is  now  called  Battery-Place.  At  that  time  the  water  of  the 
Hudson  washed  the  west  end  of  the  yard  or  garden  attached  to  that  house, 
where  there  was  a  summer-house  in  which  Clinton  was  in  the  habit  of  taking 
a  nap  in  the  afternoon.  The  famous  Light-horse  Lee,  hearing  of  this  habit, 
formed  a  plan  to  cross  the  Hudson  to  the  foot  of  the  garden  at  low  tide,  land, 
.and  seize  the  General  while  asleep  and  carry  him  off  prisoner.  "When  all  was 


REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON.  11 

arranged,  Lee  informed  General  Washington  of  his  purpose.  Washington 
consulted  Hamilton,  who  promptly  advised  the  General  to  forbid  it ;  "for,"  said 
he,  "  should  Clinton  be  made  a  prisoner  it  would  be  our  misfortune,  since  the 
British  Government  could  not  find  another  commander  so  incompetent  to  se^d 
in  his  place." 

The  following  incidents,  relating  to  my  father's  professional  life  in  New 
York,  may  be  stated  here.  "  On  one  occasion,  when  Hamilton  went  to  the  poll 
in  the  Seventh  Ward,  he  was  attacked  by  a  well-known  rough,  named  Tunis 
Wortman,  who  called  him  a  Tory,  swore  that  he  ran  away  from  the  British 
Army,  and  endeavored  to  prevent  him  from  addressing  the  people  as  he  had  in 
tended.  Hamilton  told  Wortman  to  call  out  one  of  the  leaders  of  his  party  to 
discuss  with  him  the  subject  then  before  the  people.  Two  or  three  months 
afterwards  Tunis  was  prosecuted  for  a  serious  offence,  and  he  came  to  Hamilton 
to  engage  him  to  defend  his  cause.  This  Hamilton  consented  to  do,  but  re 
fused  the  fee  that  was  offered ;  and  as  Wortman  was  taking  his  leave,  my  father 
said  to  him,  '  Tunis,  why  don't  you  employ  B.  or  M.  ? '  '  Oh,  Colonel,'  said 
he,  '  I  served  in  your  company  during  the  war,  and  I  know  you  will  do  me  jus 
tice  in  spite  of  my  rudeness.'  '  Yes,  Tunis,'  replied  Hamilton,  *  I  have  not 
forgotten  you.  I  remember  you  as  the  only  man  I  ever  ordered  to  be  punished 
for  disobedience.' '' 

In  the  case  of  the  People  against  Croswell,  the  editor  of  a  newspaper,  who 
was  indicted  for  a  libel  upon  President  Jefferson,  Ambrose  Spencer,  Attorney- 
General,  was  the  prosecutor,  and  Hamilton  appeared  for  the  defendant.  The 
defence  rested  upon  a  question  of  law.  Judge  Lord  Mansfield  had  decided 
that  the  truth  could  not  be  given  in  evidence,  for  according  to  that  great  authori 
ty,  the  greater  the  truth,  the  greater  the  libel.  Hamilton,  when  the  trial  came 
on,  proposed  to  give  the  truth  in  evidence.  This  was  resisted,  and  the  judge, 
in  obedience  to  the  well-received  law  of  that  day,  rejected  the  evidence.  The 
case  was  carried  up  to  the  Supreme  Court  upon  this  decision  and  argued  at 
the  bar.  Hamilton's  definition  of  a  libel  was  in  these  words  :  "  A  libel  is  a 
censorious  or  a  ridiculous  writing,  picture  or  sign,  made  with  a  mischievous  or 
malicious  intent  towards  governments,  magistrates  or  individuals."  This  was  ulti 
mately  adopted  by  the  Court,  enacted  by  a  statute  and  introduced  into  the  Con 
stitution  of  this  State  in  1822.  In  the  same  argument  Hamilton  defined  the  liber 
ty  of  the  Press  to  consist  "  in  publishing  the  truth  from  good  motives  and  for 
justifiable  ends,  though  it  reflect  on  magistrates,  governments  or  individuals,  and 
if  so  published,  the  truth  may  be  given  in  evidence."  The  Court,  consisting  or 
dinarily  of  five  judges,  though  at  that  time  there  were  four  present,  were  divid 
ed  in  opinion  on  the  question.  Judges  Lewis  and  Livingston  were  of  opinion 
that  the  truth  was  no  justification.  Judges  Thompson  and  Kent  were  of  opinion 
that  it  was  when  published  with  good  motives  and  for  justifiable  ends,  and  they 
of  course  sustained  Hamilton's  views. 

John  Johnston,  a  merchant  of  high  standing  in  New  York,  kept  a  common 
place  book  from  which  I  copy  the  following  item  : 


12  REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON. 

"I  was  present  when  Hamilton  made  his  justly  celebrated  speech  in  the  Su 
preme  Court  of  the  State  of  Ne\v  York  in  defence  of  Croswell,  who  was  tried  for 
publishing  a  libel  on  Mr.  Jefferson,  then  President  of  the  United  States.  It  was  indeed 
a  most  extraordinary  effort  of  human  genius.  Never,  ala?,  shall  I  again  be  charmed 
by  the  accents  of  that  tongue,  now  cold  in  the  grave.  There  was  not,  I  do  believe, 
a  dry  eye  in  court,  and  yet  the  subject  had  nothing  of  the  pathetic  in  it,  nor  was 
there  the  least  appearance  of  an  attempt  to  excite  the  tender  feelings  of  the  audience. 
The  beautiful  and  tender  manner  in  which  he  spoke  of  the  character  of  General 
Washington,  and  the  affecting  appeal  he  made  to  every  one  present,  whether,  under 
our  present  government,  the  inost  worthless  part  of  the  community  did  not  usurp 
the  situation  of  the  most  deserving  and  meritorious,  produced  an  effect  that  literally 
threw  the  audience  into  tears." 

In  the  great  case  of  Le  Gucu,  Gouverneur,  and  Kemble,  which  was  ultimate 
ly  decided  in  the  Court  of  Errors,  so  deep  was  the  interest  from  the  array  of 
counsel — Hamilton,  Burr  and  others  for  Le  Gueu,  Gouverneur  Morris  and 
others  for  Gouverneur  and  Kemble — that  the  Court  permitted  the  counsel  to 
speak  again  and  again,  out  of  the  ordinary  course.  Morris's  commanding  figure, 
melodious  voice  and  authoritative  manner,  made  a  great  impression.  After 
speaking  in  praise  of  what  Hamilton  had  said,  he  used  these  words  :  "  Before 
I  have  done  I  am  confident  I  shall  make  my  learned  friend  cry  out,  '  Help  me, 
Cassius  (pointing  to  Burr),  or  I  sink.'  "  When  Hamilton's  turn  came  to  reply, 
he  treated  Morris  with  great  courtesy,  reviewed  his  arguments  without  mercy — 
exposing  all  their  weakness,  and  then  alluded  to  the  boast  of  his  friend  in  a 
strain  of  irony  that  turned  the  laughter  of  the  Court  and  audience  against 
him.  This  so  deeply  offended  Morris  that  years  afterward,  at  his  own  house, 
referring  to  that  discussion,  he  said  to  me,  u  I  never  forgave  your  father  for  his 
speech  on  that  occasion." 

On  the  same  day  after  the  court  had  closed,  there  was  a  dinner  given  to  the 
counsel,  judges  and  others,  by  Stephen  Van  Rensselaer,  of  Albany,  the  Patroon. 
Hamilton  went  to  his  father-in-law's,  General  Schuyler's,  to  dress  for  dinner,  Mor 
ris  and  the  rest  to  the  Patroon's.  When  Hamilton  arrived,  Van  Rensselaer 
met  him  at  the  door,  and  to  put  him  on  Iris  guard  informed  him  that  Morris  was 
in  a  very  bad  humor.  Hamilton  went  into  the  room,  approached  Morris  most 
amiably,  and  said  :  "  My  friend,  you  will  rejoice,  I  hope,  that  by  Cassius's  help 
I  meet  you  here  with  our  friends  at  dinner  !  "  Morris  was  not  proof  against 
the  bonhomrnie  of  this  attack;  he  swallowed  his  resentment  for  awhile  and  the 
party  passed  off  pleasantly.  Morris  was  full  of  resources  and  remarkable  for 
his  colloquial  powers,  and  made  a  much  better  impression  at  the  dinner-table  than 
as  an  advocate  in  court. 

This  reminds  me  of  what  George  Cabot  told  me  when  I  was  staying  at  his 
house  in  Boston. 

"I  never  give  dinners ;  but  Morris  came  to  Boston,  and  having  known  him  well 
in  the  good  old  times,  I  felt  it  due  to  him  to  make  up  a  party  fur  him.  I  invited 
Fisher  Ames  to  meet  him,  with  Harrison  Gray  Otis,  and  others  of  that  stamp.  After 


REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.    HAMILTON.  13 

the  cloth  was  removed  I  introduced  as  a  subject  of  conversation,  '  How  long  can 
Great  Britain  sustain  her  load  of  debt?'  I  briefly  expressed  my  own  views:  all 
waited  to  hear  Morris,  who,  with  great  force  and  knowledge  of  the  subject,  presented 
his.  When  he  had  finished  there  was  a  pause  ;  we  drank,  and  all  eyes  were  turned 
to  Ames,  who  was  admitted  to  be  our  best  talker.  As  you  know,  he  was  then  in 
feeble  health,  and  he  began  in  his  low,  melodious  tone  with  evident  weakness,  to  ex 
press  his  views,  which  differed  widely  from  those  of  Morris.  He  was  thoroughly 
acquainted  with  the  subject,  which,  by  the  way,  was  very  frequently  discussed  at 
that  time  ;  and  talked  in  his  best  vein  with  singular  clearness  and  eloquence.  Mor 
ris  was  all  attention.  I  watched  him  closely.  The  first  clear  indication  on  his  coun 
tenance  of  what  was  passing  in  his  mind  was — 'He  talks  well.'  The  next — 'He 
talks  as  well  as  I  do.'  And  at  last,  as  Ames  warmed  with  his  subject,  '  He  talks 
better  than  I  do." 

Cabot  I  remember  well.  He  was  one  of  the  best  talkers  of  the  day,  and  one 
of  the  most  intelligent,  upright,  amiable  and  excellent  of  men.  He  was  in 
public  life  during  the  first  two  administrations. 

The  following  is  a  letter  by  Hamilton  to  a  young  friend,  who  communi 
cated  it  anonymously  to  the  editor  of  the  Evening  Post. 

"April  13,  1804. 

"  DEAR  SIE  :  The  Post  of  to-day  brought  me  a  letter  from  you,  and  another  from 
Mr. .  I  have  no  doubt  but  the  latter  would  serve  you  if  he  could;  but  he  can 
not',  at  this  time. 

"  On  the  whole,  I  would  advise  you  to  return  to  New  York,  and  accept  any 
respectable  employment  in  your  way,  till  an  opportunity  of  something  better  shall 
occur.  'Tis  by  patience  and  perseverance  that  we  can  expect  to  vanquish  difficul 
ties,  and  better  an  unpleasant  condition. 

"Arraign  not  the  dispensations  of  Providence  ;  they  must  be  founded  in  wisdom 
and  goodness  ;  and  when  they  do  not  suit  us  it  must  be  because  there  is  some  fault 
in  ourselves  which  deserves  chastisement,  or  because  there  is  a  kind  intent  to  cor 
rect  in  us  some  vice  or  failing  of  which,  perhaps,  we  may  not  be  conscious  ;  or  be 
cause  the  general  plan  requires  that  we  should  suffer  partial  ill. 

"  In  this  situation,  it  is  our  duty  to  cultivate  resignation  and  even  humility,  bear 
ing  in  mind,  in  the  language  of  the  poet,  that  it  was  ''Pride  which  lost  the  blest 
abodes.'' 

"  With  esteem  and  regard,  &c. " 

ALEXANDER  HAMILTON  AND  JOHN  WELLS. 

The  last  was  a  very  distinguished  lawyer  at  the  New  York  bar.  Among 
his  private  papers  was  recently  found  a  lock  of  Hamilton's  hair.  On  the 
paper  containing  it  was  the  following  endorsement  in  the  handwriting  of  John 
Wells. 

"A  lock  of  the  hair  of  that  head  which,  filled  with  the  brightest  intellect,  en 
lightened  every  subject  on  which  it  cast  its  beams.  I  cherish  it  with  the  warmest 
devotion  as  a  relic  which  calls  to  mind  all  that  is  great  and  good  and  amiable  in 
the  human  character.  " 


14  REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON. 

I  have  italicised  such  parts  of  the  following  letters,  written  by  my  father 
to  my  aunt  Mrs.  Church,  in  London,  as  refer  to  his  pecuniary  condition,  to  prove 
that  the  implied  imputation  of  Madison,  above  stated,  was  as  groundless  as  it 
was  malicious. 

ALEXANDER  HAMILTON  TO  IITS  SISTER,  MRS.  CHURCH,  IN  LONDON. 

"  PHILADELPHIA,  December  8,  1794. 

"  You  say  I  am  a  politician,  and  good  for  nothing.  What  will  you  say  when 
you  learn  that  after  January  next,  I  shall  cease  to  be  a  politician  at  all  ?  So  is  the 
fact.  I  have  formally  and  definitely  announced  my  intention  to  resign  at  that  period, 
and  have  ordered  a  house  to  be  taken  for  me  at  New  York. 

"  My  dear  Eliza  has  been  lately  very  ill.  Thank  God,  she  is  now  quite  recovered, 
except  that  she  continues  somewhat  weak.  My  absence  on  a  certain  expedition 
was  the  cause  (with  army  to  suppress  the  whisky  insurrection  in  Pennsylvania). 
Yon  will  see,  notwithstanding  your  disparagement  of  me,  I  am  still  of  consequence 
to  her. 

"Liancourt  has  arrived,  and  has  delivered  your  letter.  I  pay  him  the  attentions 
due  to  his  misfortunes  and  his  merits.  I  wish  I  was  a  Croesus  ;  I  might  then  afford 
solid  consolations  to  these  children  of  adversity,  and  how  delightful  it  would  be  to 
do  so.  But  now,  sympathy,  kind  words,  and  occasionally  a  dinner,  are  all  I  can  con 
tribute. 

"  Don't  let  Mr.  Church  be  alarmed  at  my  retreat — all  is  well  with  the  public. 
Our  insurrection  is  most  happily  terminated.  Government  has  gained  by  it  repu 
tation  and  strength,  and  our  finances  are  in  a  most  flourishing  condition.  Having 
contributed  to  place  those  of  the  Nation  on  a  good  footing,  I  go  to  tale  a  little  care  of 
my  own  ;  ichich  need  my  care  not  a  little. 

"  Love  to  Mr.  Church.    Betsy  will  add  a  line  or  two.     Adieu." 

SAME  TO  SAME. 

"•  ALBANY,  March  6,  1795. 

"  To  indulge  in  my  domestic  happiness  the  more  freely,  was  with  me  a  principal 
motive  for  relinquishing  an  office  in  which  'tis  said  I  have  gained  some  glory,  and  the 
difficulties  of  which  had  just  been  subdued.  Eliza  and  our  children  are  with  me 
here  at  your  father's  house,  who  is  himself  at  New  York  attending  the  Legislature. 
We  remain  here  till  June,  when  we  become  stationary  at  New  York,  where  I  resume 
the  practice  of  the  law.  For,  my  dear  sister,  I  tell  you  without  regret  what  I  hope 
you  anticipate,  that  I  am  poorer  than  ichen  I  went  into  office.  I  allot  myself  full  four 
or  six  years  of  more  work  than  will  be  pleasant,  though  much  less  than  I  have  had 
for  the  last  five  years." 

Hamilton,  in  a  private  letter  dated  June  26,  1792,  wrote  thus  : 
"  The  Legislature  might  reasonably  restrain  its  officers  from  future  buying  and 
selling  of  stock,  but,  could  not  reasonably  prevent  them  making  a  disposition  of 
property  which  they  had  previously  acquired  according  to  the  laws  of  their  country. 
All  my  property  in  the  funds  is  about  800  dollars  3  per  cents.  These  at  a  certain  period 
I  should  have  sold  had  I  not  been  unwilling  to  give  occasion  to  cavil."  * 

*  This  stock  was  sold  by  Mr.  Wolcot  to  pay  Hamilton's  small  debts  when  he  left  Phila 
delphia. 


REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON.  15 

The  following  letter,  dated  April  21st,  1797,  was  addressed  by  Philip  Ham 
ilton  to  his  father  Alexander  Hamilton  at  Albany. 

"DEAK  PAPA:  I  just  now  received  the  enclosed  letter  from  grandpapa 
(Schuyler),  in  answer  to  a  letter  I  wrote  to  him,  in  which  he  has  enclosed  to  me 
three  receipts  for  shares  in  the  Tontine  Tavern,  amounting  to  £100. 1  have  given  the 
receipts  to  mamma. 

tk  I  delivered  my  speech  to  Dr.  Johnson  to  examine.  He  has  no  objection  to  my 
speaking ;  but  he  has  blotted  out  that  sentence  which  appears  to  be  the  best  and 
most  animated  in  it;  which  is,  you  may  recollect  it — 

"Americans,  you  have  fought  the  battles  of  mankind  ;  you  have  enkindled  that 
sacred  fire  of  freedom  ichich  is  now"  &c.  Dear  papa,  will  you  be  so  good  as  to  give 
my  thanks  to  grandpapa  for  the  present  he  made  me,  but  above  all  for  the  good 
advice  his  letter  contains — which  I  am  very  sensible  of  its  being  extremely  necessary 
to  me  to  pay  particular  attention  to  in  order  to  be  a  good  man.  I  remain  your  most 
affectionate  son. 

"  P.  S.  You  will  oblige  me  very  much  by  sending  back  the  letter  I  have  enclosed 
to  you." 

A  letter  written  by  A.  Hamilton  to  a  relative  in  Scotland,  in  1799,  who  had 
requested  to  know  some  particulars  of  his  life,  reads  thus  : 

"  I  came  to  this  country  about  the  age  of  sixteen,  and  having  always  had  a 
strong  propensity  to  literary  pursuits,  by  a  course  of  study  and  laborious  exertions  I 
was  able  at  the  age  of  nineteen  to  qualify  myself  for  the  degree  of  Bachelor  of  Arts 
in  the  College  of  New  York,  and  to  lay  a  foundation  by  preparatory  study  of  the 
future  profession  of  the  law.  The  American  Revolution  supervened.  My  principles 
led  me  to  take  part  in  it.  At  nineteen  I  entered  into  the  American  army  as  cap 
tain  of  artillery,  and  shortly  after  I  became,  by  his  invitation,  aid-de-camp  to  Genercl 
Washington ;  in  which  station  I  served  till  the  commencement  of  that  campaign 
which  ended  with  the  siege  of  Yorktown,  Virginia,  and  the  capture  of  Lord  Corn- 
wallis's  army.  This  campaign  I  made  at  the  head  of  a  corps  of  light-infantry,  with 
which  I  was  present  at  the  siege  of  York,  and  engaged  in  some  interesting  opera 
tions.  At  the  period  of  the  peace  with  Great  Britain,  I  found  myself  a  member  of 
Congress  by  appointment  of  the  Legislature  of  this  State.  After  the  peace  I  settled 
in  the  City  of  New  York,  in  the  practice  of  the  law,  and  was  in  a  very  lucrative 
course  of  practice  when  the  derangement  of  our  public  affairs  by  the  feebleness  of 
the  general  confederation  drew  me  again,  reluctantly,  into  public  life.  I  became  a 
member  of  the  Convention  which  framed  the  present  Constitution  of  the  United 
States,  and  having  taken  part  in  this  measure  I  conceived  myself  to  be  under  an  obli 
gation  to  lend  my  aid  towards  putting  the  machine  in  motion.  Hence  I  did  not 
hesitate  to  accept  the  offer  of  President  Washington  to  undertake  the  office  of  Secre 
tary  of  the  Treasury.  In  that  office  I  met  with  many  intrinsic  difficulties  and 
many  artificial  ones,  proceeding  from  passions  not  very  worthy  but  common  to 
human  nature ;  and  which  act  with  peculiar  force  in  republics.  The  object  however 
was  effectual  of  establishing  public  credit  and  introducing  order  into  the  finances. 

• "  Public  office  in  this  country  lias  few  attractions.  The  pecuniary  emolument  is  so 
inconsiderable  as  to  amount  to  a  sacrifice  to  any  man  who  can  employ  his  time  with 
advantage  in  any  liberal  profession.  The  opportunity  of  doing  good,  from  the  jeal- 


1G  REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON. 

ousy  of  power,  and  the  spirit  of  faction,  is  too  small  in  any  station  to  warrant  a 
long  continuance  of  private  sacrifices.  The  enterprises  of  party  had  so  far  succeeded 
as  materially  to  weaken  the  necessary  influence  and  energy  of  the  executive  authority, 
and  so  far  diminished  the  power  of  doing  good  in  that  department,  as  greatly  to  take 
away  the  motives  which  a  virtuous  man  might  have  for  making  such  sacrifices.  The 
prospect  was  even  bad  for  gratifying  in  future  the  love  of  fame,  if  that  passion  was 
to  be  the  spring  of  action.  The  union  of  these  motives  with  the  reflection  of 
prudence  in  relation  to  a  growing  family,  determined  me  as  soon  as  my  plan  had  ob 
tained  a  certain  maturity,  to  withdraw  from  office.  This  I  did  in  the  year  1795,  by 
resignation,  when  I  resumed  the  profession  of  the  law  (as  counsellor)  in  ISTew  York, 
under  every  advantage  I  could  desire. 

"It  is  a  pleasing  reflection  to  me  that  since  the  commencement  of  my  connexion 
with  General  Washington,  to  the  present  time,  I  have  possessed  a  flattering  share  of 
his  confidence  and  friendship.  In  the  year  1780,  I  married  the  second  daughter  of 
General  Schuyler,  a  gentleman  of  one  of  the  best  families  in  this  country,  of  large 
fortune,  and  of  no  less  personal  and  public  consequence.  It  is  impossible  to  be  hap 
pier  than  I  am  in  a  wife,  and  I  have  eight  children,  the  eldest  a  son  somewhat  past 
seventeen,  who  all  promise  well  as  far  as  their  years  permit,  and  promise  me  much 
satisfaction.  Though  I  have  been  too  much  in  public  life  to  be  wealthy,  my  situation 
is  extremely  comfortable,  and  leaves  me  nothing  to  wish  but  a  continuance  of  health. 
With  this  blessing,  the  profits  of  my  profession  and  other  prospects  authorize  an 
expectation  of  such  addition  to  my  resources  as  will  render  the  eve  of  life  easy  and 
agreeable,  so  far  as  may  depend  on  this  consideration." 

The  references  to  houses  and  lots  to  be  hired  or  purchased  for  Mrs.  Church, 
in  these  letters,  calls  to  my  recollection  the  condition  of  the  lower  part  of  Broad 
way  in  these  days.  The  west  side  below  Trinity  Church  was,  with  one  excep 
tion,  built  up  and  occupied  by  gentlemen  of  fortune ;  the  exception  was  the 
south  corner  of  Morris-street,  where  there  was  a  small  gun-shop.  On  the  east 
side  the  same  private  dwellings,  with  two  exceptions,  one  a  shoemaker's,  two 
doors  north  of  my  father's  residence,  the  other  a  small  wooden  house  next  south 
of  Governor  Jay's  house.  This  was  owned  and  occupied  by  Slidell,  a  German 
candle-maker  (the  grandfather  of  the  notorious  John  Slidell).  This  little  man 
was  often  seen  in  the  afternoon  sitting  on  his  wooden  stoop,  in  his  apron  and 
cap,  smoking  his  pipe,  the  dipped  candles  hanging  at  the  window. 

MR.  JEFFERSON,  ms  "  ANA  "  AND  ins  LETTERS. 

Jefferson  inf  his  writings,  Vol.  4,  pp.  446,  447,  referring  to  the  funding 
system,  says  :  "  This  game  was  over,  and  another  was  on  the  carpet  at  the 
moment  of  my  arrival."  (This  is  not  correct.)  His  arrival  at  the  seat  of 
Government  was  in  March,  1790,  as  he  states.  The  funding  Act  was  not  passed 
until  August  following.  It  cannot  be  believed  that,  during  the  four  months  he 
was  in  the  Cabinet,  he  was  ignorant  of  the  proposed  financial  measures ;  they 
were,  at  that  time;  the  most  interesting  questions  presented  for  consideration. 
"  This  fiscal  manoeuvre  is  well  known  by  the  name  of  the  assumption."  *  * 


REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON.  17 

"And  the  more  debt  Hamilton  could  rake  up,  the  more  plunder  for  his  merce 
naries,"  Concerning  the  duty  of  assuming  the  debts  of  the  States,  incurred  in  the 
prosecution  of  the  war  for  the  common  defence,  Hamilton  said  in  his  report : 

"  The  general  principle  of  it  seems  equitable,  for  it  appears  difficult  to  conceive  a 
good  reason  why  the  expenses  for  the  particular  defence  of  a  part  in  a  common  war 
should  not  be  a  common  charge  as  well  as  those  incurred  professedly  for  the  general 
defence.  The  defence  of  each  part  is  that  of  the  whole,  and  unless  all  the  expendi 
tures  are  brought  into  a  common  mass,  the  tendency  must  be  to  add  to  the  calamities 
suffered  by  being  the  most  exposed  to  the  ravages  of  war  and  increase  of  burthens." 

The  debt  incurred  by  the  States  was,  as  Hamilton  said,  "  A  part  of  the 
price  paid  for  Independence."  The  report  proves  conclusively  that  to  assume 
these  debts  by  the  United  States  would  expose  the  people  of  the  States  to 
lighter  burthens  than  they  would  be  under  by  the  expense  of  two  systems  of  taxa 
tion,  one  by  the  United  States  and  the  other  by  the  States.  Perhaps  the  most 
conclusive  answer  to  all  the  condemnation  of  "  the  assumption  "  to  which  its 
author  was  exposed  is  to  be  found  in  the  fact  that  the  continued  policy  of  the 
United  States  from  that  time  to  this  (1866),  has  been  to  assume  and  pay  the 
debts  of  the  States  incurred  in  the  common  defence  and  for  the  general  welfare. 

The  charge  against  Hamilton  is,  substantially,  that  he  enabled  his  myrmi 
dons  to  amass  fortunes  by  informing  them  of  the  measures  to  be  pursued  by 
him.  Mr.  Jefferson  has  said  :  "  Proof  is  the  duty  of  the  affirmative  side.  A 
negative  caftnot  be  possibly  proved."  In  relation  to  the  charges  he  has  deliber 
ately  made  against  Hamilton  of  the  most  damning  character,  he  has  not  in  a 
single  case  offered,  or  attempted  to  offer,  any  proof  whatever. 

The  following  negative  proof  will,  by  the*  candid,  be  considered  as  conclusive 
against  Mr.  Jefferson's  naked  assertion. 

Henry  Lee,  a  gallant  soldier  of  the  Revolution,  afterwards  Governor  of  Vir 
ginia,  addressed  to  his  friend  Hamilton  the  following  letter : 

"RICHMOND,  Nov.  16,  1789. 

"  MY  DEAR  SIR  : — Your  undertaking  is  truly  arduous,  but  I  trust  as  you  progress 
in  the  work  difficulties  will  vanish.  From  your  situation  you  must  be  able  to  form 
with  some  certainty  an  opinion  concerning  the  domestic  debt ;  will  it  speedily  rise  ? 
will  the  interest  accruing  command  specie,  or  anything  nearly  as  valuable — what  will 
become  of  the  indents  already  issued  ? 

"  These  queries  are  asked  for  my  private  information.  Perhaps  they  may  be  im 
proper.  I  do  not  think  them  so,  or  I  would  not  propound  them.  Of  this  you  will  de 
cide,  and  act  accordingly — nothing  can  induce  me  to  be  instrumental  in  submitting 
my  friend  to  an  impropriety. 

"  I  wrote  to  General  Knox  sometime  ago,  enclosing  a  letter  to  St.  Clair ;  will  you, 
before  you  answer  me,  know  whether  my  letter  was  received. 

"  The  anti-federal  gentlemen  in  our  own  assembly  do  not  relish  the  amendments 
proposed  by  Congress  to  the  constitution.  Yours  always  and  affectionately, 

"  HENRY  LEE. 
"To  Col.  Alexander  Hamilton." 

2 


18  REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES  A.  HAMILTON. 

To  this  letter  Hamilton  replied  : 

"NEW  YOEK,  DEC.  1,  1789. 

"  MY  DEAR  FRIEND  :— I  received  your  letter  of  the  16th  of  November.  I  am  sure 
you  are  sincere  when  you  say  that  you  would  not  subject  me  to  an  impropriety,  nor 
do  I  know  there  would  be  any  in  answering  your  queries;  but  you  remember  the 
saying  with  regard  to  Ctesar's  wife.  I  think  the  spirit  of  it  applicable  to  every  man 
concerned  in  the  administration  of  the  finances  of  the  country.  With  respect  to 
the  conduct  of  such  men,  suspicion  is  ever  eagle-eyed,  and  the  most  innocent  things 
may  be  misinterpreted.  Be  assured  of  the  affection  and  friendship  of  yours." 

A  similar  application  made  by  Herman  Le  Roy,  a  member  of  the  distinguish 
ed  mercantile  firm  in  New  York  of  Le  lioy,  Bayard  &  Co.,  "  in  order  that  his 
Dutch  friends  might  speculate,"  was  answered  in  the  same  way. 

Hamilton  requested  his  father-in-law,  General  Schuyler,  not  to  permit  his 
son  to  speculate  in  the  public  securities  lest  it  should  be  inferred  that  their 
speculations  were  made  upon  information  furnished  by  Hamilton ;  or  were  made 
in  part  on  Hamilton's  account.  Schuyler  inhibited  any  speculations ;  as  Van 
Rensellaer  Schuyler,  my  uncle,  told  me,  complaining  at  the  same  time  that,  but 
for  this  inhibition,  he  would  have  made  a  large  sum  of  money. 

Col.  Platt,  a  worthy  gentleman,  an  officer  in  the  Revolutionary  army,  told 
me  that  he  had  applied  to  his  friend  Hamilton  for  information  in  relation  to  his 
proposed  fiscal  system  without  success. 

Mr.  Jefferson  proceeds,  Vol.  4,  p.  449  : 

"The  assumption  was  passed,  and  twenty  millions  of  stock  divided  among  favor 
ed  States  and  thrown  in  as  a  pabulum  to  the  stock-jobbing  herd.  This  added  to  the 
number  of  votaries  to  the  Treasury,  and  made  its  chief  the  master  of  every  vote  in 
the  Legislature''  *  *  *  "Still,  the  machine  was  not  complete.  The  effect  of  the 
funding  system  and  of  the  assumption  would  be  temporary"  *  *  "  and  some  engine 
of  influence  more  permanent  must  be  contrived  while  these  myrmidons  were  still 
in  place  to  carry  it  through  without  opposition.  This  engine  was  the  Bank  of  the 
United  States." 

He  goes  on  (p.  450,  Vol.  4.)  to  insist  that,  through  that  institution,  the  members 
of  Congress  were  corrupted  and  thus  devoted  to  their  Chief." 

Mr.  Madison,  a  member  of  Congress,  opposed  the  Bank  as  unconstitutional. 
Mr.  Jefferson  a  member  of  Washington's  Cabinet  endeavored  to  induce  the 
President  to  veto  the  bill,  on  that  ground:  afterwards,  when  Jefferson  was 
President,  he  approved  an  Act  of  Congress  authorizing  a  branch  of  that  Bank 
to  be  established  at  New  Orleans.  Mr.  Madison,  in  1815,  in  a  message  to 
Congress,  recommended  a  Bank  of  the  United  States,  which  was  chartered  in 
1816. 

Jefferson  in  1816  (Vol.  4,  p.  285)  said : 

"A  third  measure  should  insure  resources  of  money  by  the  suppression  of 
all  paper  circulation  during  peace,  and  licensing  that  of  the  nation  (a  paper  circulation) 
alone  during  the  war  *  *  *  of  proper  denominations  for  circulation." 

Mr.  Jefferson,  in  181o,  was  earnestly  in  favor  of  a  funding  system  identical 


REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON.  19 

with  that  recommended  by  Hamilton.  In  a  letter  to  John  W.  Epes,  a  mem 
ber  of  the  House  of  Representatives,  dated  June  the  24th,  1812  (Vol.  4,  p.  196), 
he  writes : — 

"  It  is  a  wise  rule,  and  should  he  fundamental  in  a  government  disposed  to  cherish 
its  credit,  and,  at  the  same  time,  to  restrain  the  use  of  it  within  the  limit  of  its  facul 
ties,  never  to  borrow  a  dollar  without  laying  a  tax  on  the  same  instant  for  paying 
the  interest  annually  and  the  principal  within  a  given  term,  and  to  consider  that  tax 
as  pledged  to  the  creditor  on  the  public  faith." 

As  we  have  already  seen,  Hamilton,  in  his  first  report  9th  of  January,  1790, 
and  in  his  report  of  January  20th,  1795,  expresses  the  same  idea  in  a  better 
manner. 

The  Parliament  of  Great  Britain,  after  the  first  report  by  Hamilton,  "form 
ally  adopted  as  a  standing  rule  the  principle  of  incorporating  with  the  creation 
of  debt  the  means  of  extinguishment." 

In  1813  this  principle  was  violated  by  Vansittart,  Chancellor  of  the  Ex 
chequer,  and  the  consequence  was,  as  Palmerston  declared  in  1865 — referring 
to  Gladstone's  administration  of  the  finances  ; 

"  We  have  succeeded  in  making,  for  the  first  time,  some  noteworthy  impression 
on  the  public  debt." 

THE  CHARACTERS  OF  THE  Two  GENTLEMEN. 

Jefferson  says  (Writings,  Vol.  4,  p.  451), 

"  Hamilton  was  indeed  a  singular  character,  of  acute  understanding,  disinterest 
ed,  honest  and  honorable  in  all  private  transactions,  amiable  in  society,  and  duly 
valuing  virtue  in  private  life — yet  so  bewitched  and  perverted  by  the  British  example 
as  to  bo  under  thorough  conviction  that  corruption  was  essential  to  the  government 
of  a  nation." 

This  is  the  testimony  of  Jefferson — "  disinterested,  honest  and  honorable — 
duly  valuing  virtue  in  private  life^  and  yet  Jefferson  distinctly  represents  this 
man  as  having  misrepresented  the  amount  of  the  debt  of  the  United  States  in 
order  to  have  more  enlarged  means  of  corrupting  Congress;  and,  further,  that 
he  afforded  his  myrmidons  such  information  as  would  enable  them  to  filch  the 
property  of  others  less  informed  than  they. 

Now  as  to  the  authority  due  to  Jefferson's  statements  : — During  the  discus 
sion  on  Foot's  Resolution  in  the  Senate  of  the  United  States  in  1830,  Miv 
Benton being  entitled  to  the  floor — Mr.  Clayton  said,  "that  he  desired  the  per 
mission  of  the  Senator  from  Missouri  (Mr.  Benton)  who  was  entitled  to  the 
floor,  to  call  the  attention  of  two  of  the  honorable  members  of  this  body,  Mr.. 
Smith  of  Maryland  and  Mr.  Livingston  of  Louisiana,  to  a  passage  in  a  book 
which  had  been  cited  in  this  debate  by  the  Senator  from  South  Carolina  (Mr.. 
Hayne)  as  authority  on  another  subject.  He  did  not  rise  for  the  purpose  of 
discussing  the  resolution  itself.  His  attention  had  been  called  by  a  number  of 


20  REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES  A.  HAMILTON. 

members  of  this  House  to  a  passage  in  the  same  book :  another  part  of  which 
had  been  referred  to  by  the  Senator  from  South  Carolina.  That  passage  charged 
an  illustrious  statesman,  who  formerly  occupied  the  seat  of  a  Senator  here, 
and  whose  memory  and  fame  were  dear  to  himself  and  to  the  people  he  repre 
sented,  with  atrocious  corruption,  of  which  he  was  convinced  that  great  and  good 
man  could  never  have  been  guilty ;  and  as  the  witnesses  referred  to  in  the  book 
itself  were  present  and  ready  to  give  testimony  to  set  the  charge  at  rest,  he 
hoped  he  should  be  pardoned  for  referring  to  the  objectionable  passage  in  their 
presence." 

Pie  then  read,  from  the  4th  Vol.  of  Jefferson's  Memoirs,  page  515,  (the 
same  volume  which  had  been  brought  into  the  Senate  by  General  Hayne,)  the 
following  passage  : 

"February  the  12,  1801.  Edward  Livingston  tells  me  that  Bayard  applied  to 
day  or  last  night  to  General  Samuel  Smith,  and  represented  to  him  the  expediency 
of  his  comiog  over  to  the  States  who  vote  for  Burr  ;  that  there  was  nothing  in  the 
way  of  appointment  which  he  might  not  command  ;  and  particularly  mentioned  the 
secretaryship  of  the  navy.  Smith  asked  him  if  he  was  authorized  to  make  the 
offer.  He  said  he  was  authorized.  Smith  told  this  to  Livingston,  and  to  "W.  C. 
Nicholas,  who  confirms  it  to  me,"  &c. 

He  then  called  upon  the  Senators  from  Maryland  and  Louisiana,  referred 
to  in  this  passage,  to  disprove  the  statement  here  made. 

Mr.  Smith  of  Maryland,  rose  and  said  :  "  That  he  had  read  the  paragraph  before 
he  came  here  to-day,  and  was  therefore  aware  of  its  import.  He  had  not  the  most 
distant  recollection  that  Mr.  Bayard  had  ever  made  such  a  proposition  to  him.  Mr. 
Bayard,  said  he,  and  myself,  though  politically  opposed,  were  intimate  personal 
friends,  and  he  was  an  honorable  man.  Of  all  men,  Mr.  Bayard  would  have  been 
the  last  to  make  such  a  proposition  to  any  man ;  and  I  am  confident  that  he  had  too 
much  respect  for  me,  to  have  made  it  under  any  circumstances.  lie  never  received 
from  any  man  any  such  proposition.  " 

Mr.  Livingston  of  Louisiana,  said:  "That  as  to  the  precise  question  which  had 
been  put  to  him  by  the  Senator  from  Delaware,  he  must  say,  that  having  taxed  his 
recollection  as  for  as  it  could  go,  on  so  remote  a  transaction,  he  had  no  remem- 
"brance  of  it.  " 

Mr.  Clayton,  said  :  "  His  purpose  had  been  achieved.  He  thought  it  his  duty  to 
vindicate  the  honor  and  fame  of  his  predecessors  against  unjustifiable  imputations, 
no  matter  to  what  party  they  may  have  belonged.  The  character  of  the  illustrious 
Bayard  would,  he  trusted,  stand  forever  untarnished  by  the  charge  of  corruption.  " 

As  to  Jefferson's  character  for  veracity.  The  conclusive  evidence  of  his 
disregard  of  truth,  afforded  by  what  occurred  in  the  Senate,  as  above  stated, 
induced  Col.  Thomas  Benton  to  declare  in  his  place  in  the  Senate  : 

"  He,  (  Jefferson,)  was  repudiated  as  a  witness  by  the  testimony  of  two  distin 
guished  members  of  that  body.  Happily  for  the  honor  of  the  country,  and  the  reputa- 
.tion  of  those  men  whose  superiority  in  wisdom  and  virtue  caused  him  to  hate  and 
vilify  them,  he  has  ceased  to  be  considered  as  entitled  to  belief.  His  assertions 


REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON.  21 

even  in  regard  to  matters  of  which  he  pretends  to  be  cognizant,  require  other  sub 
sidiary  proof  to  entitle  him  to  consideration.  This  is,  now.. the  judgment  of  man 
kind.  " 

The  writer  was  present,  having  been  informed  by  Mr.  Benton  of  his  pur 
pose,  and  immediately  made  a  note  of  what  he  said.  No  person  in  the  Senate 
manifested  a  disposition  to  question  what  was  said. 

John  Johnston,  a  merchant  in  New  York,  of  respectability,  kept  a  common 
place  book  which  has  been  put  into  my  hands. 

Under  date  of  January  21,  1801,  I  find  the  following: 

"  General  Washington  in  conversation  with  General  Hamilton  to-day  said  :  'Mr. 
Jefferson  was  a  most  profound  hypocrite,  and  less  under  the  influence  of  philosoph 
ical  reveries  than  is  commonly  imagined. '  He  gave  the  following  statement  to 
confirm  his  opinion  :  '  When  Mr.  Jefferson  resigned  the  office  of  Secretary  of  State, 
he  and  his  friends  gave  out  that  he  was  tired  of  public  affairs,  and  meant  to  live  in 
retirement.  He  even  went  so  far  as  to  forbid  newspapers  being  brought  to  his 
house.'  (Jefferson's  letter  confirms  this.)  'Soon  after  this,  General  Hamilton 
met  General  Washington,  and  the  conversation  turned  on  Mr.  Jefferson's  retiring 
from  public  business,  when  General  Washington  expressed  his  hopes  that  he  would 
meet  in  retirement  with  the  happiness  he  expected,  and  his  wish  that  he  also  could 
retire.  Oh !  Sir,  said  Hamilton,  I  fear  Mr.  Jefferson  only  retires  at  present,  to 
come  forward  at  a  future  time  with  more  certainty  and  effect.  I  believe  him  to  be 
a  most  profound  hypocrite,  and  should  be  not  surprised  to  see  him  again  a  candidate 
for  the  office  of  President  of  the  United  States.  General  Washington  expressed 
a  belief  that  General  Hamilton  was  mistaken  in  Mr.  Jefferson's  character,  (for 
whom  he  had  a  personal  kindness.)  Mr.  Jefferson  remained  in  retirement  a  few 
years,  and  then  came  forward  as  a  candidate  for  the  Presidency.  General  Hamilton 
in  conversation  with  General  Washington  after  this,  asked  him  what  he  now 
thought  of  Mr.  Jefferson's  sincerity,  and  of  his  pretended  love  of  retirement  ? 
General  Washington  replied,  'I  see,  Sir,  you  knew  his  character  better  than  I 
did,  and  I  now  believe,  with  you,  that  he  is  a  most  profound  hypocrite. '  " 

Jefferson  addressed  a  letter  to  Washington,  May  23,  1792,  ( see  appendix 
to  10th  Vol.,  of  Writings  of  Washington,  p.  504),  in  which  he  made  a  great 
number  of  objections  to  the  financial  system  of  Hamilton,  misrepresenting  it, 
of  course,  as  he  afterwards  did,  in  his  "  Ana,  "  and  letters. 

On  the  29th  July,  following,  at  Mount  Vernon,  Washington  wrote  a  letter 
to  Hamilton,  in  which  he  repeated  the  objections  of  Jefferson,  and  called  upon 
Hamilton  to  reply  to  them. 

First. — "  That  the  public  debt  is  greater  than  we  can  possibly  pay  before  other 
causes  of  adding  new  debt  to  it  will  occur,  and  that  this  has  been  artificially  created 
by  adding  together  the  whole  amount  of  the  debtor  and  creditor  sides  of  the  ac 
count,  instead  of  taking  only  their  balances,  which  could  have  been  paid  off  in  a 
short  time." 

This  is  the  precise  language  of  Jefferson's  letter  to  Washington,  written, 
at  Philadelphia,  dated  May  23,  1792.  And  so  Washington  goes  through  that 


22  KEMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES  A.  HAMILTON. 

letter,  using  its  very  language,  and  extending  it  to  twenty-one  objections ;    the 
last  being  in  these  words  : 

"That  the  anti-federal  champions  are  now  strengthened  in  argument  by  the 
fulfillment  of  their  predictions,  which  has  been  brought  about  by  the  monarchical 
federalists  themselves,  who  having  been  for  the  new  government,  merely  as  a  step 
ping-stone  to  monarchy,  have  themselves  adopted  the  very  constitution  of  which, 
when  advocating  its  acceptance  before  the  tribunal  of  the  people,  they  declared  it 
insusceptible;  whilst  the  republican  federalists  who  espoused  the  same  govern 
ment  for  its  intrinsic  merits  are  disarmed  of  their  weapons ;  that  which  they 
deemed  as  prophecy  being  now  become  true  history.  Who,  therefore,  can  be  sure 
that  these  things  may  not  proselyte  the  small  number  which  was  wanting  to  place 
the  majority' on  the  other  side.  And  this,  they  add,  is  the  event  at  which  they 
tremble. " 

Hamilton  to  Washington,  on  the  18th  August,  1792,  says : 
"  I  am  happy  to  be  able  at  length  to  send  you  answers  to  the  objections  communi 
cated  in  your  letter  of  the  29th  July.     They  have  unavoidably  been  drawn  in  haste 
— too  much  so  to  do  perfect  justice  to  the  subject,  and  have  been  copied  just  as  they 
flowed  from  my  heart  and  pen,  without  revision  or  correction. 

"  You  will  observe  that  here  and  there  some  severity  appears.  I  have  not  forti 
tude  enough  always  to  bear  with  calumnies  which  necessarily  include  me  as  principal 
agent  in  the  measures  censured,  of  the  falsehood  of  which  I  have  the  most  unquali 
fied  conscienciousness.  I  trust  I  shall  always  be  able  to  bear,  as  I  ought,  imputa 
tions  of  errors  of  judgment;  but  I  acknowledge  that  I  cannot  be  entirely  patient 
under  charges  which  impeach  the  integrity  of  my  public  motives  and  conduct.  I 
feel  that  I  merit  them  in  no  degree,  and  expressions  of  indignation  sometimes  escape 
me  in  spite  of  every  effort  to  suppress  them.  I  rely  on  your  goodness  for  the  proper 
allowances.  With,  &c." 

The  objections  made  by  Jefferson  in  his  letter  to  Washington  thus  presented 
to  Hamilton  and  answered,  are  substantially  the  same  as  those  presented  in 
Jefferson's  "Ana,"  and  particularly  that  atrocious  one  of  February  4th,  1818 
(Jefferson's  Works  Vol.  4  pp.  446  to  453),  The  paper  sent  to  Washington 
with  the  above  letter,  entitled,  "  Objections  and  Answers  respecting  the  admini 
stration  of  the  Government,"  will  be  found  in  the  works  of  Hamilton,  4th  Vol. 
pages  248  to  279. 

This  answer  of  Hamilton  to  the  attacks  of  his  enemies  ought  to  be  carefully 
read  by  all  men  who  are  anxious  to  understand  the  course  of  measures  adopted 
in  regard  to  the  fiscal  policy  of  the  Government  at  its  outset.  That  system  not 
only  established  our  credit — the  character  of  the  government,  but,  by  it  paid 
off  two  great  debts — that  of  the  K evolution  and  that  of  the  war  of  1812,  and 
it  ultimately  received  the  sanction  of  the  very  men  who  opposed  and  traduced 
it.  See  Gallatin's  first  report  as  Secretary  of  the  Treasury.  Jefferson's 
approval  of  that  report,  and  his  letter  to  Epes  in  1813,  and  the  following 
statement  made  by  Mr.  Gallatin  to  me  in  March,  1829. 

The  following  is  copied  from  a  note  of  what  occurred,  made  at  the  time  : 


REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON.  23 

"During  the  period  I  was  Secretary  of  State,  March,  1829,  the  Hon.  Albert  Gal- 
latin  called  upon  me  at  the  Department  in  relation  to  a  correspondence  which  had 
then  recently  passed  between  me  as  Secretary  and  the  Hon.  Charles  Vaughan, 
British  Minister,  as  to  the  Eastern  boundary -line  or  rather  the  "Neutral  Territory.'1'' 
After  the  letter  written  by  the  Secretary  had  been  read,  Mr.  Gallatin  declared  that 
it  was  exactly  what  it  should  have  been,  and  the  conversation  on  the  subject  was 
closed. 

"Mr.  Gallatin  then  said  to  me,  '  with  your  permission,  I  will  relate  a  circumstance 
that  occurred  when  I  was  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  under  Mr.  Jefferson,  which  will 
interest  you.  You  know  I  succeeded  your  father  as  Secretary  of  the  Treasury.' 
'Pardon  me,  sir, Mr.  Wolcott  succeeded  him.' 

"  '  True,  "Wolcott  was  appointed  when  your  father  resigned,  to  carry  out  his  plans 
under  Hamilton's  directions.  Mr.  Jeft'erson  after  my  appointment  said  to  me : 
Gallalin  your  most  important  duty  will  bs  to  examine  the  accounts  and  all  the 
records  of  your  Department  in  order  to  discover  the  blunders  and  frauds  of  Hamil 
ton,  and  to  ascertain  what  changes  may  be  required  in  the  system.  This  is  a  most 
important  duty,  and  will  require  all  your  industry  and  acuteness.  To  do  it 
thoroughly,  you  may  employ  whatever  extra  force  you  may  require.'  " 

Mr.  Gallatin  continued  : 

"  You  understand  what  was  the  State  of  parties  at  that  time,  and  I  must  now 
say  I  went  to  the  work  with  a  very  good  appetite.  The  task  was  performed 
thoroughly — occupying  much  time.  All  the  accounts  aud  correspondence  were 
looked  into,  and  thus  I  became  master  of  the  whole  system,  and  all  its  details. 
When  I  had  finished,  I  went  to  Mr.  Jefferson  and  said  to  him  ;  '  Mr.  President,  I  have, 
as  you  directed  me  to  do,  made  a  most  thorough  examination  of  the  books,  accounts 
and  correspondence  of  my  Department  from  its  commencement.'  The  President 
with  some  eagerness  interrupted  me,  saying:  'Well!  Gallatin,  What  have  you 
found?'  I  answered:  'I  have  found  the  most  perfect  system  ever  formed — any 
change  that  should  be  made  in  it  would  injure  it — Hamilton  made  no  blunders — 
committed  no  frauds.  Ho  did  nothing  wrong.'  I  think  Mr.  Jefferson  was  dis 
appointed.  It  affords  me  much  pleasure  to  make  this  communication  to  the  son  of 
that  illustrious  man." 

I  rose, — took  Mr.  Gallatin's  hand,  and  thanked  him  most  heartily. 

This  was  my  first  acquaintance  with  Mr.  Gallatin.  I  afterwards  called 
upon  him  to  obtain  his  opinion,  in  common  with  other  gentlemen  in  New  York, 
supposed  to  have  financial  knowledge,  in  relation  to  the  proposed  removal  of  the 
deposits  by  President  Jackson.  (This  was  done  at  the  request  of  Mr.  McLane, 
Secretary  of  the  Treasury).  Mr.  Gallatin  was  opposed  to  the  removal,  and 
expressed  the  most  decided  opinion  in  favor  of  a  Bank  of  the  United  States  as 
a  fiscal  agent  of  the  Government. 

Mr.  Gallatin  in  his  first  report  as  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  said  : 

"  The  actual  revenues  of  the  Union  are  sufficient  to  defray  all  the  expenses  civil 
and  military  of  the  Government  to  the  extent  authorized  by  existing  laws;  to  meet 
all  the  engagements  of  the  United  States,  and  to  discharge  in  fifteen  years-and-a- 
half  the  whole  of  our  public  debt." 


24  REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES  A.  HAMILTON. 

This  report  was  made  in  1801,  and  Mr.  Jefferson  (3d  Vol.  p.  488)  addressed 
a  letter  to  Mr.  Gallatin  in  relation  to  that  report,  saying : 

"  I  have  read  and  considered  your  report  on  the  operations  of  the  sinking  fund, 
and  entirely  approve  it  as  the  lest  plan  on  which  we  can  set  out" 

I  have  italicised  the  above. 

WASHINGTON'S  FAREWELL  ADDRESS. 

In  alluding  to  this  address  I  do  not  intend  to  go  at  large  into  the  discussion 
of  the  question  of  authorship,  but  to  state  some  facts  not  heretofore  disclosed, 
and  to  relate  my  efforts  to  obtain  possession  of  my  father's  papers  on  the  subject. 

In  the  year  1824,  Nathaniel  Pendleton,  Esquire,  one  of  my  father's  executors, 
stated  to  me  on  board  the  steamboat  that  the  evidence  of  my  father's  having 
written  the  Farewell  Address  was  most  conclusive.  That  he  had  placed  the 
draft  in  my  father's  handwriting,  with  the  correspondence  between  him  and 
General  Washington,  in  the  hands  of  Mr.  King  for  safe-keeping  where  they 
would  be  found.  He  added — you  ought  to  get  those  papers  and  you  may  ask 
for  them  in  my  name.*  Some  time  afterwards,  in  conversation  with  Mr.  King 
on  this  subject  (who  then  thought  that  at  some  future  day  the  fact  of  this  having 
been  the  production  of  my  father  might  be  made  known),  I  told  him  what  Mr. 
Pendleton  had  stated  to  me,  and  he  replied,  "  that  my  information  was  correct, 
and  that  the  papers  were  in  his  possession." 

On  Friday,  May  20th,  1825,  at  the  earnest  solicitation  of  my  mother,  I 
went  to  Mr.  King's  house  at  Jamaica  to  obtain  those  papers  from  him,  and 
when  alone,  I  repeated  to  him  what  Mr.  Pendleton  had  told  me,  and  his  admis 
sion  that  he  had  the  papers ;  and  requested  him  to  place  them  for  safe-keeping 
with  me,  at  the  same  time  telling  him  that  I  did  not  ask  for  them  to  make  them 
public,  and  that  I  was  willing  to  receive  them  as  he  held  them.  He  told  me 
that  he  would  not  part  with  them,  but  that  they  should  remain  with  him  during 
his  life,  and  at  his  death,  should  go  to  his  executors,  (his  sons,  John  and 
Charles.) 

I  then  said,  Will  you  give  yonr  executors  any  directions  in  regard  to 
them  ?  He  replied  No !  they  will  go  to  my  executors  as  (or  with)  my  own 
papers."  I  remonstrated  against  this  course,  intimated  that  we  had  a  right  to 
them,  and  that  it  was  most  reasonable  that  he  should  give  me  the  charge  of 
them  if  he  had  confidence  in  me;  to  which  he  replied  that  he  did  not  withhold 
them  from  me  from  a  want  of  confidence.  I  then  asked  him  if  he  would 
permit  me  to  see  them,  to  which  he  said  they  should  remain  for  the  present  as 
they  were.  I  told  him  my  mother  was  extremely  solicitous  about  the  papers; 
that  I  did  not  wish  to  withdraw  them  from  a  want  of  confidence  in  him  ;  and  I 
assented  to  his  declaration  that  it  was  fortunate  they  had  been  separated  from 
the  other  papers  at  the  time  that  it  was  done  by  Mr.  Pendleton,  but  requested 

*  I  did  not  sec  him  again.     He  died,  I  believe,  shortly  after  the  conversation. 


REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON.  25 

him  not  to  decide  without  further  reflection  upon  the  application  I  had  made. 
He  said  he  would  reflect  upon  the  subject,  but  that  he  did  not  think  he  should 
change  a  determination  deliberately  formed,  adding,  "  they  must  remain  where 
they  are  at  least  for  the  present."  I  remained  at  his  house  during  the  night — 
and  returned  home  the  next  morning  without  seeing  him  again.  On  the  23d 
of  the  same  month,  I  sent  the  following  letter  to  him  : 

"NEW  YOKE,  May  23,  1825. 

"DEAR  SIR:  Enclosed  is  the  paper  you  requested  me  to  return  to  you.  I  have 
searched  in  vain  throughout  my  papers  for  those  received  from  Mr.  Cabot.  I  recol 
lect  having  given  them  to  my  brother  John,  who  is  seeking  for  them. 

"Since  my  last  interview  with  you,  its  particular  object  has  engrossed  much  of 
my  attention,  and  I  am  confirmed  in  the  opinion  that  it  is  not  only  reasonable  but 
quite  proper,  that  the  draft  of  the  farewell  address,  with  the  correspondence  on  that 
subject  between  my  father  and  General  AVashington,  deposited  with  you  by  my 
father's  executors,  should  be  returned  to  the  surviving  executor  before  your  departure 
for  Europe,  or,  left  with  me ;  and  I  indulge  the  expectation  that  upon  the  further 
reflection  you  promised  to  give  to  this  subject,  you  will  agree  with  me  in  this  opinion. 
If  you  should  not  (which  I  shall  never  cease  to  regret),  I  must  request,  as  a  personal 
and  very  particular  favor,  that  you  will  permit  me  to  peruse  those  papers  at  your 
house. 

"  I  again  assure  you  that  the  anxiety  about  the  possession  of  these  papers  or  my 
desire  to  see  them,  is  not  induced  by  a  wish  to  make  them  public.  The  expediency 
of  doing  so  involves  a  question  of  too  deep  and  serious  import  for  me  to  decide,  and 
which  it  is  not  necessary  to  dispose  of  for  some  time  to  come.  Should  you  choose 
to  place  them  with  me,  I  am  willing  to  receive  them  on  the  same  terms  on  which 
they  were  deposited  with  you. 

"As  to  your  correspondence  with  my  father,  do  me  the  favor  to  put  it  under 
cover  directed  to  me,  and  give  it  to  Charles,  or  James,  that  I  may  receive  it. 

"  With  very  great  regard, 

u  Your  friend  and  servant." 

Having,  on  my  return  from  Jamaica,  communicated  the  result  of  my  inter 
view  with  Mr.  King  to  my  brother  John,  he  called  upon  Colonel  Fish,  the  surviv 
ing  executor  of  my  father's  will,  who  expressed  his  surprise  at  the  course 
pursued  by  Mr.  King,  and  said  he  would  call  upon  him  for  the  papers. 

On  the  25th  May,  1825,  I  addressed  the  following  letter  to  Mr.  King  : 

"DEAR  SIR:  My  brother  John  found  the  papers  sent  by  Mr.  Cabot  among  Lis. 
As  my  mother  is  suffering  under  a  painful  anxiety  as  to  your  determination  on  the 
subject  of  my  last  letter,  permit  me  to  ask  you  for  your  answer  to  my  request. 
"  "With  great  regard, 

"  Your  friend  and  obedient  servant." 

Mr.  King,  in  reply,  addressed  the  following  letter  to  me : 

"JAMAICA,  Thursday  Morning,  26th  May,  1825. 

"DEAR  SIR  :  Yesterday  I  received  your  second  letter,  having  before  received  one 
on  the  same  subject  *  *  *  As  the  fidelity  of  my  attachment  to  the  memory  of 


26  REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON. 

your  father  has  suffered  no  abatement,  nor  my  respect  for  other  considerations 
changed,  it  gives  me  some  concern  that  you  should  at  the  present  time  press  me  on 
a  subject  which  has  been  in  concert  with  other  impartial  persons  well  considered  by 
me,  and  which  now  I  have  no  opportunity  to  revise  or  alter. 

"  I  ought  to  be  the  last  to  appear  liable  to  just  suspicion  of  a  desire  to  impair  the 
admiration  of  our  countrymen  for  the  merits  or  services  of  your  father.  Things  will 
remain  as  they  now  are,  at  least  for  the  present,  and  I  cannot  take  measures  to 
change. 

"  With  much  esteem  and  regard, 

UI  am.  faithfully,  your  obedient  servant." 

To  which  I  replied,  as  follows  : 

"  NEW  YORK,  May  28,  1825. 

"  DEAR  SIR  :  The  determination  announced  by  your  letter  of  the  2Gth  inst.,  and 
the  manner  of  it,  with  your  subsequent  declarations  in  regard  to  me,  have  given  me 
great,  very  great,  pain. 

"I  assure  you  my  application  to  you  was  not  dictated  by  feelings  at  all  incon 
sistent  with  the  friendly  relations  which  have  for  a  long  time  existed  between  us  ; 
or  from  the  slightest  diminution  of  my  confidence  in  your  fidelity  to  your  trust,  or 
your  regard  to  my  father's  fame.  But,  repeating  this  declaration,  it  is  due  to 
myself  frankly  to  say  that,  when  you  told  me  those  papers  at  your  death  would  go 
to  your  executors  without  any  particular  directions  in  regard  to  them,  my  anxiety 
to  change  the  custody  of  them  was  (without  meaning  any  disrespect  towards  the 
persons  you  named  for  that  office),  very  much  increased. 

"Permit  me  to  remind  you  that  you  do  not  notice  that  part  of  my  letter  which 
refers  to  your  correspondence  with  my  father. 

"With  great  respect, 

"  Your  obedient  servant." 

On  the  day  following,  my  brother  John  and  I  called  upon  Mr.  Fish,  showed 
him  my  letter  to  Mr.  King,  und  his  reply.  He  expressed  a  decided  opinion 
that  Mr.  King  ought  to  deliver  the  papers  to  him,  and  his  willingness  to  call 
upon  him  for  them ;  which  he  did  that  day  in  company  with  my  brother  John 
without  success.  Mr.  King  declaring,  as  I  understand  from,  my  brother,  that 
he  would  not  part  with  the  papers,  but  that  they  should  go  to  his  executors. 

On  advising  with  discreet  friends  (Mr.  Boyd,  Mr.  Schuyler,  my  uncle  and 
Mr.  Samuel  Jones),  it  was  decided  that  the  most  effectual  measures  should  be 
taken  to  obtain  the  papers,  so  unaccountably  withheld ;  and  to  that  end  a  suit 
in  chancery  was  commenced  for  the  recovery  of  the  papers. 

Mr.  King  appeared  by  his  solicitor — sailed  for  London  as  Minister  Plenipo 
tentiary — remained  there  about  eighteen  months,  ami  returned  very  much 
enfeebled  in  mind  and  body. 

On  the  17th  October,  1826,  I  received  the  following  letter  from  Mr.  John 
Duer,  with  a  bundle  of  papers,  endorsed  in  the  handwriting  of  the  Hon.  Kufus 
King,  as  follows :  "  Papers  received  by  Rufus  King  from  Judge  Pendleton  in 
1810,  to  be  returned." 


REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES   A.   HAMILTON.  27 

:  A  letter  from  Mr.  Jay,  to  Judge  Peters,  of  Philadelphia,  containing 
a  full  explanation  of  the  circumstances  attending  the  composition  of  General  Wash 
ington's  farewell  address  has  lately  appeared  in  the  public  papers. 

"  The  statement  it  contains,  the  truth  of  which  it  is  impossible  to  doubt,  as  (it  is 
but  justice  to  you  to  add),  has  been  admitted  to  me  by  yourself,  renders  it  proper  to 
terminate  at  once  the  controversy  in  relation  to  certain  papers  and  documents 
entrusted  to  Mr.  King  by  a  deceased  executor  of  your  father's  estate,  and  which  your 
mother  as  residuary  legatee  has  demanded  in  the  suit  in  chancery  now  pending.  Mr. 
King,  in  his  own  opinion,  and  in  that  of  his  counsel,  is  now  exonerated  from  the  trust 
under  which  those  papers  were  originally  placed  in  his  hands.  The  reasons  which 
led  to  the  creation  of  this  trust,  and  that  have  hitherto  induced  Mr.  King  to  withhold 
the  papers,  have  ceased  to  exist. 

"  I  am  therefore  instructed  to  inform  you  that  the  papers  are  now  in  my  possession 
ready  to  be  delivered  to  yourself  on  the  authority  of  your  mother,  or,  to  the  surviv 
ing  executor,  as  she  may  determine. 

"  I  am  most  respectfully, 

"  Yours." 

To  this  letter  I  replied  as  follows : 

"  NEW  YORK,  October  17,  1826. 

"DEAR  SIR:  The  suit  in  Chancery  instituted  by  my  mother,  to  recover  the 
papers  I  this  day  received  from  you  by  Mr.  King's  directions,  is  ordered  to  be  dis 
continued. 

"  In  reply  to  the  only  part  of  your  letter  of  this  date,  which  concerns  any  other 
person  than  Mr.  King,  I  have  to  say  it  is  'impossible  to  doubt'  that  Mr.  Jay  has 
made  a  full  and  accurate  statement  of  all  the  facts  connected  with  the  subject  within 
his  knowledge ;  but  whether  the  conclusion  intended  by  that  letter  to  be  estab 
lished  is  correct  or  not  will  be  a  subject  for  more  enlightened  consideration  when 
these  papers  are  examined. 

"  Kespcctfully,  I  remain  your  obedient  servant." 

The  seals  on  the  envelope  of  the  bundle  of  papers  received  from  Mr.  Duer 
were  broken  by  me  in  the  presence  of  my  partner,  Mr.  John  A.  Dunlap,  who 
examined  the  endorsements  of  the  different  papers,  and  made  a  list  of  them 
(seventy-five  in  number),  which  list  is  now  before  me,  with  his  certificate,  as 
follows : 

"I  certify,  that  on  this  17th  day  of  October,  1826,  I  saw  James  A.  ILimilton 
break  the  seals  of  the  said  envelope,  and  examined  the  endorsements  of  the  different 
papers  therein  enclosed,  and  I  numbered  the  said  papers  from  one  to  seventy-five, 
and  marked  them  with  my  initials  thus,  No.  1,  J.  A.  D.,  and  that  the  following  is  a 
list  of  all  the  papers  contained  in  the  said  envelope. 

"JonN  A.  DUNLAP. 

"  NEW  YORK,  October  17,  1826." 

Thus  ended  a  proceeding  of  some  importance,  which  gave  me  much  pain  ; 
because  my  personal  relations  with  Mr.  King  were  confidential  and  affectionate. 
Nevertheless,  believing,  as  I  did,  that  he  was  wrong  in  withholding  from  their 
rightful  owner  papers  which  did  not  belpng  to  him,  I  was  satisfied  that  in  doing 


28  REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON. 

so  he  was  governed  by  considerations  connected  with  public  interest,  which 
were  highly  commendable. 

I  recollect,  with  great  interest  and  pleasure,  my  intercourse  with  this  illus 
trious  man.  He  employed  me  in  a  business  of  a  very  delicate  and  important 
character,  which  was  conducted  so  satisfactorily  as  to  receive  his  earnest  com 
mendation.  And  as  a  mark  of  his  confidence  in  me  I  state,  that  he  advised 
with  me  as  to  a  paper  he  considered  due  to  himself  to  prepare,  connected  with 
his  conduct  in  the  business  referred  to ;  which  paper  he  committed  to  me  to  be 
communicated  to  a  few  discreet  friends  in  the  city  of  New  York,  in  order  that 
they  might  do  him  justice.  He  also,  from  time  to  time,  conversed  with  me 
upon  political  matters,  and  read  to  me  some  of  the  memoranda  he  had  made 
in  relation  to  them. 

He  informed  me  that  John  Q.  Adams,  the  evening  of  the  day  he  was 
elected  President,  called  at  his  (Mr.  King's)  lodgings,  and  said  to  him : 

"  I  consider  your  influence  as  having  been  very  powerful  in  producing  the  result 
of  the  election  of  to-day,  and  that  it  is  your  duty  to  give  me  your  assistance  in  my 
administration,  and  to  that  end  I  have  come  here  to  request  you  to  accept  the  place 
of  Minister  to  Europe." 

To  which  Mr.  King  replied  that  he  was  disposed  to  do  all  in  his  power  to 
aid  him,  but  that  he  could  not  decide  at  once  to  assume  the  duties  of  that 
office,  that  he  would  think  of  it,  and  give  him  an  answer.  The  answer  was 
that  he  would  accept  the  mission  if  he  could  choose  his  Secretary.  To  this  the 
President  assented,  and  his  son,  Mr.  John  A.  King  (after  Governor  of  this 
State),  was  appointed.  The  latter  gentleman  remained  in  England  after  his 
father  returned  in  feeble  health,  and  performed  the  duties  of  charge  d'affaires 
for  some  time. 

Such  of  these  papers  as  referred  to  the  Farewell  Address  were  held  by  me 
with  my  mother's  permission,  and  ultimately  delivered  to  General  Cass,  as  Sec 
retary  of  State,  as  a  part  of  the  "  Hamilton  Papers  "  sold  by  my  mother  to  the 
United  States. 

On  the  8th  of  June,  1827,  Jared  Sparks,  the  author  of  Washington's  Life, 
and  the  editor  of  his  papers,  sent  a  message  to  me  to  visit  him  at  the  Park 
Place  House.  I  did  so.  He  expressed  a  wish  to  see  the  papers  I  had  relating 
to  the  Farewell  Address.  He  said  among  the  Washington  papers  he  found  a 
short  address  in  Washington's  handwriting,  which  appeared  to  have  been  writ 
ten  before,  with  considerable  additions  made,  probably  about  the  time  a  note 
was  written  by  Hamilton,  in  which  the  latter  states  that  Washington  had  inti 
mated  a  wish  that  Hamilton  should  examine  and  retouch  a  paper  Washington 
intended  to  publish;  stating  that  he  was  then  at  leisure  and  would  do  so.  In 
a  letter  to  Hamilton  Washington  had  expressed  a  wish  to  incorporate  in  his 
draft  a  part  of  an  address  written  prior  to  his  second  term,  and  he  refers  to 
Madison  as  knowing  that  he  intended  at  that  time  to  make  such  an  address. 


REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES  A.  HAMILTON.  29 

Hamilton  returned  the  draft  in  Washington's  handwriting  with  a  draft  in  his 
oivnhand,  in  which  he  points  out  the  places  in  which  different  parts  of  Washington's 
draft  should  be  introduced"  This  was  accompanied  by  a  letter,  in  which  Hamil 
ton  says  "  he  does  not  like  the  amalgamation,"  and  suggests  that  he  would 
rather  make  a  new  paper.  Sparks  added,  that  he  found  among  Washington's 
papers  a  draft  of  the  address  as  published,  in  Hamilton's  handwriting,  that  it 
was  a  very  different  thing  from  the  draft  made  by  Washington  and  first  sent  to 
Hamilton,  and  that  he  was  determined  to  publish  the  whole  truth  in  regard  to 
this  paper. 

I  proposed  to  him,  stating  at  the  same  time  that  I  had  not  authority  from 
my  mother  to  do  so,  that  we  should  bring  all  our  papers  together,  and  I  re 
quested  him  to  obtain  authority  from  Judge  Washington  to  meet  me  with  the 
papers  in  his  keeping,  and  that  I  would  obtain  power  from  my  mother  to  bring 
those  that  belonged  to  her.  He  said  that  he  would  show  me  all  the  papers 
except  those  referring  to  the  address,  and  leave  it  to  me  to  take  copies,  without 
requiring  authority  to  do  so  from  Judge  Washington ;  and  that,  as  to  the  ex- 
cepted  papers,  he  would  next  winter  obtain  authority  from  Judge  Washington 
to  enter  into  the  arrangement.  This  statement  is  copied  from  a  memorandum 
of  our  conversation,  made  by  me  immediately  after  we  parted,  which  is  en 
dorsed  "June  8,  1827;  memorandum  of  a  conversation  between  Mr.  Sparks 
and  J.  A.  Hamilton,  on  the  subject  of  General  Washington  and  General 
Hamilton."  Mr.  Sparks  having  obtained  the  permission  from  Judge  Washing 
ton  and  I  my  mother's  consent  to  show  one  another  the  respective  papers  we 
had,  I  went  to  Boston  with  the  papers  I  had  received  from  Mr.  King.  We 
met  at  Mr.  Sparks'  house,  and  read  over  the  whole  according  to  the  date.  I 
left  mine  with  him,  that  he  might  make  a  list  of  them  all,  which  he  did,  and 
returned  my  papers  to  me. 

That  list  is  as  follows— the  letter  "  S— 1,"  and  "  H— 3,"  on  the  margin,  in 
dicating  the  papers  in  the  possession  of  the  respective  parties. 

MEMORANDUM  OF  PAPERS  RELATING  TO  FAREWELL  ADDRESS. 

S — 1.  Copy  of  a  letter  from  Washington  to  Madison,  May  20,  1792. 
g — 2.  Hamilton  to  "Washington,  May  10,  1796. 
H— 3.  Washington  to  Hamilton,  May  15,  1796. 
S — 4.  A  draft  in  Washington's  handwriting. 

H — 5.  Abstract  of  points,  to  form  an  address,  in  Hamilton's  handwriting. 
II — 6.  Endorsed  "  Original  Draft,"  considerably  amended,  in  Hamilton's  hand 
writing. 

H— 7.  Washington  to  Hamilton,  dated  May  15,  1796. 
H— S.  Washington  to  Hamilton,  June  26,  1796. 
S — 9.  Hamilton  to  Washington,  July  5,  1796. 
S— 10.  Hamilton  to  Washington,  July  80,  1796. 
H— 11.  Washington  to  Hamilton,  August  10,  1796. 
S— 12.  Hamilton  to  Washington,  August  10,  1796. 


30  REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES  A.  HAMILTON. 

S — 13.  Second  draft  enclosed  in  above  letter. 
11—14.  Washington  to  Hamilton,  August  25,  1796. 
H— 15.  Washington  to  Hamilton,  Sept.  1,  1796. 
S — 10.  Hamilton  to  Washington,  Sept.  4,  1796. 
S — 17.  Hamilton  to  Washington,  Sept.  5,  1796. 
H— 18.  Washington  to  Hamilton,  Sept.  6,  1796. 
S — 19.  Hamilton  to  Washington,  Sept.  8,  1796. 

Two  copies  were  made  of  the  above  list. 

After  the  above  list  had  been  made,  Mr.  Sparks  wrote  to  me  the  following 
letter : 

"WASHINGTON,  March  23,  1830. 

"  MY  DEAE  SIR  : — I  intended  to  see  you  when  I  passed  through  New  York,  but  was 
in  too  much  haste.  I  shall  return  in  a  few  days,  when  I  shall  wish  to 
take  home  with  me  the  file  of  letters  which  I  lent  to  you  from  General 
Washington's  papers.  Have  you  any  objections  to  giving  me  a  copy  of  those 
papers  in  your  possession,  relating  to  the  Farewell  Address  ?  It  is  my  inten 
tion  when  I  come  to  that  part  of  the  subject  to  present  a  brief,  but  accurate  state 
ment  of  the  whole  affair.  This  I  cannot  do  without  having  all  the  papers  relating 
to  it  before  me.  I  do  not  at  present  discover  any  reason  why  they  may  not  be 
copied  for  my  use.  Please  to  think  of  it,  and  let  me  know  when  I  see  you. — Mean 
time,  I  am,  with  much  esteem,  your  most  obedient  servant." 

Before  I  replied  to  this  note,  I  consulted  the  Hon.  George  Cabot,  of  Boston, 
as  discreet,  intelligent,  and  upright  a  gentleman  as  any  other  in  the  country, 
on  the  subject.  His  reply  was  : 

"  When  that  address  was  published,  it  was  understood  among  your  father's  friends 
that  it  was  written  by  him.  It  was,  however,  considered  important  that  it  should 
have  the  influence  of  Washington's  name  and  character,  and  I  must  advise  that  until 
it  has  ceased  to  do  its  work,  the  question  of  the  authorship  should  not  be  discussed." 

Under  this  advice  I  declined  to  give  the  copies,  and  continued  to  observe 
the  same  reserve  in  regard  to  these  papers  that  I  had,  from  the  day  I  received 
them,  until  Mr.  Sparks,  by  the  publication  (12th  Vol.  pp.  382  to  394)  of  the  ap 
pendix  to  Washington's  Works,  had  proved :  first,  that  Washington  had  called 
upon  Madison  in  1782,  to  prepare  an  address  for  him  ;  and  afterward  upon  Ham 
ilton,  to  do  the  same,  when  I  felt  at  liberty  to  give  publicity  to  the  papers  I 
held,  and  to  that  end  I  addressed  the  following  letter  to  Mr.  Sparks : 

"  NEW  YOEK,  February  29,  1844. 

"DEAR  SIR  : — You  once  intimated  a  disposition  to  publish  all  the  papers  connected 
with  the  Farewell  Address.  It  appears  to  me  that  such  a  publication  might  be  made 
at  this  time  without  impropriety  ;  particularly  with  the  understanding,  between  us, 
that  no  note  or  comment  should  be  made  without  the  approval  of  both  parties. 
What  say  you  ?  " 


REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON.  31 

To  this  letter  I  received  the  following  reply  : 

"  CAMBRIDGE,  March  0,  1844. 

"  DEAR  SIR  : — I  remember  our  conversation  respecting  the  publication  of  the  papers 
relating  to  the  Farewell  Address.  I  have  seen  no  reason  to  change  my  opinion  that 
it  is  desirable  to  have  all  published  together,  as  a  matter  of  historical  record,  and 
perhaps  without  any  comment  excepting  such  remarks  as  might  serve  for  explana 
tion  ;  and  these  to  be  mutually  approved  by  the  parties  concerned. 

"  But  the  papers  are  no  longer  in  my  possession. 

"  As  a  mere  literary  performance,  though  excellent,  it  is  neither  extraordinary, 
nor  in  any  degree  superior  to  many  others  written  by  each  of  the  parties.  It  would 
add  little  to  the  general  reputation  of  Washington  or  Hamilton,  if  one  or  the  other 
should  be  found  to  be  its  sole  author.  It  derives  its  value  and  is  destined  to  immor 
tality  chiefly  from  the  circumstance  of  its  containing  wise,  pure,  and  noble  sentiments 
sanctioned  by  the  name  of  "Washington."  *  *  *  *  '  Take  away  this 
name  and  this  circumstance,  and  its  powerful  charm  would  be  broken.  It  would  be 
called  able,  and  good  and  honorable  testimony  of  the  ability  and  patriotism  of  the 
writer." 

We  have  thus  Mr.  Sparks'  estimate  of  this  admirable  paper;  which  by  the 
enlightened  mind  of  America  is  estimated  much  more  highly.  In  Great 
Britain  it  was  estimated  at  its  intrinsic  value  when  Alison  in  his  History  [Vol. 
8,  p.  99,  years  179G-7],  wrote  thus  : 

"He,  (Washington,)  bequeathed  to  his  countrymen  an  address  on  leaving  the 
Government,  to  which  there  is  no  composition  of  uninspired  wisdom  can  bear  a 
comparison." 

And  when  the  Annual  Register  [1796,  page  203]  said : 

"  There  is  nothing  in  profane  History  to  which  his  (Washington's)  parting  address 
can  be  compared.  In  our  sacred  Scriptures  alone  we  find  a  parallel  in  that  recapitu 
lation  of  divine  instruction  and  command,  which  the  legislator  of  the  Jews  made 
in  the  hearing  of  Israel,  when  they  were  about  to  pass  the  Jordan." 

On  the  8th  of  June,  1827,  Mr.  Sparks  said,  as  above  stated,  that  among  the 

"Washington  papers,  he  found  a  short  address  in  Washington's  handwriting. 

Hamilton  returned  this  draft  with  a  draft  in  his  oivn 

handwriting,  in  which  lie  points  out  the  place  in  which  different  parts  of  Wash 
ington's  draft  should  be  introduced.  He  added  that  lie  also  found  among 
Washington's  papers,  a  draft  of  the  address  as  published,  in  Hamilton's  hand 
writing — that  it  was  a  very  different  thing  from  the  draft  made  by  Washington 
first  sent  to  Hamilton.  This  was  no  doubt  the  paper  which  Hamilton  described 
as  the  " copy  of  the  original  draft  considerably  amended"  which  copy  he  sent  to 
Washington  in  a  letter,  dated  July  30th,  1796,  in  which  letter  he  says : 

"  I  have  the  pleasure  to  send  you  a  certain  draft  which  I  have  made  as  perfect  as 
my  time  and  engagement  would  permit.  It  has  been  my  object  to  render  this  act  im 
portantly  and  lastingly  useful,  and  avoiding  all  cause  of  present  exception  to  embrace 
such  reflection  and  sentiments  as  will  wear  well,  progress  in  approbation  with  time, 
and  redound  to  future  reputation.  How  far  I  have  succeeded  you  will  judge.  If 


32  REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES  A.  HAMILTON. 

you  should  intend  to  take  tlie  draft  now  sent,  and  after  perusing,  and  noting  anything 
you  wish  changed,  send  it  to  me.  I  will  with  pleasure,  shape  it  as  you  desire.  This 
may  also  put  it  in  my  power  to  improve  the  expression,  and  perhaps,  in  some  in 
stances  condemn." 

On  the  10th  of  August,  Washington  wrote  thus  to  Hamilton  : 

"The  principal  design  of  the  letter,  is  to  inform  you  that  your  favor  of  the  30th 
ult.  with  its  enclosure,  came  safely  to  hand  by  the  last  post,  and  that  the  latter  shall 
have  the  most  attentive  consideration  I  am  able  to  give  it. 

"A  cursory  reading  it  has  had,  and  the  sentiments  therein  contained  are  exceed 
ingly  just  and  such  as  ought  to  be  inculcated." 

On  the  26th  of  August,  1796,  Washington  wrote  to  Hamilton  thus  : 

"  I  have  given  the  paper  herein  enclosed,  several  serious  and  attentive  readings, 
and  prefer  it  greatly  to  the  other  drafts,  (his  own  included),  being  more  copious  on 
material  points,  more  dignified  on  the  whole,  and  with  less  egotism  ;  of  course  less 
exposed  to  criticism  and  better  calculated  to  meet  the  eye  of  discerning  readers,  and 
foreigners  particularly,  whose  curiosity  I  have  no  doubt  will  lead  them  to  inspect  it 
attentively,  and  to  pronounce  their  opinions  on  the  performance." 

Could  he,  or  any  other  person  have  thus  spoken  of  his  own  work  or  a  work 
which  was  not  essentially  his  own  ?  "  Several  serious  and  attentive  readings." 
He  thus  proceeds  to  comment  on  his  own  draft : 

"The  draft  now  sent  comprehends  the  most  if  not  all  these  matters,  is 
better  expressed,  and  I  am  persuaded  goes  as  far  as  it  ought  with  respect  to  any  per 
sonal  mention  of  myself. 

"  I  should  have  seen  no  occasion  myself  for  its  undergoing  a  revision,  but  as  your 
letter  of  the  30th  ult.,  which  accompanied  it,  intimates  a  wish  to  do  this,  and  know 
ing  that  it  can  be  more  correctly  done  after  a  writing  has  been  out  of  sight  for  some 
time  than  while  it  is  in  the  hands  of  its  author,  I  send  it  in  conformity  thereto. 
*****  "If  change  or  alteration  takes  place  in  the  draft  let  them  be  so  clearly  in 
terlined,  erased,  or  referred  to  in  the  margin,  that  no  mistake  may  be  made  in  copy 
ing  it  for  the  press. 

"  To  what  editor  in  this  city  do  you  think  it  had  best  be  sent  for  publication  ? 
Will  it  be  proper  to  accompany  it  with  a  note  to  him  expressing  *******  or 
if  you  think  the  first  not  eligible  let  me  ask  you  to  sketch  such  a  note  as  you  may 
judge  applicable  to  the  occasion." 

This  letter  appeared  to  afford  conclusive  evidence  that  its  author  was  not 
the  author  of  "  the  first  of  uninspired  writings." 

On  the  1st  September,  Washington  wrote  to  Hamilton  : 

"  About  the  middle  of  last  week  I  wrote  to  you,  and  that  it  might  escape  the  eye 
of  the  inquisitive,  (for  some  of  my  letters  have  lately  been  pried  into),  I  took  the  liber 
ty  of  putting  it  under  cover  to  Mr.  Jay. 

"Since  then  revolving  over  the  paper  that  was  enclosed  therein  on  the  various 
matters  it  contained,  and  on  the  just  expression  of  the  advice  or  recommendation 


REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES   A.  HAMILTON.  33 

which  was  given  in  it,  I  have  regretted  that  another  subject  (which  in  my  estimation 
is  of  interesting  concern  to  the  well  being  of  the  country)  was  not  touched  upon 
also.  I  mean  education  generally  as  one  of  the  surest  means  of  enlightening  and 
giving  just  ways  of  thinking  to  our  citizens  ;  but  particularly  the  establishment  of  a 
University." 

Hamilton  in  reply  on  4th  September,  suggested  that 

"  The  idea  of  the  University  is  one  of  those  which  I  think  will  be  most  properly 
reserved  for  your  speech  at  the  opening  of  the  session." 

Washington  on  the  6th  September  wrote : 

u  If  you  think  the  idea  of  a  University  had  better  be  reserved  for  a  speech  at  the 
opening  of  the  session,  I  am  content  to  defer  the  communication  of  it  until  that 
period,  but  even  in  that  easel  could  pray  you  as  soon  as  convenient  to  make  a  draft 
for  the  occasion." 

For  a  most  conclusive  examination  of  the  question  of  the  authorship  of  these 
papers,  see  "  An  inquiry  into  the  formation  of  Washington's  Farewell  Address," 
by  the  Hon.  Horace  Binney. 

Mr.  Sparks  says  that  the  papers  relating  to  the  Farewell  Address  had  been 
thrown  into  an  old  trunk  and  were  not  discovered  after  Washington's  de 
cease  until  he  found  them.  This  is  a  mistake.  The  letter  of  Hamilton  to 
Washington,  dated  July  5,  on  this  subject  is  quoted  by  Judge  Marshall. 

Hon.  Timothy  Pickering,  in  a  letter  to  James  A.  Hamilton,  dated  Salem, 
January  16,  1829,  "referring  to  the  Farewell  Address,  says  : 

"The  impression  that  he  (Washington)  was  the  author  was  first  made  by  his  lay 
ing  the  address  a  short  time  prior  to  its  publication  before  the  heads  of  the  Depart 
ment.  These  were  Wolcott,  McHenry,  myself  and  Charles  Lee,  the  Attorney  Gen 
eral.  The  draft  was  in  his  own  handwriting.  He  desired  us  to  examine  it  and  to 
note  on  paper  any  alterations  and  amendments  we  should  think  advisable.  We  did 
so,  but  our  notes  were  few  [perhaps  only  two  or  three]  grammatical  inaccuracies 
which  would  not  have  escaped  the  notice  of  your  father  and  Mr.  Jay.  ***** 
Whether  the  amendments  suggested  by  the  Cabinet  were  adopted  or  not,  I  have  not 
the  slightest  remembrance.  That  a  copy  was  found  in  your  father's  handwriting 
after  his  death  was  a  demonstration  to  me  of  the  material  agency  he  had  in  the 
framing  of  the  Farewell  Address.  William  Lewis,  that  eminent  lawyer  of  Phila 
delphia,  and  your  father's  friend,  first  told  of  it.  *  *  *  "  I  think  I  can  vouch  for  the 
fact.  I  believe  it  was  the  first  time  I  conversed  with  Mr.  King  after  your  father's 
death,  that  he  spoke  of  some  of  his  papers  which  indicated  his  important  agency  in 
the  Farewell  Address,  which  the  family  seemed  inclined  or  might  incline  to  divulge, 
but  which  appeared  to  him  and  Pendleton  to  be  inexpedient,  and  therefore  these 
papers  were  removed  and  deposited  with  Mr.  King." 

WILLIAM  COLMAN  TO  JAMES  A.  HAMILTON. 

"NEW  YORK,  October  21,  1824. 

"  Col.  Troup  told  me  that  on  entering  your  father's  office  one  morning  he  found 
him  earnestly  engaged  in  preparing  a  composition  which  he  told  him  was  the  Fare 
3 


34  REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES  A.  HAMILTON. 

•well  Address;  that  it  was  nearly  finished;  that  he  actually  read  the  3ISS.  or  heard 
it  read,  and  that  it  was  the  original  of  what  afterward  appeared  in  print  under  the 
name  of  "  Washington's  Farewell  Address." 

GENERAL  W.  NORTH,  of  the  Army  of  the  Revolution,  to  JAMES  A.  HAMILTON. 

"XEW  LOXDOX,  June  3,  1824. 

"  SIR  :  The  statement  made  by  your  anonymous  correspondent  is  true.  I  presume 
the  writer  of  the  note  resides  in  the  vicinity  of  Hyde  Park.  As  well  as  I  can  recol 
lect  I  had  no  conversation  with  any  other  person  on  board  of  the  steamboat.  Agree 
ably  to  your  request  I  repeat  what  I  probably  there  said:  'In  a  conversation  with 
General  Ilamilton, — it  is  twenty-five  years  since, — that  gentleman  told  me  that  he 
wrote  the  Farewell  Address  of  General  Washington.'  I  remember  nothing  more  of 
what  was  communicated  on  that  occasion ;  what  is  now  stated  I  could  not  well 
forget. 

"As  it  may  add  to  the  consolation  of  your  respected  mother,  I  think  it  well  to 
say,  that  it  has  been  and  is  my  full  belief,  formed  as  I  think  on  strong  reasons,  that  it 
your  father's  life  had  been  spared,  no  great  portion  of  time  would  have  elapsed  be 
fore  the  Christian  religion  would  have  found  in  him  a  public  professor  and  a  most  able 
advocate  and  defender. 

"I  am  Sir,  your  obd't  servant." 

John  Jay,  in  his  letter  to  Judge  Peters,  referring  to  the  authorship  of  the 
Farewell  Address,  says :  "  Washington  would  have  dishonored  himself  by  get 
ting  Hamilton  to  write  that  address.  "  This  might  in  Judge  Jay's  opinion 
have  been  a  reason  why  Washington  should  not  have  applied  to  Madison  to 
write  a  Farewell  Address  for  him,  which  he  certainly  did ;  but  it  is  a  little 
singular  that  this  circumspect  gentleman,  as  he  most  certainly  was,  should  have 
forgotten  that  Washington  in  a  letter  to  Hamilton,  dated  8th  May,  1796,  asks 
Jay  to  draft  a  letter,  to  be  addressed  by  him  "  as  a  private  person,  "  to  the 
Emperor  of  Austria,  for  the  liberation  of  Marquis  de  la  Fayette.  Mr.  Jay  pre 
pared  such  a  letter,  which  was  signed  by  George  Washington,  and  sent  to  the 
Emperor.  Was  he  dishonored  in  doing  this  ? 

When  the  Government  was  organized  under  the  Constitution  two  Vir 
ginians,  Mr.  Jefferson  and  Mr.  Edward  Randolph,  were  members  of  Wash 
ington's  Cabinet,  and  Mr.  Madison,  of  Virginia,  was  the  leader  in  the  House 
of  Representatives.  The  latter  enjoyed  at  that  time  so  much  of  Washing 
ton's  confidence,  that  when  his  first  term  was  about  to  end  he  asked  Madison 
to  prepare  for  him  a  farewell  address,  which  was  done. 

All  these  men  lost  Washington's  confidence.  When  Jefferson  resigned  the 
State  Department,  Randolph,  Attorney-General,  was  appointed  Secretary  of 
State.  He  was  dismissed  by  Washington,  under  a  charge  of  having  asked 
the  French  Minister  to  give  him  money.  (A  letter  of  that  import  was  taken 
by  an  English  cruiser  from  the  vessel  which  carried  that  Minister's  despatches.) 
See  Washington's  letter,  Randolph's  defence,  and  Jefferson's  remarks 
upon  Randolph's  character  and  conduct. 


REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON.  35 

In  1802,  Gallatin,  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  made  a  report  to  Congress, 
March  1,  in  which  he  says :  "  The  accounts  of  Eandolph  have  been  adjusted, 
and  a  suit  instituted,  ever  since  1797,  for  a  balance  of  $51,000,  which,  not 
withstanding  the  strenuous  efforts  of  the  Comptroller  to  bring  it  to  an  issue, 
has  not  yet  been  decided.  "  '1  his  fact  gives  strength  to  the  opinion  that  Ran 
dolph's  indebtedness  to  the  United  States,  induced  the  attempt  to  obtain 
money  from  the  French  Minister.  He  was  a  defaulter. 

Jefferson,  as  appears  by  the  already  quoted  declaration  of  Washington,  was 
believed  by  the  latter,  to  u  have  been  a  most  profound  hypocrite.  " 

Washington,  in  a  letter  to  Hamilton,  on  the  subject  of  his  Farewell  Ad 
dress  (Works  of  Hamilton,  Vol.  6,  p.  120,  May  16,  1796),  says : 

"  It  will  be  perceived  from  hence,  that  I  am  attached  to  the  quotation.  "  (That 
was  from  the  address  prepared  years  before  by  Madison.)  ' l My  reasons  for  ifc  are, 
that  it  is  not  only  a  fact,  that  such  an  address  was  written,  and  on  the  point  of 
being  published,  but  Jsnown  also  to  one  or  tico  of  those  characters  who  are  now 
strongest  and  foremost  in  the  opposition  to  the  Government,  and,  consequently,  to 
the  person  administering  of  it  contrary  to  their  views.  " 

This,  evidently,  refers  to  Madison,  as  one — he  wrote  that  address. 

Mr.  Monroe,  another  prominent  Virginian,  although  a  man  of  slender 
abilities,  so  far  lost  the  confidence  of  Washington,  that  he  was  recalled  in 
disgrace.  See  his  defence. 

Having  evidence,  derived  from  the  highest  source,  of  the  groundless  nature 
of  the  charges  made  against  Hamilton,  by  Mr.  Jefferson,  in  his  letters  and 
"  Ana,"  and  particularly  in  one  of  the  latter,  dated  February  4,  1818,  I  per 
form  a  filial  duty  of  the  highest  obligation,  in  making  the  following  statement : 

Jefferson,  says,  in  Yol.  4,  page  446  : 

"  I  returned  from  that  mission  (to  France)  in  December,  17/89,  and  proceeded  to 
JSTew  York,  in  March,  1790,  to  enter  on  the  office  of  Secretary  of  State,  &c.,  &c. 
Hamilton's  Financial  System  had  then  passed.*" 

Jefferson  says  this  system  had  two  objects  : 

"  First,  As  a  puzzle  to  exclude  popular  understanding  and  inquiry.  Second, 
As  a  machine  for  the  corruption  of  the  Legislature.  *****  ^nd  ^jj.^ 
grief  and  shame  it  must  be  acknowledged  that  this  machine  was  not  without  effect ; 
that  even  in  this,  the  birth  of  our  Government,  some  members  were  found  sordid 
enough  to  bend  their  duty  to  their  interest,  and  to  look  after  personal,  rather  than 
public  good.  "  He  then  refers  to  the  funding  system,  as  the  means  by  which  uim- 

*  Mr.  Jefferson's  statement  that  "  Hamilton's  Financial  System  was  then  passed,"  (that  is, 
before  1790),  is  not  true.  The  Assumption  Act,  at  which  Mr.  Jefferson  assisted  (see 
Jefferson's  writings,  Vol.  4,  pp.  448,  449),  was  passed  on  the  4th  August,  1790.  The  act 
making  provision  for  the  debt  of  the  United  States,  (commonly  called  the  "  Funding  Act, " 
was  passed  on  the  12th  August,  1790.  The  Act  for  "the  Encouragement  and  Protection  of 
Manufactures,  "  was  passed  August  10,  1790,  and  the  Act  establishing  the  Bank  of  the 
United  States,  was  passed  25th  February,  1791.  These  were  the  measures  proposed,  as  neces 
sary  to  carry  out  "  Hamilton's  Financial  System.  " 


36  REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES  A.  HAMILTON. 

raense  sums  were  filched  from  the  poor  and  ignorant,  and  fortunes  accumulated  by 
those  who  had  been  poor  enough  before.  "  He  adds,  "  men  thus  enriched  by  the 
dexterity  of  a  leader,  would  follow,  of  course,  the  chief  who  was  leading  them  to 
fortune,  and  became  the  zealous  instruments  of  his  enterprises. " 

Hamilton's  Financial  System  consisted  of  four  principal  subjects :  First, 
The  Funding  System.  Second,  The  Assumption  of  the  debt  incurred  by  the 
States,  in  aid  of  the  Revolution.  Third,  The  Bank  of  the  United  States,  and 
Fourth,  The  protection  of  American  Manufactures. 

Hamilton  in  his  first  report,  dated  January  9th,  1790,  in  obedience  to  a 
resolution  of  the  House  of  Representatives  of  the  20th  September,  1789,  which 
declared  "that  an  adequate  provision  for  the  support  of  the  public  credit  is  a 
matter  of  high  importance  to  the  honor  and  prosperity  of  the  United  States, 
;says  : 

"If  the  maintenance  of  public  credit  then  be  so  truly  important  *  *  *  *  by 
<what  means  is  it  to  be  effected  ?  The  ready  answer  is,  by  good  faith,  by  a  punctual 
^performance  of  contracts ;  while  the  observance  of  that  good  faith  which  is  the  basis 

•  of  public  credit  is  recommended  by  the  strongest  inducements  of  political  expedi 
ency.     It  is  enforced  by  considerations  of  still  greater  authority.     There  are  argu 
ments  for  it  which  rest  on  the  immutable  principles  of  moral  obligation.     And  in 
proportion  as  the  rnind  is  disposed  to  contemplate  in  the  order  of  Providence  an 
intimate  connection  between  public  virtue  and  public  happiness  will  be  its  repug 
nance  to  a  violation  of  these  principles.     This  reflection  derives  additional  strength 
from  the  nature  of  the  debt  of  the  United  States.     It  was  the  price  of  Liberty.     The 
-faith  of  America  has  been  repeatedly  pledged  for  it,  and  with  solemnities  that  give 

peculiar  force  to  the  obligation.     A  general  *  *  *  *  belief  prevails  that  the  credit 

•  of  the  United  States  will  quickly  be  established  on  the  firm  foundation  of  an  effectual 
provision  for  the  existing  debt.  The  influence  this  has  had  at  home  is  witnessed  by 

•the  rapid  increase  that  has  taken  place  in  the  market  value  of  the  public  securities  ; 

.and  the  intelligence  from  abroad  announces  effects  proportionably  favorable  to  our 
public  credit  and  consequence.  *  *  *  *  Among  ourselves  the  most  enlightened 
friends  of  good  government  are  those  whose  expectations  are  highest.  To  justify 
and  preserve  their  confidence,  to  promote  the  respectability  of  the  American  name, 
to  answer  the  Calls  of  justice,  to  restore  landlord  property  to  its  true  value,  to  furnish 
new  resources  both  to  agriculture  and  commerce,  to  cement  more  closely  the  Union 

•  of  the  States,  to  add  to  their  security  against  foreign  attack,  to  establish  public  order 
on  the  basis  of  an  upright  and  liberal  policy ;  these  are  the  great  and  invaluable  ends 
to  be  secured  by  a  proper  and  adequate  provision  at  the  present  period  for  the  sup 
port  of  public  credit." 

He  then  proceeds  to  show  that  "  to  this  provision  we  are  invited  not  only 
"by  these  general  considerations  but  by  others  of  a  more  particular  nature." 
He  then  details  these  particular  advantages  to  the  public  creditor  by  the 
increased  value  of  his  property.  It  is  a  well-known  fact  that  in  countries  in 
•which  the  national  debt  is  properly  funded  and  an  object  of  established  confi 
dence,  it  answers  most  of  the  purposes  of  money. 


REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON.  37 

First,  "  trade  is  extended  by  it  because  there  is  a  larger  capital  to  carry  it 
on.  Second,  agriculture  and  manufactures  are  also  promoted  by  it,  for  the 
like  reason  that  more  capital  can  be  commanded  to  be  employed  in  both. 
Third,  the  interest  of  money  will  be  lessened  by  it,  for  this  is  always  in  a  ratio 
to  the  quantity  of  money  and  to  the  quickness  of  circulation.  *  *  *  But  these 
good  effects  of  a  public  debt  can  only  be  looked  for  when  by  being  well  founded 
it  has  acquired  an  adequate  and  stable  value,  until  then  it  has  rather  a  contrary 
tendency." 

After  some  profound  remarks  upon  the  subject,  he  says  :  "  The  next  inquiry 
which  presents  itself  is  what  ought  to  be  the  nature  of  such  a  provision  ?  " 
After  a  fall  and  fair  discussion  as  to  whether  discrimination  ought  to  be  made 
between  original  holders  of  the  public  securities  and  present  possessors  by 
purchase,  he  expresses  the  opinion  which  was  founded  as  well  upon  the  soundest 
views  of  justice  as  upon  the  provision  in  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States 
"  that  all  debts  contracted,  and  engagements  entered  into,  before  the  adoption  of 
that  Constitution  shall  be  as  valid  against  the  United  States  under  it  asunder 
the  confederation.  No  discrimination  should  be  made."  He  then  discusses  the 
justice  and  expediency  of  assuming  the  payment  of  the  debts  of  the  States,  incurred 
in  the  prosecution  of  the  War  of  the  Revolution  by  the  United  States.  He  adds  : 

"  The  result  of  this  discussion  is  this,  that  there  ought  to  be  no  discrimination 
between  the  original  holders  of  the  debt  and  the  present  possessors  by  purchase  ;  that 
it  is  expedient  there  should  be  an  assumption  of  the  States'  debts  by  the  Union>  and 
that  the  arrears  of  interest  should  be  provided  for  on  an  equal  footing  with  the 
principal.'1 

The  report  then  proceeds  to  give  in  detail  the  particulars  of  the  principal 
and  interest  of  the  foreign  and  domestic  liquidated  debt  as  well  as  of  the 
unliquidated,  which  last  is  estimated  at  $2,000,000 ;  showing  that  the  whole 
amount  of  the  debt  of  the  Revolution  exclusive  of  the  debts  due  by  the  States 
was  $54,124,464-3^.  This  report  then  gives  by  schedule  the  amount  of  the 
State  debts,  ascertained  by  returns  pursuant  to  the  order  of  the  House  of  Rep 
resentatives.  The  total  was  assumed  to  be  $25,000,000,  principal  and  interest. 
He  says  : 

"Persuaded,  as  the  Secretary  is,  that  the  proper  funding  of  the  present  debt  will 
render  it  a  National  blessing,  yet  he  is  so  far  from  acceding  to  the  position,  in  the 
latitude  in  which  it  is  sometimes  laid  down,  that  public  debts  are  public  blessings,  a 
position  inviting  to  prodigality  and  liable  to  dangerous  abuse, — that  he  ardently  wishes 
to  see  it  incorporated  as  a  fundamental  maxim  in  the  system  of  public  credit  of  the 
United  States  that  the  creation  of  debt  should  be  always  accompanied  with  the 
means  of  extinguishment.  This  he  regards  as  the  true  secret  for  rendering  public 
credit  immortal ;  and  he  presumes  that  it  is  difficult  to  conceive  a  situation  ill  which 
there  may  not  be  an  adherence  to  this  maxim." 

This  funding  system  so  much  abused  and  misrepresented  by  Mr.  Jefferson 
during  the  time  he  was  a  member  of  General  Washington's  Cabinet  and  by  his 


38  REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES   A.  HAMILTON. 

party  afterwards,  was  sustained  by  several  Acts  of  Congress  passed  during  the 
first  forty  years  of  our  government  under  all  the  various  administrations ;  but 
it  was  expressly  approved  by  Mr.  Gallatin  in  his  first  report  as  Secretary  of  the 
Treasury  under  Mr.  Jefferson,  and  approved  by  Mr.  Jefferson  himself  in  a  letter 
addressed  to  Mr.  Gallatin.  And  we  here  assert  without  the  fear  of  contradiction 
that  it  was  the  only  funding  system  ever  established  in  this  or  any  other  country 
which  has  been  completely  successful ;  and  that  its  success  was  due  to  the  fact 
that  by  Hamilton's  System  (adopted  by  Congress)  the  destination  of  the  rev 
enues  to  be  applied  to  the  purchase  or  payment  of  the  debt  was  unalterably 
fixed,  not  only  by  appropriating  such  revenues  permanently,  but  by  conveying 
the  funds  to  Commissioners  of  the  Funding  System,  and  vesting  them  as  property 
in  trust  for  the  faithful  performance  of  their  duty ;  and  by  making  such  applica 
tion  of  the  revenues  a  part  of  the  contract  with  the  creditors.  And  here  I  must 
add  that  the  Act  of  25th  February,  1862,  by  which  the  gold  fund  pledged  and 
set  apart  for  the  purchase  or  payment  of  the  public  debt  has  from  that  date  to 
this  been  a  dead  letter,  and  that  Mr.  McCulloch,  'the  present  (1866)  Secretary 
of  the  Treasury,'  has  with  marvellous  disregard  of  what  was  due  to  himself  or 
to  the  character  of  the  country,  in  his  report  dated  December  4th,  1865,  page 
212,  suggested  to  Congress  to  repeal  so  much  of  the  Act  of  February,  1862,  as 
pledged  one  per  cent,  of  the  entire  debt  of  the  United  States  in  gold  derived 
from  impost  duties  to  the  payment  or  purchase  of  the  public  debt. 

GENERAL  ALEXANDER  HAMILTON  TO  WILLIAM  HETII. 

"NEW  YORK,  December  18th,  1798. 

"DEAR  SIR  :  Your  letter  of  the  30th  July  was  duly  received.  It  gave  me  much 
pleasure  as  a  proof  of  your  friendly  remembrance,  and  as  an  indication  that  you  were 
not  disposed  to  be  idle  in  a  crisis  of  national  danger.  You  are  indeed  one  of  those 
men  who  cannot  be  permitted  to  be  idle,  and  you  will  no  doubt  be  called  to  take  the 
field  in  some  eligible  station,  if  the  impending  storm  shall  not  subside. 

"  You  can  image  the  multiplicity  and  extent  of  my  avocations,  and  I  hope  you  will 
make  a  kind  allowance  for  my  silence.  Attribute  it  to  anything  but  want  of  regard 
for  you ;  on  this  score  depend  that  I  have  no  retribution  to  make,  being  very  cordially 
and  truly  yours,  &c. 

"  P.  S.  What  do  the  factions  in  your  State  really  aim  at  ? " 

This  faction  was  led  by  Messrs.  Jefferson  and  Madison,  of  Virginia,  and 
Nicholson,  of  Kentucky.  Their  course  was  referred  to  by  Hamilton  thus  :  "  The 
late  attempt  of  Virginia  and  Kentucky  to  unite  the  State  Legislatures  in  a  direct 
resistance  to  certain  laws  of  the  Union  can  be  considered  in  no  other  light  than 
as  an  attempt  to  change  the  government." 

The  Resolutions  of  1798,  passed  by  Virginia  and  Kentucky,  were  sent  to 
the  legislatures  of  each  State  and  rejected  by  all.  It  conclusively  appears  by 
a  letter  addressed  by  Mr.  Jefferson  to  Wilson  C.  Nicholson,  dated  September 
5th,  1799  (Works  of  Jefferson,  3d  Vol.  p.  428),  that  he  contemplated  secession 
as  a  remedy  to  be  applied  by  a  State  in  certain  cases. 


REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES   A.  HAMILTON.  39 

Calhoun  appealed  to  these  resolutions  as  giving  a  sanction  to  nullification  in 
1832,  and  Mr.  Madison,  at  that  time  in  various  letters  written  by  him,  insisted 
that  these  resolutions  and  the  party  which  sustained  them,  meant  nothing  more 
than  a  coercion  of  opinion  and  moral  influence,  whereas  the  truth  is  as  declared 
by  Hamilton,  "  that  the  opposition  party  in  Virginia,  the  headquarters  of  the 
faction,  have  followed  up  their  hostile  declarations,  which  are  to  be  found  in  the 
resolutions  of  the  General  Assembly,  by  an  actual  preparation  of  the  means  of 
supporting  them  by  force ;  that  they  have  taken  measures  to  put  their  militia 
on  a  more  efficient  footing,  are  preparing  considerable  magazines,  and  (which  is 
an  unequivocal  proof  of  how  much  they  are  in  earnest),  have  gone  so  far  as  to  lay 
new  taxes  on  their  citizens."  See  6th  Vol.  Hamilton's  "Works,  p.  348.  The 
National  Intelligencer  published  the  following  : 

"RESOLUTION  or  1798-9 — STATE  ARMORY. 

"The  fact  may  have  escaped  the  recollection  of  many  persons  now  living  that 
during  the  political  struggles  of  1798-9,  the  State  of  Virginia  erected  an  armory  at 
Richmond  for  the  manufacture  of  arms.  The  operations  were  carried  on  for  many 
years,  and  the  building  is  now  occupied  as  a  mere  arsenal,  with  a  State  guard  of 
about  eighty  men  attached.  In  a  debate  in  the  House  of  Representatives  in  1817, 
when  the  late  Governor  Pleasants  was  a  member,  Mr.  John  Randolph  distinctly  made 
known  the  objects  of  the  erection  of  this  armory.  lie  said: 

"  'There  was  no  longer  any  cause  for  concealing  the  fact  that  the  Grand  Armory  at 
Richmond  was  built  to  enable  the  State  of  Virginia  to  resist,  ~by  force,  the  encroach 
ments  of  the  then  Administration  upon  her  indisputable  rights — upon  the  plainest 
and  clearest  provisions  of  the  Constitution — in  case  they  should  persevere  in  their 
outrageous  proceedings.' " 

"Mr.  Randolph  said  in  another  part  of  his  speech  : 

"  'We  did  not  then  rely  upon  the  Richmond  Armory,  not  yet  in  operation,  but  on 
the  United  States  Armory  at  Harper's  Ferry.  At  that  day  when  the  Constitution 
itself  was  put  at  hazard,  rather  than  relinquish  the  long  enjoyed  sweets  of  power ; 
when  the  sun  rose  upon  this  houseballoting — balloting  through  the  night  and  through 
successive  days  for  a  chief  magistrate  (he  well  remembered  the  scene) — had  we  not  the 
promise  of  Dark's  brigade,  and  of  the  arms  at  Harper's  Ferry,  which  he  engaged  to 
secure  in  case  of  an  attempt  to  set  up  a  pageant  under  color  of  law  to  supersede  the 
public  will,  after  defeating  the  election  by  the  pertinacious  abuse  under  the  pretence 
of  the  exercise  of  constitutional  right  to  support  one  of  the  persons  returned  by  arti 
fice  whom  they  professed  to  abhor.  General  Hamilton  had  frowned  indignantly 
upon  this  unworthy  procedure,  for  which  he  had  paid  the  forfeit  of  his  life.'  " 


CHAPTER    II. 

GRADUATION  AND  ENTRANCE   ON  POLITICAL   LIFE. 

Graduation  at  Columbia  College — Admission  to  the  Bar — Speech  at  a  Federal  Meet 
ing — A  threatened  duel — Marriage— Struggle  with  poverty — The  bar  of  Colum 
bia  county — Bitter  hostility  of  political  parties — Unpublished  party  history — 
A  political  dinner  party — Removal  to  New  York — A  Master  in  Chancery — The 
Morris  Estate — Louis  Philippe  in  exile — A  loan  from  Gouverneur  Morris — Diffi 
culty  regarding  its  repayment. 

IN  1804  a  student  in  Columbia  College  being  required  to  deliver  a  speech 
at  one  of  the  exhibitions,  I  asked  my  father  to  prepare  one  for  me.  With  his 
usual  kindness  he  complied,  and  a  few  days  before  the  fatal  duel  handed  nie  a 
manuscript  with  a  note  in  which  was  written  :  "  My  Dear  James — I  have  pre 
pared  for  you  a  Thesis  on  Discretion.  You  may  need  it.  God  bless  you.  Your 
affectionate  father. — A.  H." 

The  first  impression  as  to  the  words  underscored  was,  that  I  might  need  the 
Thesis  as  an  exercise.  Immediate  subsequent  events  of  the  most  painful  char 
acter  induced  the  belief  that  it  was  intended  as  an  admonition  that  I  wanted 
that  "  homely  virtue"  discretion,  of  which  the  thesis  treated.  How  far  I  have 
profited  by  the  admonition  this  relation  of  the  errors  of  my  life  may  prove. 
The  reader  may  perhaps  say  that  in  attempting  to  write  these  reminiscences  I 
have  shown  that  the  admonition  was  thrown  away. 

*  On  graduating  I  entered  the  office  of  Judge  Pendleton,  where  I  studied 
law,  and  was  admitted  to  the  bar  during  the  May  term  of  the  Supreme  Court  in 
1809. 

In  the  month  of  June,  in  that  year,  I  went  to  Waterford,  in  the  county  of 
Saratoga,  to  practice  law  and  to  take  care  of  some  real  estate  belonging  to  my 
mother  in  that  county. 

My  professional  business  was  very  limited,  and  a  year  was  spent  in  Water- 
ford  without  any  other  event  worthy  of  note  than  the  following  act  of  folly,  and 
perhaps  wickedness,  into  which  I  was  drawn  by  the  folly  of  another — a  much 
older  man  than  myself.  I  was  induced  to  make  a  speech  at  a  Federal  meeting 


EEMINISCENCES  OF  JAMES  A.  HAMILTON.         41 

at  a  place  called  TJie  Borough,  in  Saratoga  County,  four  or  five  miles  north  of 
Waterford.  This  meeting  was  followed  by  a  Democratic  meeting,  when  Mr. 
John  Cramer,  a  prominent  lawyer,  made  an  address,  in  which  he  spoke  most  v 
disparagingly  of  my  speech  and  of  my  father.  Captain  Ten  Broeck,  who  had 
been  an  officer  in  the  army  of  '98,  as  soon  as  Mr.  Cramer  concluded,  rose  and 
denounced  him  for  having  made  this  attack,  and  called  upon  him  to  retract  it. 
This  was  refused,  and  the  gallant  captain  forthwith  challenged  him  in  my  name; 
announcing  at  the  same  time  that  if  I  did  not  adopt  the  challenge  he  would — to 
which  Mr.  Cramer  sneeringly  replied — u  he  won't  do  it." 

The  next  morning  the  Captain  called  upon  me  at  Waterford,  related  what 
had  passed,  and  received,  as  my  second,  a  written  challenge,  which  Mr.  Cramer  I/ 
did  not  accept.  His  refusal  resulted,  as  was  usual  at  that  time,  in  his  being 
posted  in  the  newspapers  as  a  coward.  I  had  the  gratification,  some  years  after 
wards,  to  render  Mr.  Cramer  a  personal  service  of  great  importance.  Early  in 
the  spring  of  1810  I  removed  to  the  City  of  Hudson,  Columbia  County,  to 
practice  law — thus  realizing  the  proverb  of  the  rolling  stone.  On  the  17th  of 
October,  of  the  same  year,  I  was  married.  Both  I  and  my  wife  were  without 
means — our  parents  not  being  in  a  situation  to  do  much  for  us.  This  I  have 
always  considered  the  most  fortunate  event  of  my  life.  I  realized  the  embarrass 
ments  of  my  situation,  and  met  them  with  the  determination  to  overcome  them. 
Nor  did  my  resolution  fail  of  its  reward.  Our  self-denials  were  great,  indeed, 
but  our  faith  in  the  future  was  greater.  Experience  teaches  us  sad  but  useful 
lessons.  Our  poverty  was  so  extreme  that  during  our  first  year  we  boarded  at 
four  dollars  per  week  for  each.  I  now  look  back  upon  this  event  as  not  only 
the  happiest  but  the  most  fortunate  occurrence  of  my  long  and  eventful  life. 
My  poverty,  with  its  burthens  and  responsibilities,  nerved  me  to  exertion,  and 
necessity  taught  me  the  value  of  economy  and  self-denial. 

At  the  bar  of  Columbia  County,  Elisha  Williams,  Thomas  P.  Grosvenor  and 
Jacob  R.  Van  Rensselaer,  were  the  leaders  of  the  Federalists;  Martin  Van 
Buren,  Joseph  Monell  and  William  Miller,  were  the  leading  Democratic  law 
yers.  Elisha  Williams  was  a  man  handsome  in  person,  of  courteous  manners, 
and  kind  and  liberal  disposition.  Beyond  his  professional  knowledge,  which  was 
such  as  he  gathered  in  the  courts,  and  in  his  preparation  for  the  arguments  of 
his  particular  cases  (of  course  superficial),  he  was  wholly  unlettered.  Williams 
frequently  addressed  political  meetings.  His  ready  wit,  vivid  imagination,  easy, 
pleasant  manners,  rendered  him  effective,  but  when  he  indulged  in  references  to 
the  history  of  his  own  and  other  governments  his  blunders  were  quite  amusing. 
Thomas  P.  Grosveuor  was  a  man  of  talent  and  education.  He  spoke  well,  was 
kind-hearted  and  well  disposed.  Indolence  kept  him  needy. 

Jacob  R.  Van  Rensselaer,  a  gentleman  of  moderate  abilities  and  fortune, 
had  by  his  family  connections  much  political  influence.      Martin  Van  Buren,    , 
younger  than  Williams,  and  without  the  same  professional  advantages,  was  the 
leader  of  the  Democratic  party,  and  generally  their  advocate  in  contested  causes. 


42  REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES  A.  HAMILTON. 

<o°V 

He  was  a  native  of  the  county ;  of  obscure  parentage,  he  wanted  the  advantage 
of  an  early  education.  When  very  young  he  went  into  the  office  of  an  attorney 
to  serve  seven  years,  giving  his  time  to  the  drudgery  of  a  clerk,  and  was 
admitted  to  the  bar.  His  professional  knowledge  was  acquired  by  his  practice, 
his  attendance  in  courts,  and  his  examination  of  the  authorities  bearing  on  his 
particular  cases.  His  knowledge  of  books  outside  of  his  profession  was  more 
limited  than  that  of  any  other  public  man  I  ever  knew.  This  remark  refers  to 
him,  at  the  time  I  saw  most  of  him,  when  he  was  Secretary  of  State. 

William  W.  Van  Ness,  a  judge  of  the  Supreme  Court,  was  ambitious,  skillful 
in  management.  He  was  the  leading  spirit  of  the  political  clique  which  guided 
the  Federal  party  in  the  middle  and  western  districts  of  New  York.  By  com 
bination  with  De  Witt  Clinton  it  controlled  the  whole  State.  At  that  time  I 
was  too  young  and  of  too  little  importance  to  be  admitted  into  the  councils  of 
these  men ;  and  yet  through  my  familar  association  with  Mr.  Rudolph  Banner, 
who  was  admitted  to  them,  I  became  acquainted  with  their  political  and  other 
purposes.  These  men  denounced  the  war  of  1812,  supported  De  Witt  Clinton 
as  the  Peace  party  candidate  for  President ;  sympathized  with  the  Hartford 
Convention ;  and  endeavored  to  carry  the  State  of  New  York  into  that  disloyal 
movement.  Van  Ness  gave  as  a  toast  at  that  period — "  The  Hartford  Conven 
tion." 

The  political  parties  in  this  county  were  in  such  bitter  hostility  to  each 
other,  that  there  was  no  social  intercourse  between  their  leaders.  Party  spirit 
was  carried  so  far  that,  as  was  well  understood  when  Wm.  W.  Van  Ness,  the 
Federal  judge,  held  the  Circuit,  the  Republicans  to  avoid  the  effect  of  his  par- 
tizanship,  would  not  bring  their  causes  before  him  if  it  were  possible  to  avoid  it ; 
and  on  the  other  hand,  when  Ambrose  Spender  held  the  Circuit,  the  Federals 
feared  to  meet  his  influence.  On  one  occasion  Mr.  Van  Buren's  industry  gave 
him  so  much  the  advantage  over  Williams  on  the  argument  at  the  bar,  by  su 
perior  preparation,  that  when  Judge  Van  Ness  met  Williams  he  referred  to  the 
argument  of  that  case,  and  reproachfully  said  to  his  friend:  "How  could  you 
from  want  of  a  little  industry,  allow  that  little  Democrat  to  get  so  much  the  ad 
vantage  of  you  ?  "  To  which  Williams  promptly  replied — "  Oh,  Judge,  I  re 
lied  upon  you  to  supply  my  deficiencies." 

Another  incident  will  prove  the  partizan  character  of  a  judge  of  our  Su 
preme  Court.  There  was  an  ejectment  cause  between  Mr.  Penfield  and  the 
Hallenbecks,  which  involved  the  title  to  a  valuable  farm  South  of  the  city  of 
Hudson.  The  defendants  were  ignorant  men  and  staunch  Democrats.  The 
cause  had  been  once  tried  and  the  tenants  were  successful.  Van  Buren  was 
their  advocate  and  Williams  opposed.  It  was  again  tried  and  Penfield  obtained 
a  verdict.  A  day  or  two  after  the  court  had  adjourned,  the  Hallenbecks  came 
to  my  office  and  said,  "  Mr.  Hamilton,  we  lost  our  case  the  other  day  as  you 
know,  and  now  we  want  to  employ  you  as  our  attorney."  I  said,  "  Together 
with  Mr,  Van  Buren  ?  "  They  answered  emphatically,  ;4  No  !  We  will  have 


REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES  A.  HAMILTON.  43 

nothing  further  to  do  with  him — we  believe  he  was  bought."  I  sharply  replied, 
"  You  do  Mr.  Van  Buren  great  injustice  !  He  managed  your  case  with  great 
skill ;  and  no  man  could  have  done  better  than  he  did.  You  lost  your  cause  by 
no  fault  of  his.  I  certainly  will  not  be  employed  by  you." 

Feeling  indignant  that  such  men  should  assail  the  character  of  an  upright 
man,  I  mentioned  the  conversation  to  my  friend  Mr.  Bunner,  who  repeated 
it  to  Judge  Yan  Ness.  The  Judge  promptly  said  to  Mr.  B.:  "  Tell  Hamilton 
to  send  for  the  Hallenbecks,  and  take  up  their  cause — he  can  carry  it,  and  that 
little  democrat  will  be  destroyed."  Bunner  said,  "Judge,  you  had  better 
give  that  advice  to  Hamilton  yourself,  and  you  will  get  your  answer — I  cer 
tainly  cannot  do  so." 

The  bill  to  recharter  the  first  Bank  of  the  United  States,  was  defeated  in  Jan 
uary,  1811,  by  the  casting  vote  of  George  Clinton,  Yice  President,  although  it 
was  sustained  by  Gallatin,  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  by  Crawford  then  in  the 
Senate  and  afterwards  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  and  by  all  the  influence  of  the  ad 
ministration,  Mr.  Madison  being  President.  One  of  the  many  evil  consequences 
of  the  winding  up  of  that  bank  was  to  induce  a  vast  increase  in  numbers  of  State 
banks,  particularly  in  the  city  of  New  York ;  and  above  all,  the  attempt  by  shame 
less  intrigue,  to  establish  the  Bank  of  America  in  the  city  of  New  York,  with 
a  capital  of  six  millions.  This  measure  was  earnestly  supported  by  the  Federal 
faction  in  the  middle  district  as  a  party  engine.  The  corrupt  means  they  em 
ployed  to  obtain  a  charter,  were  so  flagranixas  to  induce  Governor  Tompkins  in 
March,  1812,  to  prorogue  the  Legislature  for  sixty  days ;  but  without  effect — 
the  corrupt  faction  prosecuted  their  means  with  audacity  and  success. 

As  a  part  of  the  .unpublished  history  of  the  party  movements  of  this  time, 
the  following  statement,  derived  from  the  most  authentic  source,  may  be  made 
public.  The  Federal  party  had  been  denounced  as  the  peace  party  during  a 
flagrant  war  with  Great  Britain ;  this  is  correct,  only  as  to  the  leading  men  of 
the  party,  in  the  middle  district  of  the  State,  and  particularly  so  as  to  the  fac 
tion  to  which  I  have  referred  ;  but  not  true  as  to  its  most  distinguished  leaders 
in  the  State  of  New  York.  John  Jay  and  Rufus  King  stand  forth  in  this  con 
nection  with  the  same  history  which  characterized  the  earlier  periods  of  their 
lives.  In  order  to  induce  those  gentlomen  with  Gouvcrneur  Morris,  to  support 
De  Witt  Clinton,  a  negotiation  was  opened  by  Mr.  Clinton,  through  his  friend 
the  distinguished  clergyman  John  Mason. 

The  latter  communicated  to  Morris  Clinton's  wish,  to  have  an  interview 
with  Morris,  Jay,  and  King,  to  explain  to  them  his  (Clinton's)  political  prin 
ciples,  and  the  policy  upon  which  he  would  administer  the  government,  if 
elected. 

He  hoped  that  by  the  force  of  his  Democratic  partizans  and  the  fragments 
of  the  Federal  party,  to  secure  a  majority  of  the  electoral  votes,  and  thus  defeat 
Mr.  Madison,  who  was  candidate  of  the  Republican  party.  Mr.  Mason,  knowing 
the  predilections  of  Mr.  G.  Morris  opened  the  subject  to  him,  and  through  him 


44  REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES  A.  HAMILTON. 

Mr.  Jay  and  Mr.  King  were  invited  to  meet  Mr.  Clinton  on  a  certain  day  at 
the  house  of  Mr.  Morris.  They  accepted  the  invitation,  but  after  the  meeting 
was  arranged  an  incident  occurred  so  characteristic  of  Mr.  Jay's  Huguenot 
prejudice,  that  it  will  bear  repetition.  Mr.  Mason  suggested  to  Mr.  Morris,  that 
as  there  were  to  be  three  Federalists,  it  would  be  well  that  Mr.  Clinton  should 
bo  attended  by  one  friend.  This  suggestion  was  communicated  to  the  other 
gentlemen  and  it  was  proposed  that  Mr.  Mason  should  be  that  friend,  to  which 
Mr.  Jay  promptly  replied,  "  No  Priest,  no  Priest" 

The  day  for  the  dinner  arrived.  Mr.  Jay  and  Mr.  King  were  there,  and, 
with  Morris,  agreed  as  to  the  subjects  of  conference.  It  was  decided  that  Mr. 
Morris  should  be  the  interlocutor,  and  that  the  questions  on  their  part  should 
be  categorically  answered.  Mr.  Clinton  arrived  at  a  late  hour  :  His  Honor 
the  Mayor  of  New  York  having  been  detained  by  the  trial  of  a  cause  in  his 
court,  a  meal  was  ordered  for,  and  eaten  by  him,  and  the  conference  was  held. 
Mr.  Clinton  among  other  things  declared  that  the  policy  of  the  Federal  party, 
which  was  that  adopted  by  Washington  and  Adams,  was  the  only  course  of  meas 
ures  which  could  promote  the  interest  and  preserve  the  honor  of  the  country ; 
and  added  emphatically,  ci  I  well  know  the  views  and  purpose  of  the  Democratic, 
the  Jacobin  party,  and  have  no  confidence  in  them.  As  president  I  would 
administer  the  government  upon  the  system  of  Washington  and  Hamilton." 
Mr.  Jay  who  was  always  upright  and  direct  (well  knowing  that  Mr.  Clinton 
must  depend  essentially  upon  the  Democratic  party  for  his  success),  unable  to 
keep  silence  longer,  said :  "  Mr.  Clinton,  do  your  Democratic  friends  know 
that  these  are  your  opinions  and  purposes  ?  "  The  result  of  this  conference 
was,  that  Messrs.  Jay  and  King  determined  not  to  support  Mr.  Clinton. 

He  was  not  elected,  but  came  very  near  it.  This  statement  is  the  substance 
of  a  memorandum  of  the  meeting  made  at  the  time  by  Kufus  King,  which  he 
read  to  me  in  the  year  1822  or  1823. 

Mr.  King,  as  a  Senator  from  New  York  vigorously  supported  the  war,  and 
indeed  it  was  said  that  in  order  to  sustain  the  finances  of  the  Government,  he 
made  large  advances  to  the  United  States  from  his  private  means,  and  induced 
others  to  do  the  same. 

When  his  term  expired,  Mr.  Monroe  as  President,  strongly  urged  his  Dem 
ocratic  friends  in  the  New  York  legislature  to  re-elect  him. 

The  faction,  however,  with  money  of  the  Clintonians  at  the  first  trial  defeated 
him ;  he  was,  however,  afterwards  elected,  and  hastened  to  Washington  to  op 
pose  tbe  admission  of  Missouri  as  a  slave  State,  and  took  a  very  earnest 
and  honorable  part  in  that  most  memorable  discussion. 

In  the  spring  of  1814  I  removed  from  Hudson  to  New  York.  At  that 
time  an  attack  on  New  York  city, by  the  British,  was  considered  imminent;  and 
Governor  Tompkins  was  not  only  ordering  the  militia  of  the  State  to  come  to 
the  defense,  but  such  was  the  desperate  condition  of  the  exchequer  of  the 
nation  that  Tompkins,  Ilufus  King,  and  many  others,  and  particularly,  old 


REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES  A.   HAMILTON.  45 

Federalists,  advanced  their  private  means  to  defray  the  expense  of  that  arma 
ment. 

On  the  22d  of  July,  1814,  I  addressed  to  the  Governor  the  following 
letter: 

"  SIR  :  I  have  several  times  called  upon  you,  at  your  office,  to  pay  my  respects 
to  you,  but  have  found  you  so  much  engaged,  as  to  induce  me  to  retire.  Allow 
me,  Sir,  in  contemplation  of  the  recent  call  for  militia,  to  say,  that  I  hold  myself 
in  readiness  to  perform  the  duties  of  any  military  station  you  shall  please  to  assign 
to  me.  I  removed  to  New  York  to  attend  exclusively  to  my  professional  duties, 
but  these  views  must  be  abandoned  should  the  war  continue ;  as  it  will  be  then  my 
duty,  as  well  as  the  duty  of  every  good  citizen,  to  take  part  in  the  burthen  of  a 
vigorous  defence. 

"  "With  these  sentiments,  I  remain,  &c., 

"  JAMES  A.  HAMILTON.  " 

To  this  letter  the  Governor  gave  a  very  flattering  answer,  and  requested 
me  to  call  upon  him  in  the  evening,  which  I  did;  and  the  next  day  I  was  ap 
pointed  a  deputy  Quartermaster  of  Col.  Varian's  Infantry  Kegiment,  then  on 
its  way  to  Brooklyn.  I  served  about  a  month  in  that  situation,  and  was  ap 
pointed  Brigade  Major  and  Inspector  of  Gen.  Height's  Brigade.  I  continued 
in  active  service  until  the  peace.  The  Governor  then  promised  to  appoint  me 
a  Lieut.  Col.  of  one  of  the  regiments  to  be  raised  by  the  State  of  New  York,  v 
under  a  bill  introduced  in  the  Senate. 

At  the  close  of  the  war  I  returned  to  my  profession.  In  1813,1  had 
been  appointed  a  Master  in  Chancery;  an  office,  as  I  supposed,  of  so  little 
value,  that  I  did  not  take  up  the  commission.  After  the  war,  Patrick  Hil- 
dreth,  who  as  a  Master  in  Chancery,  had  most  of  the  business  in  New 
York,  having  been  removed,  proposed  to  me  to  take  up  my  commission,  and 
that  we  should  form  a  partnership.  On  the  4th  of  June,  1815,  I  addressed 
the  following  letter  to  Governor  Tompkins : 

"  SIR  :  In  March  1813,  I  was  appointed  a  Master  in  Chancery,  which  office  I  did 
not  accept,  it  being  of  little  value  in  Hudson,  and  because  of  some  circumstances 
connected  with  the  conduct  of  my  political  friends  ;  you  will  oblige  me  by  informing 
me  if  you  have  received  or  accepted  my  resignation  of  it ;  and  if  you  have  not,  if  it 
would  be  incompatible  with  strict  right,  now  to  exercise  its  functions  in  this  city,  to 
which  I  have  removed. 

"With  sentiments,  &c., 

"J.  A.  HAMILTON." 

The  Governor  replied  on  the  14th  of  July  : 

"  SIR  :  The  Governor  alone  cannot  accept  resignations  of  civil  officers.  The 
Council  accepts  resignations  of  that  kind,  and  enters  them  on  its  minutes.  Upon 
the  receipt  of  your  letter  of  the  4th  inst.,  I  caused  a  search  to  be  made  in  the  ab 
stract  or  list  of  civil  appointments,  taken  from  the  Council  Minutes,  and  found  that 
your  name  was  on  that  list  as  a  Master  of  Chancery,  and  of  course  there  can  be  no 


46  REMINISCENCES    OF  JAMES  A.  HAMILTON. 

impropriety  in  your  qualifying,  and  exercising  the  functions  of  the  office.    To  make 
you  perfectly  secure  I  transmit  an  official  certificate  of  your  continuance  in  office. 

"  With  high  consideration, 

"  DANIEL  TOMPKINS.  " 

The  office  was  of  great  value  to  me.  The  principal  lawyers  of  the  city, 
Harrison,  Riggs,  Boyd,  Josiah  0.  Hoffman,  and  Samuel  Jones,  who  were  the 
friends  or  contemporaries  of  my  father,  gave  me  their  business.  The  acknowl 
edgment  of  deeds  yielded  $2,000  a  year,  and  the  litigated  references  gave  me 
as  much  more.  With  full  employment,  living  with  great  economy,  I  was  en 
abled  to  purchase  a  small  house  in  Varick-street. 

In  the  year  1817,  I  was  employed  by  Mrs.  Ann  C.  Morris,  as  agent,  to 
settle  the  estate  of  Gouverneur  Morris,  who  executed  his  last  will  on  26th 
day  of  October,  and  died  the  6th  day  of  November,  1816. 

His  wife,  Ann  C.  Morris,  was  appointed  executrix,  and  Moss- Kent,  the 
brother  of  Chancellor  Kent,  the  executor.  The  will  declared  that  he  was  to 
be  paid  for  his  services  $10,000. 

Mr.  Kent  was  a  most  worthy  gentleman,  a  bachelor,  who  had  enjoyed  the 
entire  confidence  of  Mr.  Morris,  and  was  well  acquainted  with  his  property ;  a 
better  selection  could  not  have  been  made. 

Upon  examining  the  estate,  I  found  it  involved  to  over  $120,000,  (one 
hundred  and  twenty  thousand  dollars,)  The  property  was  a  farm  at  Morris- 
ania,  of  about  1600  acres ;  large  tracts  of  land  in  the  northern  part  of  the 
State  of  New  York  and  Pennsylvania ;  together  with  an  unsettled  account 
with  Mr.  Le  Eoy  de  Chaumont,  of  many  years  standing,  and  involving  large 
claims  for  money.  Beside  these,  there  was  a  hotel  in  Paris. 

Mr.  Kent  would  not  qualify  as  executor,  because  (as  Mrs.  Morris  said), 
he  believed  the  estate  was  hopelessly  bankrupt. 

Under  these  circumstances,  Mrs.  Morris,  who,  although  very  intelligent, 
was  incapable  of  performing  the  trust,  was  compelled  to  call  for  the  services 
of  a  man  of  business. 

She  consulted  her  friend,  Dr.  David  Hosach,  one  of  the  distinguished 
physicians  of  the  City  of  New  York,  who  advised  her  to  employ  me  as  agent 
to  settle  the  estate.  She  consented  to  do  so,  and  authorized  Hosach  to  engage 
me  as  agent  of  the  estate ;  which  he  did.  Compensation  was  to  result  from 
commissions  to  be  computed  upon  the  payment  of  certain  debts,  and  other  suc 
cessful  services. 

Upon  examination,  the  estate  was  found  to  be  indebted  by  notes,  discounted 
at  bank,  to  about  $20,000,  and  by  a  bond  on  which  the  principal  sum  unpaid 
was  about  $83,000. 

Upon  examination,  I  ascertained  that  the  means  of  the  estate  were,  a  valu 
able  real  estate  of  sixteen  hundred  acres  at  Morrisania,  within  nine  miles  of 
the  City  of  New  York,  on  which  there  was  a  large  and  valuable  dwelling 
house ;  a  hotel  in  Paris,  which  belonged  in  part  to  the  testator,  and  also  ex- 


REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES  A.  HAMILTON.  47 

tensive  tracts  of  land  in  the  northern  part  of  New  York,  for  which  Mr.  Morris 
held  the  title,  but  in  which  Le  Roy  de  Chaumont  and  others  had  an  interest ; 
the  extent  of  which  would  depend  upon  a  settlement,  involving  an  extended 
investigation  of  a  long-standing  account.  The  hotel  in  Paris  was  incumbered, 
and  an  advance  made  by  Mr.  Morris  to  the  Duke  of  Orleans,  the  late  king 
of  France,  as  follows  : 

When  Louis  Philippe  was  in  exile,  he  came  to  New  York.  I  recollect  see 
ing  him  at  my  father's  house,  in  this  city.  This  visit  was  recollected,  and  ad 
verted  to  by  the  king,  at  a  private  interview  which  he  gave  me  in  1837. 

Gouverneur  Morris,  in  order  to  aid  him,  loaned  to  him  in  1796  the  sum  of 
$6,000,  of  course  without  any  security,  the  payment  of  which  could  alone  de 
pend  upon  the  restoration  of  the  Orleans  family  to  their  estates  in  France.  After 
the  Bourbons  were  restored  Mr.  Morris  made  out  his  account,  computing  com 
pound  interest  at  six  per  cent,  per  annum.  When  this  statement  was  presented 
Louis  Philippe,  then  Duke  of  Orleans,  and  in  possession  of  his  vast  estates, 
paid  the  sum  of  32,000  francs,  about  $6,400,  but  did  not  pay  compound  in 
terest,  and  thus  the  matter  stood  when  the  agent's  work  began.  Measures 
were  immediately  taken,  and  with  success,  to  present  to  Louis  Philippe  tho 
claim  for  the  balance,  computed  at  compound  interest;  which  was  paid  in 
1818,  amounting  to  38,000  francs,  altogether  about  $14,000. 

The  first  arid  great  object  of  the  agent  was  to  release  the  estate  from  the 
bond  for  $83,000,  on  which  the  testator  was  security.  This  he  accomplished 
by  a  little  good  management. 

To  pay  the  debt  to  the  bank,  and  some  other  small  amounts,  an  arrange 
ment  was  made  to  borrow  from  an  insurance  company  in  New  York,  secured 
by  a  mortgage  on  Morrisania,  an  amount  sufficient  to  pay  all  the  debts ;  and 
thus  the  estate  was  rescued  from  all  its  entanglements. 

The  accounts  between  Mr.  Morris  and  Mr.  Le  Roy  de  Chaumont,  were  of 
long-standing,  and  to  understand  them  so  well  as  to  make  an  equitable  division 
of  the  wild  land,  was  a  work  of  great  labor.  A  settlement  satisfactory  to 
all  parties  was  made,  and  in  justice  to  Mr.  Le  Roy  de  Chaumont,  I  must  say, 
having  the  game  in  his  own  hands,  lie  behaved  in  a  most  upright  manner. 


CHAPTER    III. 

EARLY  POLITICAL  LIFE. 

The  American  newspaper  and  the  Bank  of  America — An  inquiry  into  the  conduct  of 
Mr.  Van  Ness — Effect  of  the  exposures — The  duel  between — The  forged 
challenge  to  Aaron  Burr — Retirement  from  office — The  De  Longiremare  and 
Mead  claims,  &c. — Conversations  between  the  Secretary  of  State  and  James  A. 

;.  Hamilton,  relative  to  the  Spanish  treaty — The  Presidental  contest  of  1824 — A 
visit  to  New  Orleans — General  Jackson — Incident  of  the  battle  of  New  Orleans 
— Eeturn  home — Encounter  with  Indians — Correspondence  with  M.  Van  Buren 
— Appointed  an  Aide — Banks  and  Banking. 

THE  American  newspaper,  established  in  the  city  of  New  York  by  Charles 
King,  Johnston  Ver  Planck  and  James  A.  Hamilton  as  proprietors  and  editors, 
was  published  weekly.  Their  leading  motive  was  to  expose  the  corrupt  prac 
tices  of  a  faction  in  the  State  of  New  York,  known  as  Federalists,  whose  political 
control  though  very  limited  in  the  eastern  was  very  considerable  in  the  western, 
and  absolute  in  a  portion  of  the  middle  district  of  the  State.  The  great  power 
of  this  faction  was  shown  in  manipulating  the  members  of  the  legislature. 
Their  aim  as  partizans  was  to  elect  De  Witt  Clinton  as  the  candidate  of  "  the 
peace  party,"  President  of  the  United  States,  in  1812.  Mr.  Madison  was  the 
candidate  of  the  Republican  party  and  elected  for  his  second  term.  On  the 
26th  January,  1820,  an  editorial  article  was  published  in  this  paper,  alleging 
that  the  Hon.  William  W.  Yan  Ness,  a  judge  of  the  Supreme  Court  of  the 
State  of  New  York,  and  as  such,  a  member  of  the  Council  of  Revision*  together 
with  Jacob  R.  Yan  Rensselaer,  a  member  of  the  legislature  and  Elisha  Wil 
liams,  had  been  strenuous  advocates  for  chartering  the  Bank  of  America ;  and 
that  notwithstanding  the  prorogation  of  the  legislature  on  the  21st  March, 
1812,  on  the  express  ground  of  corrupt  practices  used  to  carry  through  that 
charter.  It  was,  in  1812,  obtained  with  a  capital  of  six  millions — the  Bank  to 
pay  a  bonus  to  the  State  of  $600,000.  It  was  further  stated  in  the  article  in 

*  By  the  Constitution  of  the  State  of  New  York,  at  that  time,  all  acts  passed  by  the 
Legislature  must,  before  they  became  laws,  be  affirmed  by  a  majority  of  the  Council  of  Revi 
sion.  This  Council  consisted  of  the  Chancellor,  the  Judges  of  the  Supreme  Courts  and  the 
Governor  of  the  State. 


REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON.  49 

question  that  in  1813,  an  application  had  been  made  to  reduce  this  capital  to 
four  millions,  and  that  the  legislature  should  relinquish  five  of  the  $600,000. 
This  act  was  passed  by  the  legislature  and  concurred  in  by  the  Council  of 
Revision.*  For  the  services  of  Van  Ness,  Yan  Rensselaer  and  Williams  it 
was  stipulated  by  the  agents  for  the  charter  that  the  bank  of  Columbia,  in 
Hudson,  should  have  a  credit  not  to  exceed  $150,000  for  fifteen  years  with  the 
Bank  of  America,  on  which  the  Bank  of  Columbia  was  to  pay  6$,  of  which 
amount  the  Bank  of  America  was  to  refund  to  the  above-named  persons  3$ 
per  annum ;  and,  it  was  alleged,  that  when  this  agreement  was  submitted  to  the 
board  of  directors  of  the  Bank  of  America,  it  was  opposed  as  equally  unjust 
and  dishonorable,  and  after  some  delay  a  commutation  was  offered  and  accepted 
on  which  Williams  received  $20,000. 

It  was  further  declared  that  Mr.  Williams  showed  so  little  disposition  to 
divide  the  money  that  his  coadjutors  became  alarmed  for  their  shares  and 
talked  of  exposing  him ;  and  it  was  not  until  Williams  compelled  them  to 
acquiesce  in  the  admission  of  a  fourth  person  to  an  equal  division  of  the  spoils, 
upon  the  express  ground  of  that  fourth  person's  having  rendered  equal  service 
in  obtaining  the  charter,  that  he  would  consent  to  its  distribution.  Van  Ness 
received  $5,000,  Van  Rensselaer  $5,000  and  Williams  retained  (as  creditor  of 
that  fourth  person)  $5,000  and  an  equal  sum  as  his  own  share. 

On  the  26th  January  General  Root,  in  the  Assembly,  introduced  a  resolu 
tion,  which  was  passed,  that  a  committee  be  appointed  to  inquire  into  the 
official  conduct  of  Mr.  William  W.  Van  Ness,  whether  he  "  hath  so  acted  in  his 
official  capacity  as  to  require  the  interposition  of  the  constitutional  power  of 
the  House."  Judge  Van  Ness  appeared  and  asked  to  be  permitted  to  be 
present  in  person  and  by  his  counsel,  which  was  granted.  His  counsel  were 
John  V.  Henry,  of  Albany,  Thomas  Addis  Emmet,  and  Samuel  Jones.  The 
chairman  of  the  committee,  McKown,  was  the  law  partner  of  John  V.  Henry, 
having  been  educated  in  his  office.  Abraham  Van  Vechten  of  Albany,  and 
John  Duer,  appeared  on  behalf  of  the  House  of  Assembly. 

In  the  course  of  the  examination  of  witnesses  it  appeared  from  Oliver 
Wolcott's  testimony  that  a  paper  in  the  handwriting  of  Van  Rensselaer  was 
submitted  to  the  board  of  directors  of  the  Bank  of  America  which  was  produced 
by  Mr.  Williams  and  marked  Exhibit  E.|  In  that  paper  it  was  stated  that 
the  Bank  of  America  was  to  give  a  credit  to  the  Bank  of  Columbia  of  $150,000 
at  an  interest  of  6$  per  annum  for  fifteen  years  to  be  paid  yearly,  and  the  Bank 
of  America  did  consent  and  agree  to  pay  to  Elisha  Williams,  Jacob  R.  Van 
Rensselaer  for  their  own  use  and  benefit  the  one  half  part  of  all  such  interest 


*  It  is  worthy  of  notice  that  the  nomination  of  De  Witt  Clinton  for  President,  by  the 
Legislature  of  New  York,  was  postponed,  as  the  friends  of  the  Bank  would  not  go  into  caucus 
until  the  charter  had  finally  passed.  As  soon  as  the  charter  of  the  bank  had  passed,  on  the 
28th  May,  1812,  a  Committee  of  the  Republicans  of  the  Legislature  assembled  and  nominated 
De  Witt  Clinton  for  President. 

f  That  paper  is  now  in  the  possession  of  the  writer. 


50  REMINISCENCES    OF  JAMES  A.  HAMILTON. 

as  became  due  and  payable,  and  was  actually  paid  by  the  Bank  of  Columbia, 
which  said  half  of  the  interest  was  to  be  paid  annually  as  received  by  the  Bank 
of  America.  This  paper  was  endorsed  in  the  handwriting  of  Wolcott,  "Pro 
posed  instrument  relative  to  interest  receivable  from  the  Bank  of  Columbia." 

"  This  was  compromised  by  a  payment  in  money." 

Governor  Wolcott  when  examined  as  a  witness  proved  that  in  May  1813, 
he  being  president  of  the  Bank  of  America,  at  a  meeting  of  the  directors  this 
paper  was  exhibited  and  read,  and  the  proposition  excited  in  his  mind  emotions 
of  aversion  and  disgust  which  he  freely  expressed  in  the  presence  of  the 
directors.  He  believed  such  an  agreement  would  be  burthensome  to  the  Bank 
of  America  in  its  operation,  and  disgraceful  to  them  to  ratify.  He  said,  he  was 
.assured  of  its  tendency  to  injure  the  reputation  of  the  parties  more  immediately 
concerned  in  the  transaction.  Although  it  was  understood  that  the  proposed 
-contents  were  to  be  concealed  yet  he  considered  it  absurd  to  expect  such  a 
secret  would  be  kept  inviolate  for  fifteen  years — "for  myself,"  he  said,  "I 
.resolved  never  to  be  the  agent  of  giving  it  effect."  Several  of  the  directors 
entertained  similar  opinions  with  myself, — of  these  I  distinctly  recollect  Archi 
bald  Gracie,  William  Bayard  and  Stephen  Whitney,  I  believe  Preserved 
.Fish  was  of  the  number.  It  was  referred  to  me  to  confer  with  Mr.  Williams. 
At  the  conference  with  him  as  one  of  the  parties,  after  hearing  the  objections 

I. and  my  opinion  as  to  the  nature  and  tendency  of  the  proposed  agreements  both 

in  respect  to  the  two  banks  and  to  the  reputation  and  character  of  the  parties 
interested  in  the  proposed  agreement,  Mr.  Williams  was  willing  to  accept  a 
sum  which  according  to  my  belief  was  $20,000,  in  lieu  of  the  proposed  contract. 
In  answer  to  my  observations  upon  the  effect  of  that  contract  on  the  character 
of  the  parties,  I  recollect  Mr.  Williams  saying  that  he  considered  himself  as 
transacting  business  with  honorable  men  who  would  keep  the  affair  secret. 
Most  unquestionably  it  was  stated  by  Mr.  Williams  that  there  had  been  a 
bargain  made  between  him  and  the  agents  of  the  applicants  for  the  incorpora 
tion  of  the  Bank  of  America  by  which  the  Bank  of  America  was  to  pay  back 
to  him  one  half  of  the  interest  which  the  Bank  of  Columbia  paid  to  the  Bank 
of  America.  I  understood  Mr.  Williams  as  recognizing  what  is  stated  in  Ex 
hibit  E,  as  being  the  terms  of  the  original  agreement  he  made  with  the  agents 
for  obtaining  the  incorporation  of  the  Bank  of  America.  The  object  of  the 
•conference  was  not  to  get  security  bat  to  get  rid  of  a  bargain  as  stated,  and 
$20,000  was  agreed  to  be  paid  by  the  board  to  get  rid  of  a  bad  bargain.  This 
was  quite  inconsistent  with  the  idea  of  a  bond.  There  was  no  such  condition. 
Elisha  Williams,  a  witness,  said  he  was  in  Albany  during  the  greater  part  of 
the  winter  of  1812,  and  until  the  prorogation,  and  also  there  during  a  part  of 
the  Spring  session,  and  in  the  Senate  until  the  question  was  taken  which  decided 
'the  fate  of  the  bill.  Williams  further  testified  that  he  promoted  the  passing 
•of -the  bill,  and  having  made  an  agreement  with  people  calling  themselves  agents 
ibr  the  applicants  of  the  Bank  of  America  relating  to  a  credit  to  be  given  to  the 


REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON.  51 

bank  of  Columbia  by  the  bank  of  America  when  that  bank  should  be  incorpo 
rated. 

It  was  proved  by  Mr.  Bunner,  a  distinguished  lawyer,  and  afterwards  a 
member  of  Congress,  that  Van  Ness,  a  Judge  of  the  Supreme  Court,  and  mem 
ber  of  the  Council  of  Revision,  met  frequently  in  Room.  No.  10,  Gregory's 
Hotel,  Albany,  during  the  sittings  of  the  legislature,  with  the  agents  of  the 
applicants  for  the  incorporation  of  the  bank  of  America,  and  did  undoubtedly 
show  zeal  in  promoting  its  success,  as  much  as  Mr.  Williams,  Mr.  Newbold  or 
Mr.  Post — the  two  last  the  open  and  avowed  agents.  The  witness  heard  a 
conversation  as  to  how  such  a  member  of  the  legislature  would  vote :  u  I  am 
certain,"  he  said,  "  I  heard  Judge  Van  Ness  "  ask  "  if  such  a  person  had  been 
talked  to,  or  whether  such  a  person  had  been  seen."  I  understood  and  have 
ever  since,  from  conversations  mentioned  in  my  former  examinations,  understood 
that  Judge  Van  Ness  considered  himself  as  having  a  right  to  one-third  of  the 
$20,000.  Mr.  Bunner  stated  also  that  in  1813  (after  the  session  of  the 
legislature  which  took  off  the  bonus  of  the  bank  of  America),  he  had  a  con 
versation  with  Judge  Van  Ness  on  that  subject,  in  which  he  was  informed  that 
Williams  had  received  the  sum  of  820,000  from  the  Bank  of  America,  and  that 
after  he  knew  Williams  had  received  the  money,  he  had  an  interview  with  him. 
Judge  Van  Ness  expressed  some  surprise  that  Williams  had  not  paid  him.  He 
asked  Mr.  Williams  whether  he  had  received  the  money.  He  'said,  he  had. 
Van  Ness  then  asked  him  about  the  disposition  of  it.  Williams,  pointing  to  a 
bureau,  said,  "  the  disposal  of  it  will  be  found  there  in  my  will."  Mr.  Bunner 
said  he  understood  from  Judge  Van  Ness  at  that  time  that  a  portion  of  that 
money  belonged  to  him,  and  he  appeared  to  doubt  whether  Williams  intended 
to  give  him  his  portion. 

In  the  course  of  a  conversation  in  the'  same  year,  Van  Ness  expressed  his 
dissatisfaction  that  Mr.  Grosvenor  should  be  allowed  a  portion  of  the  money, 
(Mr.  Grosvenor  was  a  member  of  the  legislature  when  the  law  passed).  I  under 
stand,  said  Mr.  Bunner,  that  Mr.  Williams  claimed  that  Mr.  Grosvenor  had  a 
right  to  a  share  for  the  services  he  had  rendered  in  the  incorporation  of  the 
bank.  Van  Ness  insisted  that  Grosvenor  had  no  right  to  any  part  of  the  money. 
He  did  not  dispute  the  ground  of  Grosvenor's  claim  as  assigned  by  Mr.  Wil 
liams,  but  simply  said  that  Mr.  Grosvenor  had  no  right  to  the  money.  I  under 
stood  Judge  Van  Ness  that  he  expected  the  money  to  be  divided  between  him 
self,  Van  Rensselaer  and  Williams.  Mr.  Bunner  in  answer  to  a  question  said, 
u  Undoubtedly  I  understood  him  (Van  Ness)  to  say,  that  the  money  was  paid 
by  the  bank  for  himself,  Williams,  and  Van  Rensselaer."  Van  Ness  stated  that 
he  believed  that  Williams  introduced  the  name  of  Grosvenor,  in  order  to  appro 
priate  a  larger  portion  to  himself.  (Grosvenor  was  indebted  to  him.) 

Mr.  Gardiner  swore  that  Van  Ness,  before  the  application  was  made,  men 
tioned  to  him  that  an  application  was  to  be  made  next  winter  to  the  legisla 
ture,  for  the  incorporation  of  a  bank.  He  proposed  to  me  or  inquired  of  me 


52  REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON. 

how  I  would  like  to  be  an  agent  to  assist  in  obtaining  that  incorporation.  I 
declined  having  anything  to  do  with  it.  I  mentioned  to  Yan  Ness  that  I  ap 
prehended  this  application,  from  his  making  it  to  me.  was  for  a  Federal  Bank 
— that  it  was  a  Democratic  legislature,  and  that  I  apprehended  such  an  incor 
poration  could  not  be  obtained  without  corrupting  some  of  the  Democratic  mem 
bers  of  the  legislature.  In  proposing  the  agency,  Judge  Van  Ness  said,  "  I 
could  make  a  good  deal  by  it  if  I  would  undertake  it." 

Archibald  Oracle  sworn. — "  If  Mr.  Newbold  had  explained  in  my  hearing 
the  measures  he  had  pursued  or  the  contracts  he  had  made  in  procuring  the  in 
corporation  of  the  Bank  of  America — I  mean  to  say,  if  Mr.  Newbold  had  stated 
to  us  the  various  contracts  he  had  made  for  money  and  credits  in  procuring 
the  charter  of  the  bank,  we  (Mr.  Wolcott  and  I)  should  certainly  have  with 
drawn  from  the  association."  The  substance  of  Exhibit  E  was  stated  to  the 
board  by  Mr.  Wolcott.  The  ratification  of  that  contract  was  objected  to  by 
me,  and,  as  far  as  my  memory  serves,  by  Mr.  Wolcott.  I  stated  at  the  board  that 
I  considered  the  contract  as  stated  in  Exhibit  E,  and  made  to  the  board,  as  dis 
graceful  and  dishonorable  and  every  way  exceptionable.  I  would  never  agree 
to  it. 

The  course  of  proceeding  by  the  committee  and  the  counsel  of  Judge  Van 
Ness  (four  of  the  most  acute  lawyers)  was  to  raise  technical  objections  to  all 
the  evidence  which  would  lead  to  the  proof  of  the  guilt  of  the  party. 

The  counsel  objected  to  the  examination  of  Governor  Wolcott — they  ob 
jected  to  the  production  of  the  books  of  the  bank,  and  the  committee  would 
not  order  the  books  to  be  produced,  although  urged  to  do  so  by  the  counsel  for 
the  House. 

The  defence  of  the  Judge  was  that  Williams  paid  him  $5,000  for  becoming 
security  for  Williams  to  the  Bank  of  America.  Williams  stated  that  the  terms 
of  the  contract  with  the  agents  of  the  applicants  for  the  incorporation  of  the 
Bank  of  America  were,  that  the  Bank  of  Columbia  should  have  a  credit  with 
the  Bank  of  America,  for  $150,000  at  3$  for  fifteen  years ;  that  this  contract  was 
made  in  1812. 

The  testimony  of  Williams,  Van  Rensselaer  and  Newbold  was  in  conflict 
in  essential  points  with  that  of  Governor  Wolcott,  Archibald  Gracie,  Jonathan 
Burrill,  Rudolph  Bunner,  John  Duer,  and  particularly  with  the  recitals  in  the 
paper  marked  Exhibit  E,  which,  according  to  Van  Rensselaer's  testimony,  was 
the  work  of  Williams  and  himself. 

By  the  Resolution  of  the  House,  this  committee  was  appointed  to  inquire  into 
the  official  conduct  of  Judge  Van  Ness,  and  to  report  their  opinion  whether  he 
had  so  acted  in  his  official  capacity  as  to  require  the  interposition  of  the  Con 
stitutional  power  of  the  House.  This  inquiry  was  surely  intended  to  be  con 
ducted  as  the  proceedings  are  before  Grand  Juries ;  whereas  it  was  made  a  reg 
ular  trial  as  it  would  have  been  if  there  had  been  an  impeachment.  The  de 
cision  of  the  committee  was  contained  in  a  report  dated  April  5th,  1820.  Af- 


REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON.  53 

ter  stating  that  they  had  examined  a  great  number  of  witnesses,  they  say : 
"  Fronl  this  mass  of  evidence  thus  deliberately  taken  and  maturely  considered 
your  committee  are  of  opinion  that  there  is  nothing  in  the  official  conduct  of 
the  lion.  William  W.  Van  Ness  that  requires  the  interposition  of  the  Consti 
tutional  power  of  the  House." 

I  was  removed  from  the  office  of  Master  in  Chancery  by  the  Governor,  l)e  \^/ 
Witt  Clinton,  without  any  alleged  cause  •  but  evidently  because  I  had  made  a 
charge  against  Judge  Van  Ness,  which  although  clearly  proved  by  the  Judge's 
own  statements,  was  not  sustained  by  the  Committee.  Van  Ness  commenced  a 
suit  against  the  Editors  of  the  American  to  recover  damages  for  a  libel,  founded 
upon  the  publication  in  the  American.  The  defendants  pleaded  specially  affirm 
ing  the  truth  of  what  they  had  charged.  The  plaintiff  instead  of  joining  issue 
demurred  to  the  pleas  on  the  ground  of  irregularity.  The  question  upon  the 
demurrer  was  argued  before  the  Supreme  Court ;  Emmet,  Wells,  and 
Jones  for  the  plaintiff.  James  A.  Hamilton,  as  counsel  for  the  defendants, 
averred  that  he  had  drawn  the  pleas  in  order  to  present,  as  the  issue  to  be  tried 
by  the  jury,  the  fact  that  the  plaintiff  had  been  guilty  of  corruption  in  his 
official  capacity,  to  wit :  in  receiving  money  from  the  Bank  of  America  for 
services  rendered  as  a  member  of  the  Court  of  Revision,  and  otherwise  in  ob 
taining  an  act  of  incorporation  and  a  subsequent  modification  of  that  act  ad 
vantageous  to  the  Bank.  He  insisted  emphatically,  that  the  character  of  the 
plaintiff  had  been  impeached  in  a  manner  which  not  only  brought  him  into  dis 
grace,  but  tended  to  disgrace  the  Court  of  which  he  is  a  member,  and  the 
State  of  New  York.  He  declared  that  he  did  not  intend  to  argue  the  technical 
questions  raised  by  the  demurrer.  He  and  his  associates  were  not  insensible 
to  the  grave  character  of  the  charges,  or  the  responsibility  they  had  assumed 
in  making  them.  In  assuming  that  responsibility  they  were  not  influenced  by 
any  feelings  of  personal  unkindness  toward  the  plaintiff;  but  they  verily  be 
lieved  he  was  guilty  of  the  charge  in  its  broadest  sense,  and  that  he  and  they 
had  performed  a  high  duty  to  the  State  in  bringing  him  to  justice.  As  to  the 
pleas  and  the  demurrer  the  court  will  decide  according  to  law :  All  the  de 
fendants  asked  the  court  to  do,  was  to  make  such  a  decision  as  would  enable 
them  to  present  in  any  further  pleading  an  issue  distinctly  raising  the  question 
of  the  guilt  or  innocence  of  the  plaintiff,  who  he  insisted,  instead  of  endeavour 
ing  to  shrink  from  that  issue  by  technical  objections,  should,  if  innocent,  court 
a  trial  upon  that  issue ;  and  thus,  by  a  verdict  of  his  peers,  the  dishonor  with 
which  he  was  now  covered  would  be  wiped  out.  The  defendants  were  willing 
to  meet  such  an  issue  and  to  go  before  a  jury  upon  the  testimony  taken  before  the 
Committee  of  the  House  of  Assembly.  They  were  not  indifferent  to  theresponsibil- 
ity  of  their  position,  they  had  deliberately  charged  a  member  of  this  Court  with 
corrupt  practices  in  his  official  duties,  and  they  were  ready  to  meet  the  pecuniary 
damages  and  all  other  consequences.  And  we  now  call  upon  the  learned  gentle 
men  who  appear  for  the  plaintiff  to  unite  with  us  in  framing  such  pleas  as  will 


54  EEMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON. 

present  a  clear  issue  as  to  the  guilt  or  innocence  of  their  client ;  and  to  take  such 
a  course  as  will  lead  to  a  prompt  trial.  "With  great  respect  to  those  most  emi 
nent  advocates  we  insist  that  if  they  shall  be  unwilling  to  accept  this  offer,  it  will 
manifest  a  want  of  confidence  in  the  innocence  of  their  client. 

It  is  believed  no  decision  was  made  by  the  Court;  certainly  very  soon 
afterward  the  cause  was  discontinued  by  the  plaintiff. 

The  effect  of  the  exposure  of  this  corrupt  faction  upon  the  public  mind  was 

most  emphatic  as  it  respected  the  accused.     A  convention  was  demanded  by  the 

popular  voice.     The  Constitution  was  amended  so  as  to  remove  the  judges  of 

]  the  Supreme  Court ;  and  upon  its  organization  Judge  Van  Ness  was  left  to  pass 

!  the  residue  of  a  misspent  life  in  solitude,  a  victim  to  remorse.     Williams   and 

Van  Rensselaer  with  their  adherents  were  never  heard  of  again. 

As  a  Master  in  Chancery,  I  had  a  most  extensive  and  profitable,  though 
arduous  business.  In  the  case  of  references  involving  the  investigation  of  liti 
gated  accounts,  such  as  the  settlement  of  the  accounts  of  executors,  trustees, 
and  others,  I  made  an  effort  to  introduce  a  course  of  practice  which  would  pre 
sent  distinctly  the  points  at  issue  between  the  parties,  by  requiring  tbe  com 
plainant  to  file  a  charge,  and  defendant  a  discharge,  and  thus  present  the  items 
of  the  accounts  fully  and  distinctly  to  the  master,  and  through  his  report  to 
the  Court. 

On  the  day  of  -  — ,  182-,  I  made  a  sale  for  which  I  received  on 

that  day  a  check  for  85,200.  I  went  to  the  Bank  of  America,  received 
the  amount,  and  from  thence  to  the  Bank  of  New  York,  where  I  then  and 
now  keep  my  account,  to  deposit  the  money.  On  handing  my  bank  book 
with  the  notes  to  the  receiving  teller  it  was  found  I  was  $1,000  short.  I 
returned  directly  to  the  Bank  of  America,  stated  the  circumstances,  and  asked 
the  cashier  to  ascertain  whether  I  had  been  paid  the  full  amount  of  the  check 
by  an  examination  of  the  teller's  cash.  This  was  done,  and  it  appeared  I  had 
received  the  full  amount.  I  advertised  the  loss  in  the  Evening  Post  the  day  it 
occurred,  and  offered  a  reward  to  the  person  who  had  found  and  would  return 
the  lost  $1,000  note.  Several  years  after,  a  director  of  the  Bank  of  America 
called  and  informed  me  that  a  suit  by  the  bank  against  a  man  who  had  picked 
up  a  note  of  $1,000  on  the  floor  near  the  counter  would  be  tried  the  next  week 
and  requested  me  not  to  be  in  the  court,  or  in  the  city,  on  the  ground  that  if  it 
should  be  proved  that  I  had  lost  a  81,000  note  at  that  time,  the  bank  might 
not  recover — there  had  been  one  trial  without  a  verdict — the  suit  had  been 
pending  several  years.  He  urged  that  if  it  should  appear  that  it  was  my  note 
that  had  been  taken  from  the  floor  near  the  desk,  I  could  not  recover,  because 
the  statute  of  limitation  would  be  a  bar  to  a  suit  by  me.  At  the  same  time 
he  engaged  that  if  the  testimony  showed  that  the  note  was  mine,  the  bank 
would  pay  the  amount  received  to  me,  deducting  charges.  I  assented  to  the 
arrangement,  taking  care  to  send  my  partner,  Mr.  Dunlap,  an  acute  lawyer,  to 
note  down  all  the  testimony. 


REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES   A.  HAMILTON.  55 

It  appeared  the  defendant  had  told  his  partner  that  he  had  picked  up  a 
$1,000  note  on  a  particular  day,  on  the  floor  of  the  Bank  of  America,  near  the 
teller's  desk.  They  agreed  that  the  note  should  be  put  away  and  not  used 
for  some  time ;  which  being  done,  an  entry  was  made  to  that  effect  o.n  that  day. 
The  partners  afterward  quarrelled  about  their  affairs,  and  he  who  did  not  find 
the  note  informed  the  bank  of  the  circumstance.  The  day  the  note  was  found 
agreed  with  the  day  of  my  advertisement  and  of  my  short  deposit.  I  having 
made  my  account  of  the  sales  good  by  adding  $1,000  of  my  own  funds,  was  thus 
a  loser  to  that  amount. 

The  Bank  got  a  verdict  for  $1,000  interest  and  costs,  which  after  some 
months'  delay  was  paid.  The  examination  of  the  evidence  by  Mr.  Dunlap  and 
reference  to  the  advertisement  and  bank  book  satisfied  us  both  that  the  note 
picked  up  from  the  floor  was  dropped  by  me,  and  therefore  belonged  to  me.  I 
said  nothing  to  the  bank  on  the  subject.  Some  months  afterwards,  the  same 
director  called  upon  me  on  this  subject.  I  pointed  out  to  him  the  concurrent 
circumstances,  and  ins'isted  that  as  the  teller's  account  on  the  day  of  my  loss 
showed  such  a  note  had  been  paid  out,  and  that  I  had  lost  a  note  paid  to  me  on 
that  day,  the  conclusion  was  very  strong  that  I  had  dropped  the  note  which 
the  defendant  in  the  suit  had  found  on  the  floor.  The  gentleman  left  me  with 
out  assenting  to  or  denying  the  force  of  what  I  had  urged,  but  a  few  days  after 
offered. to  pay  me  $500,  which  I  accepted,  having  no  remedy  whatever  against 
the  bank.  The  offer  necessarily  implied  that  the  note  belonged  to  me,  and  if  I 
was  entitled  to  anything  I  was  certainly  entitled  to  the  whole  amount  of  princi 
pal  and  interest,  deducting  charges  paid  by  the  bank.  This  conduct  on  the 
part  of  the  bank  confirmed  the  expression  that  "  Corporations  have  no 
souls." 

Another  strange  event  occurred  while  I  was  Master  in  Chancery  and  about 
the  time  the  charges  was  made  in  the  American  newspaper  against  Van  Ness 
and  others. 

Sitting  at  my  table,  having  just  finished  a  report  and  signed  it  "  James  A. 
Hamilton,  Master  in  Chancery,"  Colonel  Troup,  the  early  friend  of  my  father, 
came  into  my,office  and  taking  out  of  his  pocket  book  a  paper  in  the  form  of  a 
note,  handed  it  to  me  without  saying  a  word.  I  read  it  twice,  and  returned  it 
to  him  together  with  the  paper  I  had  just  written  and  signed.  He  compared 
the  writing  of  the  two  papers  and  said,  "  I  am  satisfied  it  is  a  forgery."  Ac 
cording  to  Parton's  life  of  Aaron  Burr  (page  616)  the  paper  was  in  these 
words :  / 

"  AARON  BURR — Sir:  Please  to  meet  me  with  the  weapon  you  choose,  on  the  15th 
May,  where  you  murdered  my  father,  at  10  o'clock,  with  your  second. 

(Signed)  "JAMES  A.  HAMILTON." 

"May  8th,  1819. 

I  was  very  much  excited  and  angered  that  Burr  should  dare  to  make  any 
communication  to  me ;  arid  that  Troup  should,  as  his  friend,  have  been  the 


56  REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON. 

•  medium,  and  under  the  excitement  I  very  foolishly  replied,  "  Sir  I  am  not  satis 
fied — the  note  is,  as  you  say,  a  forgery,  but  if  you  come  here  as  the  friend  of 
Aaron  Burr  to  accept  the  challenge  if  sent  by  me,  I  adopt  it."  Troup  replied, 
"  Such  was  not  my  purpose.  I  did  not  come  here  believing  you  wrote  the 
note.  I  will  now  return  it  to  Mr.  Burr."  He  then  took  his  leave  with  evident 
embarrassment.  From  the  character  of  the  writing,  I  believed  it  was  the  work 
of  a  weak  and  wicked  man  who  well  knew  my  hand-writing  and  was  devoted  to 
the  corrupt  faction,  then  the  subject  of  attack  in  the  newspaper,  the  Ameri 
can,  of  which  I  was  an  editor  and  in  part  a  proprietor,  and  that  it  was  done  in 
the  hope  that  I  might  be  disgraced  or  destroyed.  I  related  the  circumstance 
to  three  discreet  friends  who  agreed  with  me  and  thought  it  best  at  present  not 
to  say  anything  more  about  it,  under  the  expectation  that  its  author  would  re 
port  uthat  Hamilton  had  challenged  Aaron  Burr,"  and  that  as  this  report  might 
be  traced,  the  author  of  the  base  fraud  would  be  discovered. 

Parton's  statement  that  Burr  wrote  a  reply  in  these  words  : — "  Boy  I  never 
injured  you,  nor  wished  to  injure  your  father — A.  Burr,"  is  a  pure  invention. 
How  did  Parton  learn  that  such  a  reply  was  written?  He  says  on  reflection 
however,  "he  thought  it  best  not  to  notice  the  communication,  and  tore  up  his 
reply."  If  the  reply  was  torn  up  at  the  time,  as  is  implied  by  what  he  says, 
how  did  Parton  obtain  a  copy  of  it?  That  Burr  did  not  think  it  best  to  notice 
the  communication  is  proved  not  to  be  true,  by  the  fact  that  he  sent  Troup  with 
the  note  to  me,  as  I  have  before  stated.  He  alleges  that  Burr  addressed  me  as 
a  lay.  I  was  then  over  thirty  years  of  age. 

As  to  the  duel  with  my  father.  Burr  was  defeated  at  the  election  in  the 
House  of  Representatives  by  Hamilton  through  his  influence  with  the  Federal 
ists,  many  of  whom  wished  to  elect  Burr  in  order  to  defeat  Jefferson.  Among 
other  letters  written  on  the  occasion  by  Hamilton,  we  quote  from  one  to 
Gouverneur  Morris,  dated  26th  December,  1800  : 

1st.  "That  the  Convention  with  France  ought  to  be  ratified  as  the  least  of  two 
evils. 

2d.  "That  on  the  same  ground,  Jefferson  ought  to  be  preferred  to  Burr — I  trust 
that  the  Federalists  will  not  be  so  mad  as  to  vote  for  the  latter.  I  speak  with  an 
intimate  and  thorough  knowledge  of  character.  His  elevation  can  only  promote  the 
purposes  of  the  desperate  and  profligate.  If  there  is  a  man  in  the  world  I  ought 
to  hate,  it  is  Jefferson.  With  Burr,  I  have  always  been  personally  well,  but  the 
public  good,  must  be  paramount  to  every  private  consideration." 

The  public  good  was  always  not  only  his  rule  of  action,  but  his  governing 
principle. 

Again,  Burr  was  a  candidate  for  Governor  of  New  York — Morgan  Lewis 
was  also  a  candidate.  Hamilton's  influence  with  the  Federal  party,  decided 
the  election  in  favor  of  the  latter.  Thus  were  Burr's  hopes  of  political  success 
again  frustrated  by  Hamilton's  influence.  He  could  have  no  prospect  of  success 
with  the  anti-Federal  party  of  which  he  was  a  member,  and  he  could  not  carry 


REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON.  57 

a  sufficient  number  of  the  disorganized  because  defeated,  Federal  party,  so  long 
as  Hamilton  lived. 

Burr  consequently,  under  color  of  the  duel,  sought   to  and  did  assassinate      / 
Hamilton.     The  latter  in  his  last  moments,  referring  to  the  manner  of  his 
death,  said : 

"Duelling  was  always  against  my  principles.  I  used  every  expedient  to  avoid 
the  interview,  but  I  have  found  for  some  time  past  that  my  life  must  be  exposed  to 
that  man.  I  went  to  the  field  determined  not  to  take  his  life." 

Deprived  of  office,  I  earnestly  devoted  my  time  to  my  profession,  and  with 
some  success.  John  Hodman,  District  Attorney  of  New  York,  being  obliged 
by  feeble  health  to  pass  the  winter  in  the  South,  employed  me  to  perform  the 
duties  of  his  office  during  his  absence.  The  compensation  for  these  services, 
both  arduous  and  painful,  was  850.  The  great  advantage  to  me  was  that  it 
habituated  me  to  the  trial  of  causes — made  me  acquainted  with  criminal  law, 
and  led  to  other  business  which  was  much  more  profitable.  During  this  time 
I  was  employed  by  an  extensive  mercantile  house  in  New  York  to  recover  a 
claim  arising  out  of  a  contract  with  the  Spanish  Government,  and  to  that  end,  on 
the  20th  of  March,  1817,  I  addressed  a  letter  to  the  Hon.  John  Q.  Adams, 
Secretary  of  State,  who  was  negotiating  a  treaty  with  that  government,  giving 
him  a  brief  statement  of  the  claim,  and  asking  that  my  clients,  who  were  Amer 
ican  citizens,  should  be  protected  by  their  government.  To  this  the  Secretary 
replied,  that  should  a  treaty  be  made  this  claim  and  others  like  it  would  be 
provided  for.  Thus  this  matter  rested  until  the  Florida  Treaty  was  ratified. 
My  clients  then  requested  me  to  prosecute  the  claim  before  the  Commissioners, 
and  agreed  to  pay  my  traveling  expenses  between  Washington  and  New  York 
and  in  Washington,  and  to  give  me,  if  necessary,  a  small  commission  upon  the 
amount  awarded.  The  act  of  Congress  passed  to  carry  out  the  Treaty,  appro- 1 
priated  five  millions  of  dollars  to  pay  the  claims.  Judge  White,  of  Tennessee, 
Littleton  W.  Tazewell,  of  Virginia,  and  William  King,  former  Governor  of 
Maine,  were  appointed  commissioners.  Each  claimant  was  requested  by  the 
board 'to  present  a  memorial,  giving  a  brief  statement  of  the  grounds  of  his 
claim,  within  a  given  period. 

When  this  was  done,  the  commissioners  examined  the  several  memorials, 
and  decided  whether  a  case  was  presented  for  further  proceedings.  The  De 
Longuemare  claim,  of  which  I  had  charge,  being  founded  upon  a  contract,  was, 
after  much  deliberation,  rejected,  on  the  ground  that  contract  claims  did  not 
come  within  the  term  and  intent  of  the  treaty.  This  decision  was  gratifying 
to  the  great  majority  of  the  claimants,  because  it  excluded  a  large  amount  of 
claims,  and  thus  the  dividends  of  those  which  were  admitted  would  be  in 
creased.  The  celebrated  Mr.  Pinkney,  of  Maryland,  said  to  me :  "I  could 
demonstrate  that  contract  claims  were  embraced  by  the  treaty  ;  but  you  know  in 
these  cases  we  are  all  Ishmaelites — every  man's  hand  is  against  his  neighbor." 


58  REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON. 

The  Meade  claim,  being  for  a  very  large  amount,  was,  with  many  others  of 
the  same  character,  likewise  rejected.  I  returned  to  my  clients  in  New  York; 
explained  to  them  the  grounds  of  the  decision,  and  expressed  my  determination 
to  carry  out  a  plan  I  had  formed,  which  I  believed  would  induce  a  reversal  of 
that  decision.  I  explained  my  purpose  to  Mr.  De  Longuemare  in  confidence; 
but  without  inspiring  him  with  the  hope  I  indulged.  He  was  not  disposed  to 
incur  the  additional  expense  of  my  going  to  "Washington.  I  was  informed  that 
a  claim  had  been  allowed  in  the  loss  of  a  ship  and  her  cargo,  in  which  the  firm 
of  D.  &  J.  had  an  interest,  but  to  what  amount  I  did  not  know.  I  informed 
Mr.  De  Longuemare  of  this  claim,  and  proposed  to  him  to  prosecute  both 
claims.  He  knew  nothing  about  the  last  claim ;  had  no  confidence  in  it,  and 
was  distressed  that  he  should  lose  what  was  equivalent  to  a  fortune  to  him. 
He,  however,  said  to  me :  "  I  will  make  a  new  bargain  with  you :  I  will  incur 
no  further  expense ;  but  if  you  choose  to  go  on  with  the  work,  I  will  agree  to 
give  you  the  amount  you  may  receive  under  the  last  claim,  provided  you  re 
cover  the  former  one ;  if  not,  I  am  to  have  the  amount  of  the  last."  This  I 
agreed  to,  and  I  received  a  power  of  attorney,  authorizing  me  to  present  a 
memorial  for  the  last  claim  in  my  own  name  as  the  attorney  for  those  whom  it 
might  concern.  I  returned  to  Washington,  prepared  a  memorial  in  relation  to 
the  last  claim — the  memorial  and  proof  in  regard  to  the  ship  and  cargo  afford 
ing  me  the  materials,  and  presented  it,  to  await  its  turn  to  be  considered.  I 
then  visited  Mr.  Adams ;  talked  over  with  him  the  matter  in  relation  to  the 
rejected  claim,  referred  to  his  answer  to  my  letter,  calling  his  attention  to  the 
claim  before  the  treaty  was  formed,  in  which  he  said  he  would  protect  the 
claim  if  a  treaty  was  made.  He  insisted  that  contract  claims,  as  well  as  those 
arising  from  torts,  were  embraced  by  the  terms  of  the  treaty,  and  were  dis 
tinctly  understood  by  the  negotiators  to  be  covered  by  the  treaty.  He  refer 
red  to  his  protocols  and  various  circumstances  to  prove  that  this  was  so ;  and 
that  the  decision  of  the  commissioners  was  erroneous.  I  proposed  to  address 
a  letter  to  him,  calling  his  attention  to  the  case,  and  to  the  decision  of  the 
commissioners,  and  asking  him  to  give  me  his  opinion  upon  the  subject  in 
writing,  to  which  he  assented.  I  then  went  to  see  Mr.  Hyde  De  Neuville, 
the  French  Minister,  who  had  been  an  intermediary  between  the  negotiators, 
Mr.  Adams  and  Don  Onis,  the  Spanish  Minister.  De  Neuville  gave  me  a  cer 
tificate  that  the  contracting  parties  intended  to  include  the  claims  of  our  citi 
zens  of  all  kinds  whatever  arising  from  contracts  for  torts,  and  he  obtained  for 
me  a  letter  from  Don  Onis  to  the  same  effect. 

I  prepared  my  letter  to  Mr.  Adams  with  great  care,  and  put  it  into  his 
hands.  He  told  me  he  would  give  me  an  answer  as  soon  as  possible.  I  re 
turned  to  New  York ;  and  after  waiting  several  days  for  the  answer,  returned 
to  Washington.  At  this  period  the  journey  to  Washington  was  made  by  stage. 
During  my  repeated  journeys  on  this  business  I  passed  over  the  road  at  least 
twenty  times,  and  on  one  occasion  was  ten  hours  in  going  between  Baltimore 


REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES   A.  HAMILTON.  59 

and  Washington  in  a  stage-coach.  On  the  4th  of  March,  1822,  I  went  early 
to  the  department,  found  Mr.  Adams  there.  As  soon  as  I  entered,  he  took 
a  letter  from  his  table,  delivered  it  to  me,  saying,  "  I  was  about  to  mail  it  to 
you.  I  regret  to  say,  the  letter  will  disappoint  you."  I  read  it.  The  Presi 
dent  had  directed  him  not  to  give  any  opinion  as  to  claims — either  to  claim 
ants  or  their  agents,  and  only  to  the  commissioners  when  they  requested  him 
to  do  so.  I  asked  permission  to  call  upon  him  again  whenever  he  had  time  to 
receive  me.  He  said,  "  To-morrow  at  9  o'clock  at  my  house." 

I  went  there,  and  said  frankly  to  Mr.  Adams  that  under  the  decision  of  Mr. 
Monroe,  the  President,  my  clients  by  a  mere  matter  of  etiquette  and  official 
form  were  to  be  deprived  of  a  large  amount  of  money,  and  I  of  all  compensation  , 
for  my  long  and  arduous  services  ;  (I  had  been  at  Washington  about  two  years  i 
on  this  business.)  Mr.  Adams  said  :  "  Yes,  I  regret  that  it  is  so."  I  then 
said  :  "  You  have  again  and  again,  in  conversation  with  me,  asserted  that  these 
claims  are  covered  by  the  treaty ;  you  have  referred  to  your  papers  to  cor 
roborate  that  opinion,  and  I  have  your  engagement  that  this  claim  should  be 
provided  for  whenever  a  treaty  should  be  made,  and  the  assurance  in  writing  of 
Don  Onis  and  Mr.  De  Neuville  to  the  same  effect.  I  have  always  and  do  still 
consider  these  conversations  with  you  as  confidential.  I  have  therefore  felt  bound 
not  to  make  use  of  what  you  have  told  me  without  your  consent.  These  con 
versations  were  held  with  me  before  the  President's  interdict.  Now  I  ask  your 
permission  to  make  use  of  those  conversations;  and  to  communicate  in  writing 
to  the  commissioners  what  you  have  stated  to  me  on  this  subject  he/ore  the  in 
terdict  of  the  President,  together  with  the  declaration  of  Don  Onis  and  the 
French  Minister.  I  can  thus  attain  without  a  violation  on  your  part  of  the 
directions  of  the  President,  the  object  I  have  in  view.  Mr.  Adams  rose  from 
his  chair,  put  his  arm  on  the  mantle,  stood  so  for  a  few  moments  in  deep  medi 
tation,  and  then  replied  with  emphasis :  "  You  have  properly  considered  my 
conversations  with  you  as  confidential.  You  are  now  at  liberty  to  use,  as  you 
please,  all  I  have  said  to  you  heretofore  on  the  subject;  but  you  must  first 
submit  to  me  what  you  write,  that  I  may  be  assured  that  my  opinions  and 
statements  are  correctly  set  forth. 

I  thanked  him  cordially,  and  took  my  leave,  and  immediately  wrote  down 
Mr.  Adams'  conversations  with  me  precisely  as  I  recollected  them,  and  after 
making  a  fair  copy  enclosed  that  in  a  note  addressed  to  him,  and  delivered  it 
to  him  at  the  Department.  The  following  is  a  copy  of  that  paper  : 

CONVERSATIONS  BETWEEN  THE  SECRETARY  OF  STATE  AND  JAMES  A.  HAMILTON 
IN  RELATION  TO  THE  STH  SECTION  or  THE  9xn  ARTICLE  OF  THE  TREATY 
WITH  SPAIN. 

Mr.  Hamilton  requested  to  be  informed  by  Mr.  Adams  whether  the  parties 
to  the  Treaty,  and  particularly  the  Government  of  the  United  States,  did  or 


60  REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES  A.  HAMILTON. 

not  intend  to  embrace  claims  arising  out  of  contracts  within  the  5th  renuncia 
tion  of  the  9th  article  of  the  Treaty  with  Spain.  Mr.  Adams  replied  substan 
tially  as  follows : 

*'  During  the  negotiation,  no  distinction  was  ever  made  by  Mr.  Onis  or  myself,  be 
tween  claims  arising  out  of  contracts  or  from  torts,  or  any  others  which  might 
partake  of  the  character  of  both.  It  unquestionably  was  the  intention  of  both  the 
parties  to  the  treaty  to  provide  for  all  claims  of  citizens  of  the  United  States  upon 
the  Spanish  Government,  of  which  statements  had  been  made  to  this  Government ; 
whether  arising  out  of  contracts  or  torts  ;  and  the  5th  renunciation,  at  the  request 
of  the  Spanish  Minister  was  acceded  to  by  our  Government,  in  order  to  include  all 
claims  as  to  which  the  aid  of  the  Government  had  been  called  for.  The  course  of  the 
negotiation  on  the  subject  was  this: 

"  The  5th  section  of  the  9th  article,  nearly  in  its  present  form,  was  a  part  of  the 
project  sent  to  me  by  Mr.  Onis.  It  was  considered  by  our  Government  inadmissi 
ble,  because  it  would  include  claims  by  contract  as  well  as  others,  and  it  therefore  did 
not  form  a  counter  project  sent  by  me  to  Mr.  Onis. 

"Mr.  Onis  afterwards  requested  that  section  to  be  restored,  to  which  the  Presi 
dent  and  his  Cabinet,  or  such  of  the  gentlemen  composing  it  as  were  present  at  the 
consultation,  acceded,  and  it  was  restored  March  5,  1822. 

(Signed)  "  JAMES  A.  HAMILTON." 

This  statement  I  handed  to  Mr.  Adams,  and  when  he  had  looked  it  over, 
he  desired  me  to  call  at  his  house  in  the  afternoon  for  the  paper.  I  did  so, 
and  found  he  had  changed  some  parts  of  my  paper  making  it  more  definite,  and 
presenting  the  arguments  in  favor  of  his  opinion  in  stronger  language,  with  the 
addition  of  some  important  facts.  I  took  this  paper,  copied  it,  and  went  with 
both  to  Judge  White.  He  read  the  original  with  Mr.  Adams'  corrections,  and 
T  read  my  copy.  I  then  told  him  it  was  my  intention  to  send  the  copy  I  had 
made,  together  with  the  papers  I  had  received  from  Don  Onis  and  De  Neu- 
ville,  to  the  Board  ;  and  I  asked  him  to  say  that  he  had  seen  the  original  with 
Mr.  Adams'  corrections,  thus  proving  that  they  were  his  opinions  in  his  own 
language.  This  was  done,  and  the  commissioners  reversed  their  previous 
decision.  Tazewell  was  vexed,  for  he  had  induced  the  former  decision  by  his 
refinements.  He  abused  Mr.  Adams,  and  insisted  that  I  had  "  bamboozled 
him."  My  memorial  was  received  ;  the  proofs  were  certain,  and  a  very  large 
sum  was  awarded  to  my  clients,  which  I  afterwards  received  at  the  Treasury,  and 
paid  over  to  M.  De  Longueniare  and  to  Mistress  Jewell  their  respective  shares. 
In  the  meantime  the  other  claim  was  allowed,  and  about  S'20,000  was  awarded 
to  me,  which  I  also  received  as  my  own,  less  $2,000,  which  I  paid  to  the  person 
who  called  my  attention  to  it,  and  aided  me  in  obtaining  the  facts  and  the  proofs. 

I  was  employed  to  prosecute  the  claim  presented  by  Mr.  Bunner,  the  ad 
ministrator  of  the  estate  of  John  B.  Church,  who  married  my  mother's  eldest 
sister.  In  this  case  the  question  of  citizenship  was  raised  under  the  following 
statement  of  facts.  This  gentleman  came  from  England  during  the  Revolu 
tionary  war.  He  was  a  clever,  enterprising,  industrious  man,  and  probably 


REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON.  61 

from  his  previous  employment  in  the  business  of  his  uncle,  who  was  a  banker  in 
London,  was  an  expert  accountant.  He  was  then  known  as  John  Carter,  and 
by  that  nume  employed  by  Congress  to  settle  the  accounts  of  the  Northern 
Army,  then  commanded  by  Major-General  Philip  Schuyler,  and  thus  was 
introduced  to  the  General's  family.  He  married  his  daughter  Angelica  with 
out  her  father's  consent.  Mr.  Carter  or  Church,  I  know  not  when  he  assumed 
the  last,  his  true  name,  was  afterwards,  with  Wadsworth,  Commissary  of  the 
French  Army,  and  in  that  employment  amassed  an  immense  fortune  without 
any  reproach.  After  the  war,  Church  went  to  Paris,  settled  his  accounts  with 
the  French  Government,  returned  to  England,  his  native  country,  purchased  a 
borough,  was  returned  to  the  House  of  Commons,  and  formed  intimate  rela 
tions  with  Charles  Fox,  who  borrowed  from  him  twenty  thousand  pounds 
sterling.  Church  remained  in  England  until  about  1796,  when  he  came  to 
New  York  with  his  family,  purchased  real  estate  in  that  city,  enjoyed  all  the 
rights  and  performed  all  the  duties  of  an  American  citizen.  He  voted,  and 
from  time  to  time  served  as  a  juryman,  having,  as  he  said,  "  the  misfortune  fre 
quently  to  serve  on  the  jury  with  eleven  devilish  obstinate  men." 

In  the  enjoyment  of  extensive  means,  he  lived  expensively,  was  hospitable, 
and  having  a  disposition  to  indulge  in  games  of  chance,  he  became,  with  sev 
eral  gentlemen  of  New  York,  an  out-door  insurer.  During  that  period,  when 
our  commerce  was  almost  annihilated  by  the  policy  of  England  and  France, 
his  fortune  was  essentially  impaired,  and  thus  the  claims  for  losses  under  the 
Florida  Treaty  arose.  He  remained  in  this  country  until  about  1811,  when 
he  went  to  England  not  intending  to  return,  and  died  there.  Under  this  state 
of  facts,  the  question  whether  he  was  an  American  citizen  arose,  and  after  a 
free  and  full  discussion  the  commission  decided  that  Church  was  a  citizen  on 
the  ground  that  "  once  a  citizen,  always  a  citizen."  The  claim  was  allowed 
and  paid.  I  had  two  other  claims  in  which  I  was  successful. 

During  my  attendance  upon  the  commission,  I  frequently  visited  Rufus 
King  and  Mr.  Van  Buren,  then  Senators  from  New  York.  Mr.  King  took  a 
deep  interest  in  my  success.  At  one  visit  I  well  recollect  he  expressed  regret 
that  I  had  not  come  in  a  little  sooner,  because,  he  said,  "  Giles,  late  Governor 
of  Virginia,  has  been  with  me  and  talking  of  your  father  and  the  events  of  the 
day ;  he  made  a  clean  breast  of  it.  (You  know  it  was  he  who  in  1793  intro 
duced  in  the  House  of  Representatives  resolutions  concerning  yonr  father's 
management  of  the  Treasury.)  Governor  Giles  said,  c  I  did  not  believe  Ham 
ilton  had  done  anything  wrong;  those  resolutions  were  drawn  up  by  Mr. 
Madison,  who  urged  me  to  present  them;  that  Madison  was  the- most  vindictive 
little  fellow  he  had  ever  known.'  "  At  another  visit,  Mr.  King  told  me  that 
Yan  Buren  wished  to  be  appointed  a  Judge  of  the  Supreme  Court  of  the 
United  States,  and  that  he,  Mr.  King,  had  urged  his  appointment,  He  then 
asked  me  if  I  thought  he  would  make  a  good  Judge.  I  replied :  "  He  is 
entirely  trustworthy."  and  at  the  bar  prepared  his  causes  with  great  industry, 


62  REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON. 

and  argued  them  well.  Judge  Thompson  received  the  appointment,  and  Van 
Buren  was  very  much  dissatisfied. 

Calhoun  called  upon  me,  and  invited  me  to  an  evening  party.  When  I  was 
presented  to  him,  he  expressed  much  pleasure  at  seeing  me,  and  said,  "I  wish 
you  would  remain  near  me  until  my  guests  have  all  come  in ;  I  wish  to  talk 
with  you."  I  did  so — and  shortly  afterwards  he  took  me  by  the  arm,  walked 
to  a  corner  of  the  room,  asked  me  if  he  could  render  me  any  service  in  Wash 
ington  :  and  after  expressing  his  admiration  for  my  father,  said,  "  Sir,  I  have  a 
clear  conviction  after  much  reflection,  and  an  entire  knowledge  and  familiarity 
with  the  history  of  our  country  and  the  working  of  our  government,  that  his 
policy  as  developed  by  the  measures  of  Washington's  administration,  is  the  only 
true  policy  for  the  country."  I  expressed  my  thanks:  he  introduced  me  to 
some  of  his  friends  and  asked  me  to  call  upon  him  whenever  I  had  leisure  to 
do  so. 

Calhoun  was  then  hoping  to  be  President,  and  doubtless  supposed  I  would 
communicate  to  my  Federal  friends  these  views. 

During  the  period  of  my  attendance  on  the  commissioners  under  the  Florida 
Treaty,  I  became  acquainted  with  William  Crawford,  whom  Irving  much  esteem 
ed.  He  was  intelligent,  well  informed  and  scrupulously  upright.  His  views  in 
regard  to  the  administration  of  the  government  seemed  to  me  to  be  very  judi 
cious. 

During  this  time,  there  was  an  active  canvass  going  on  in  Washington  as 
to  who  should  be  the  candidate  of  the  Republican  party  at  the  election  in  1824. 
I  became  interested  in  Mr.  Crawford,  and  worked  hard  for  his  election. 

MARTIN  VAN  BUREN  TO  JAMES  A.  HAMILTON. 

"WASHINGTON,  January  26,  1825. 

"  MY  DEAR  HAMILTON  :  I  wrote  you  a  long  letter  the  other  day,  but  burnt  it  in 
consequence  of  its  having  been  delayed  but  one  day,  and  that  short  period  having 
worked  an  almost  entire  revolution  in  the  state  of  things  here.  At  present  our  af 
fairs  are  situated  thus  ; — Clay  and  his  friends  have  settled  down  for  Adams.  This 
makes  for  Adams,  certain,  the  following  States;  five" in  New  England,  Illinois,  Ohio, 
and  Kentucky.  The  States  on  which  they  calculate,  and  the  only  ones  to  which 
they  can  lay  the  least  claim,  are  Rhode  Island,  New  York,  Maryland,  Missouri  and 
Louisiana — making  the  thirteen.  They  must  get  every  one  of  them  to  succeed,  and 
they  have  no  pretensions  to  any  other.  The  unexpected  and  apparently  unnatural 
course  taken  by  Mr.  Clay's  friends,  has  produced  the  strongest  possible  feelings  of 
resentment.  Jackson's  friends  are  of  course  in  arms.  The  combination  is  avowedly 
hostile  to  Mr.  Calhoun,  and  his  friends  are  highly  excited.  The  push  on  the  part 
of  Mr.  Adams'  supporters  will  be  to  succeed  on  the  first  ballot.  If  they  do  not  there 
is  no  such  thing  as  forming  a  rational  conjecture  as  to  after  results.  I  do  not  leliexe 
they  will  so  succeed,  but  their  chance  is  far  from  desperate.  It  will  depend  on, 
slight  circumstances  how  the  matter  goes  after  the  first  ballot.  Mr.  Crawford's 
chance  in  the  house  will  then  be  better  than  it  has  been  at  any  period.  His  friends 


REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON.  63 

adhere  to  their  determination  to  abide  by  Lira.  Even  if  they  wished  to  support 
Jackson,  that  would,  under  the  circumstances,  be  the  most  advisable  course.  I  will' 
not  say  absolutely  that  it  is  not  possible  for  Crawford's  friends  to  elect  Jackson,  but 
I  doubt  it  extremely.  It  is  certain  that  there  would  be  greater  probability  of  suc 
cess  if  Jackson's  friends  were  to  support  Crawford.  To  that  we  look.  If  the  ques 
tion  was  now  between  Crawford  and  Adams,  and  South  Carolina  was  to  decide  it, 
Mr.  Crawford  would  succeed.  I  thank  you  kindly  for  your  offer  to  come  down.  I 
do  not  see  that  it  can  be  of  any  avail,  but  if  you  have  curiosity  to  be  here  why  not 
gratify  it.  I  have  had  hard  work  to  keep  on  the  ground  I  suggested  to  you,  but  have 
succeeded  in  doing  so,  and  find  cause  for  gratification  in  having  done  so.  As  long  as 
Eddy  holds  out,  there  is  amoral  certainty  that  Adams  cannot  be  elected;  but  you 
know  how  he  will  stand  if  Adams  gets  the  twelve  States.  Yours  truly,  &c." 

MARTIN  VAN  BUREN  TO  JAMES  A.  HAMILTON. 

"  WASHINGTON,  December  20,  1820. 

"  MY  DEAR  SIR:  I  return  you  Bunner's  letter.  His  feelings  are  evidently  against 
us,  and  nothing  but  the  fear  of  being  regarded  as  a  deserter  will  keep  him  on  the 
right  side.  The  only  way  of  effecting  that,  in  my  judgment,  is  to  speak  of  his  going 
over  as  a  probable  event  attributable  to  the  insincerity  of  his  conversion.  Unless 
restricted  by  you  I  will  in  a  few  days  hold  that  sort  of  talk  to  Yerplank,  to  whom 
by  right  he  must  look  for  his  safety.  My  conversation  will  of  course  be  such  as  to 
exclude  suspicion  of  what  ought  not  to  be  known.  B.  is  right  in  one  thing.  There 
is  not  the  least  doubt  that  everything  Noah  says  against  Adams  does  him  great  good 
with  our  country  Republicans  who  look  upon  Noah  literally  with  abhorrence.  Is 
there  not  spirit  enough  in  the  Democratic  party  of  the  great  city  of  New  York  to 
establish  a  press  in  which  honest  men  can  confide?  Betts  is  nominated  for  judge. 
The  Federalists  struggled  hard  to  prevent  it,  but  have  been  quieted  by  the  assurance 
that  it  was  necessary  to  give  a  few  appointments  to  the  Bucktails,  as  they  call  us,  to 
divide  them  and  thus  enable  the  same  sort  of  coalition  which  succeeded  in  1826  to 
triumph  in  1828.  Taylor  has  been  chief  manager  in  the  business,  that  is  certain. 
Mr.  Sandford,  to  my  knowledge,  was  not  advised  with  or  of  the  matter.  Judge 
Betts  had,  you  know,  an  avenue  of  direct  approach  to  the  President  through  *  * 
*  *  But  the  leading  motive  is  to  enable  Young  and  Porter  to  make  a  party  out 
of  the  Democratic  interest  in  the  State.  If  you  had  any  other  paper  than  Nofih's 
you  could  make  much  of  this  huckstering,  shuffling  course;  but  the  least  said  about 
it  the  better.  I  have  not  at  present  the  least  doubt  of  my  election.  My  accounts 
warrant  that  belief.  The  administration  here  will  be  cautious  how  they  meddle. 
It  seems  they  are  determined  not  to  give  me  up.  For  the  last  two  days  the  report 
of  the  day  has  been  that  the  office  of  Secretary  of  State  was  to  be  offered  to  me, 
and  Mr.  Clay  to  run  for  the  Vice  Presidency,  &c.,  &c.  There  is  no  doubt  that  the 
folks  here  would  do  any  thing  now  that  was  desired  of  them,  but  it  is  out  of  the  ques 
tion.  They  have  nothing  in  their  gift  that  I  would  hesitate  a  moment  in  refusing; 
but  this  language  you  know  it  would  not  do  to  hold  publicly.  My  time  has  come. 
Write  me  often  and  frankly.  Truly  yours,  &c." 


64  REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES  A.  HAMILTON. 

MARTIN  VAN  BUREX  TO  JAMES  A.  HAMILTON. 

"WASHINGTON,  December  30,  1826. 

"  MY  DEAR  HAMILTON  :  I  cannot  advise  as  to  the  use  of  the  letter  until  I  see  it. 
If  you  are  not  willing  to  send  me  a  copy,  with  directions  to  burn  it  after  read,  the 
matter  must  rest  until  I  can  see  you.  You  have  certainly  a  right  to  use  all  lawful 
weapons  to  get  at  the  means  necessary  to  do  justice  to  your  father's  memory.  I  beg 
you  to  get  and  send  me  forthwith  such  extracts  from  the  correspondence  between 
General  Washington  and  your  father  as  relates  to  the  power  of  the  General  Govern 
ment  over  the  subject  of  internal  improvements.  If  it  can  be  useful  I  will  send  it 
back  to  your  brother  John,  and  get  it  authenticated,  as  he  has  the  other  extract. 
Don't  forget  this,  as  I  may  want  to  use  it  soon.  You  have  seen  the  blow  up  about  the 
Yice-President.  He  has  turned  the  war  completely  into  the  enemy's  camp.  Taylor 
has  outraged  all  propriety  in  the  appointment  of  the  committee.  The  Vice-Presi 
dent's  Mends,  as  you  will  see  by  the  telegraph,  believe  that  this  is  done  not  so  much 
to  harass  him  as  to  defend  themselves  by  preventing  inquiries  as  to  who  moved  the 
wires.  Satterlee  Clark,  who  is  the  ostensible  man,  is  from  your  city,  and  talks  big 
here  about  New  York  politics.  He  makes  speeches  about  the  certainty  of  my  defeat, 
&c.  &c.  Very  sincerely  your  friend,  &c. 

"  P.  S.  Inter  nos. — I  dined  with  the  President  on  Friday,  when  the  following 
dialogue  took  place :  President — '  I  am  much  troubled,  sir,  about  the  appointment  of 
Surveyor  in  New  York.'  Answer — 'I  presume  so.  It  was  a  source  of  much  trouble 
to  Mr.  Monroe.'  President — kYes,  but  his  was  voluntary.'  Keply — '  I  presume  you  are 
hard  pressed  to  re-appoint  the  present  incumbent?'  President — 'Yes,  and  I  have 
great  repugnance  to  the  act.'  A  long  pause — but  nothing  more  said  on  either  side. 
Ou^ht  I  to  have  said  more  unless  expressly  asked?  The  design  in  introducing  the 
conversation  was  obvious,  but  it  is  too  late  in  the  day.  I  was  so  certain  from  John 
King's  manner  and  conversation  when  he  left  me,  that  he  carried  instructions  to 
open  the  war  upon  me,  that  I  wrote  to  Campbell  my  impression  by  the  same  mail, 
and  requested  General  Van  Kensselaer  to  lay  by  the  ammunition  for  me." 

MRS.  ELIZABETH  HAMILTON  TO  HER  SON,  JAMES  A.  HAMILTON. 

"MAY  11,  1827. 

"  MY  DEAR  SON  :  Your  unremitting  kindness  and  attentions,  and  in  this  last 
instance  of  providing  for  my  comfort,  demands  my  most  ardent  and  affectionate 
thanks.  As  I  think  my  wants  will  not  require  your  enclosed  check  until  the  autumn, 
let  me  say  to  you  that  when  I  shall  require  your  goodness  to  aid  me  I  will  call  upon  you. 
As  all  good  acts  are  recorded  in  the  habitation  where  your  father  now  is,  I  have  no 
doubt  this  one  will  be  proclaimed  to  him,  and  have  thus  given  him  another  motive 
to  implore  continued  blessings  upon  you.  Amen,  my  dear  son !  Your  affectionate 
mother." 

This  letter,  so  full  of  kindness  and  fervent  piety,  affords  a  suitable  occasion 
to  record  another,  and  her  last,  evidence  of  her  affection  for  the  same  son.  In 
1854  my  mother  resided  in  Washington  (her  daughter,  Mrs.  Eliza  Holly,  living 
with  her).  On  the  8th  day  of  November,  1854,  I  was  informed  by  my  sister 
that  our  mother  was  quite  sick.  I  went  immediately  to  Washington,  and 
arrived  there  on  the  morning  of  9th  November.  I  found  my  mother  so  sick  as  to 


REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES  A.  HAMILTON.  65 

induce  a  belief  that  she  would  not  recover,  and  such,  I  learned  from  her  attend 
ing  physician,  was  his  opinion.  She  had  no  acute  disease  or  pain.  I  passed 
the  day  in  her  room,  and  in  the  evening  my  dear  good  sister,  who  was  so  unre 
mitting  iu  her  attentions,  said  to  me,  u  James,  I  sat  up  with  mother  last  night,  I 
wish  you  to  do  so  to-night ;  I  will  sleep  on  the  sofa  in  the  next  room  ;  there  is 
no  medicine  to  be  given  to  her ;  should  there  be  any  change,  call  me."  This  was 
about  nine  at  night.  I  took  my  seat  at  the  bedside  with  my  face  to  my  mother's, 
holding  the  pulse  of  her  right  wrist  with  my  right  hand,  and  so  continued  about 
two  hours,  the  pulse  growing  more  feeble  all  the  time.  At  length,  about  eleven 
o'clock,  mother  in  a  clear  voice  asked  me  to  change  the  bedclothes  at  her  feet, 
which  I  did,  and  then,  intending  to  resume  my  place,  I  bowed  my  head  down  to 
see  if  there  was  any  change  in  her  countenance.  She  put  her  arm  around  my 
neck,  pressed  me  to  her,  kissed  me  most  affectionately ;  and  said,  '•'  God  bless 
you,  you  have  been  a  good  son ;"  the  arm  was  relaxed,  there  was  a  slight 
hiccough,  a  slight  discharge  of  dark-colored  liquid  from  the  sides  of  her  mouth, 
and  she  was  dead — her  pulse  and  breath  were  gone.  I  wiped  off  her  mouth, 
kissed  her,  and  called  my  sister.  Her  intellect  seemed  to  be  as  clear  at  the 
last  moment  of  her  life  as  it  ever  was.  It  was  my  good  fortune  to  have  almost 
the  entire  care  and  management  of  her  affairs.  The  elder  son,  Alexander,  was 
away  from  home  attending  to  his  commercial  affairs.  I  remained  at  the  Grange 
with  her  as  long  as  she  remained  there,  attending  to  the  cultivation  and  house 
hold,  and  after  her  father's  death  I  became  useful  in  collecting  her  rents  and 
selling  such  parts  of  her  property  as  her  needs  required.  She  was  a  most 
earnest,  energetic,  and  intelligent  woman.  Her  engagements  as  a  principal  of  the 
Widow's  Society  and  Orphan  Asylum  were  incessant.  In  support  of  these 
institutions  she  was  constantly  employed,  and  as  I  once  playfully  told  her, 
"Mamma,  you  are  a  sturdy  beggar."  She  replied,  "My  dear  son,  I  cannot 
spare  myself  or  others ;  my  Maker  has  pointed  out  this  duty  to  me,  and  has 
given  me  the  ability  and  inclination  to  perform  it."  Her  mind  and  body  never 
rested,  because  both  were  always  employed.  She  was  a  skilful  house-wife; 
expert  at  making  sweetmeats  and  pastry;  she  made  the  undergarments  for  her 
children,  was  a  great  economist  and  most  excellent  manager.  During  the  few 
last  years  of  her  life,  living  at  "Washington,  she  took  great  interest  in  public 
affairs.  Without  intending  to  say  any  thing  offensive,  she  habitually  spoke  of 
the  slave-holding  States  as  the  "  African  States."  She  was  a  devout  Christian, 
the  best  of  wives,  mothers,  and  women.  At  the  time  she  was  the  principal  of  [ 
the  Orphan  Asylum,  she  found  a  little  fellow  in  the  arms  of  a  fireman  whose 
parents  had  been  destroyed  by  the  burning  of  their  house.  Being  an  orphan, 
she  directed  the  fireman  to  take  the  little  "  McKavit "  to  the  Orphan  Asylum, 
on  the  Bloomingdale  Road,  giving  him  the  means  to  hire  a  carriage  to  do  so, 
and  gave  him  her  card,  with  directions  to  say  she  had  sent  him  with  the  boy, 
who  was  to  be  taken  care  of.  This  was  done.  He  was  a  bright  boy — received 
as  good  an  education  as  the  asylum  afforded.  When  he  arrived  at  the  proper 
5 


L 


66  REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON. 

age  (16  years),  she  obtained  a  place  for  him  at  the  Military  Academy.  He 
went  through  the  course ;  was  put  back  the  first  year  for  deficiency,  but 
ultimately  took  his  degree.  She  then  obtained  a  commission  for  him  as  a 
Second  Lieutenant  of  Infantry.  He  remained  in  the  army,  was  promoted  to  a 
captain,  was  in  the  Mexican  War,  and  was  killed  at  Monterey  gallantly  leading 
his  company  into  the  hottest  of  the  fight.  He  contributed  to  the  asylum  every 
year  after  he  left  it  an  annual  sum,  and  the  day  before  his  death  he  made  a  will 
and  bequeathed  all  he  had  to  the  asylum.  The  writer  of  this  note  collected 
back  pay  and  investments ;  the  sura,  according  to  his  best  recollection,  was  about 
eighteen  hundred  dollars,  which  was  paid  over  to  Mrs.  Bethune,  the  principal 
directress. 

My  success  as  the  agent  of  claims  under  the  Florida  Treaty  enabled  me  to 
pay  off  a  mortgage  of  $3.000  on  a  two-story  brick  house  in  Yarick  near  Broome 
street,  in  which  I  lived  several  years,  and  to  enter  upon  a  new  'course  of  life. 

From  1825,  when  I  purchased  eighty  lots  of  ground,  as  before  stated,  I 
devoted  my  attention  to  making  money  by  dealing  in  real  estate  in  New  York 
and  Brooklyn,  and  building  houses,  with  very  marked  success.  I  purchased  a 
block  of  ground  bounded  by  four  streets,  near  the  Navy  Yard,  Brooklyn,  with 
a  dwelling  house,  at  public  auction,  which  I  divided  into  lots  and  sold  at  over 
one  hundred  per  cent,  advance.  I  purchased  lots  in  Jackson  street,  built  four 
two-story  brick  houses,  and  sold  them  at  a  considerable  advance.  In  association 
with  Mr.  C.  H.  Hall,  I  built  a  Bull's  Head  tavern  corner  of  Twenty-fourth 
street  and  Third  Avenue,  and  laid  out  proper  yards  between  that  and  Twenty- 
third  street ;  I  also  built  two  brick  dwellings  north  of  Twenty-fourth  street 
and  Third  Avenue.  I  sold  the  Bull's  Head  property  and  the  two  houses 
for  forty  thousand  dollars.  I  built  a  three-story  brick  house  in  Laight  street, 
and  one  in  Yarick  street,  where  I  lived  for  several  years.  I  purchased  a  large 
square  on  Broadway,  where  the  New  York  Hotel  now  stands,  for  fifty-two  thous 
and  dollars.  After  holding  it  for  three  or  four  years,  I  sold  it  in  parcels  at  a 
very  great  advance. 


CHAPTEK    IV. 

FROM  DECEMBER,  1827,  TO  DECEMBER,  1828. 

A  visit  to  New  Orleans — Gen.  Jackson  at  home — A  banquet  in  Nashville — Incidents 
of  the  Battle  of  New  Orleans — Anecdotes  about  Gen.  Jackson — Threat  to  shoot 
a  river  pilot — Mrs.  Jackson's  Arrival  at  New  Orleans — Entertainments — A  negro 
ball — Mobile — Adventure  with  the  Indians — Impressions  of  Gen.  Jackson — 
Political  mano3uvres — Offer  of  a  position  as  aide-de-camp  on  Gov.  Van  Buren's 
staff — The  offer  declined,  but  the  appointment  made — Paper  on  banks  and  bank 
ing. 

IN  December,  1827,  I  was  appointed  by  the  Corporation  of  the  City  of  New 
Fork,  together  with  Messrs.  Saul  Alley  and  Thaddeus  Phelps,  to  present  to  his 
Excellency  the  Governor  of  the  State  of  Louisiana,  a  copy  of  Mr.  Colden's 
memoir  "  on  the  New  York  Canals,  with  a  medal  struck  to  commemorate 
the  completion  of  the  Erie  Canal ;  and  to  represent  the  Republican  Citizens 
of  the  City  of  New  York,  and,  in  their  behalf,  to  tender  to  Major-General 
Andrew  Jackson  their  congratulations  on  the  return  of  the  glorious  anniversary 
of  the  Battle  of  New  Orleans." 

This  appointment  was  made  without  my  knowledge,  or  any  intimation  by 
whom,  or  from  what  consideration,  the  honor  was  conferred  upon  me.  I  ac 
cepted  it  with  pleasure,  because  it  afforded  me  an  opportunity  to  see  much  of 
our  country,  and  particularly  one  of  those  men  who,  by  a  brilliant  military 
achievement,  had  rendered  it  a  very  important  service. 

As  my  associates  had  gone  to  New  Orleans  on  business,  I  decided  to  make 
my  way  to  the  residence  of  Gen.  Jackson,  Nashville,  Tennessee,  and  to  accom 
pany  him  to  New  Orleans. 

I  left  Washington  by  stage  for  Wheeling,  in  Virginia,  on  the  13th  day  of 
December,  1827 ;  passed  through  Pittsburgh  to  Cincinnati,  from  thence  to  Louis 
ville,  which  place  I  left  on  the  19th,  for  the  mouth  of  the  Cumberland  River; 
left  Smithland  on  the  21st,  and  arrived  at  Nashville  on  Sunday,  the  23d  of 
December,  at  7  o'clock  P.  M. 

The  next  day  Col.  Ward,  a  neighbor  and  much  valued  friend  of  General 


68  REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON. 

Jackson,  called  upon  me,  and  proposed  to  accompany  me  to  the  Hermitage, 
twelve  miles  distant  from  Nashville.  We  travelled  on  horseback.  On  our 
arrival,  at  mid-day,  the  General  received  us  most  cordially. 

There  came  to  dinner  William  B.  Lewis,  Robert  Armstrong,  and  others. 
A  peculiarity  of  Western  entertainment  was,  that  as  soon  as  dinner  was  an 
nounced,  all  the  gentlemen  went  to  the  side-board  in  the  drawing-room  to  take 
a  drink,  and  then  all  went  into  the  dining-room.  I  observed  during  all  my 
visit  that  the  table  was  loaded  with  food,  and  in  all  the  spare  rooms  there  were 
two  beds.  The  General's  house  was  the  stopping-place  for  travellers  going  to 
Nashville.  Here  they  ate  and  slept,  not  occasionally,  but  from  day  to  day ;  so 
much  so,  that  the  General  said  to  me,  u  Colonel,  we  must  take  our  horses ;  we 
have  no  opportunity  to  be  alone  here."  The  evening  of  the  day  I  arrived,  there 
drove  up  a  farmer  with  wife,  children,  and  servants,  to  stay  the  night ;  and  such 
was  the  usual  course  of  things.  "  He  kept  a  tavern,  without  the  privilege  of 
making  a  bill." 

During  the  second  morning  Mrs.  A.  J.  Donelson  (whom  I  afterwards  so 
well  knew  and  so  much  esteemed  and  admired)  came  up  to  the  door  on  horse 
back,  with  her  infant  in  her  arms,  and  the  colored  nurse  on  another  horse.  I 
was  astonished  to  see  a  young  and  delicate  lady  and  mother  making  a  visit  in 
this  manner,  and  was  told  it  was  the  most  convenient ;  because  the  streams, 
generally  speaking,  in  the  country,  were  not  bridged ;  and  from  house  to  house, 
off  the  general  highways,  they  travelled  in  by-paths. 

On  the  24th  Dec.,  1827,  I  was  invited  by  a  portion  of  the  citizens  of  Nash 
ville  to  a  public  dinner  at  the  Nashville  Inn. 

The  dinner  was  numerously  attended.  It  was  given  in  the  house  where 
Jesse  and  Thomas  Benton  made  a  deadly  assault  upon  Gen.  Jackson.  The 
place  of  the  assault  was  shown,  and  all  the  circumstances  related  to  me.  Jack 
son's  life  was  only  saved  by  his  coolness  and  courage. 

The  General's  conversation  was  frank  and  interesting.  He  seemed  anxious 
to  learn  the  characters  of  different  public  men  in  New  York,  and  particularly 
as  to  Clinton  and  Van  Buren ;  their  probable  course  and  their  influence  upon 
the  approaching  election.  Afterwards  I  became  convinced  that,  confident  of  suc 
cess,  he  was  looking  to  the  future. 

His  opinion  of  Clinton  wras  elevated ;  and,  as  I  believe,  far  above  his 
deserts.  He  had  heard  much  of  Yan  Buren  that  was  unfavorable.  I  replied 
that  I  had  known  him  well  before  the  war  of  1812 ;  that  he  was  then  an 
earnest  and  useful  supporter  of  the  Government.  His  reputed  cunning  was 
referred  to.  I  replied  that  I  had  not  seen  any  thing  of  that  kind ;  that  he  was 
unquestionably  sagacious,  proverbially  cautious ;  and  that  his  success  in  his 
profession  was  due  to  his  industry  in  preparing,  and  his  skill  in  trying,  his 
causes.  His  political  success  was  due  rather  more  to  the  folly  and  want  of 
patriotism  of  the  opposing  faction,  and  the  popular  impulses  connected  with  the 
war. 


REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES  A.  HAMILTON.  69 

The  General  spoke  highly  of  the  course  of  Rufus  King  during  the  war,  as 
opposed  to  that  of  Eastern  Federalists.  I  was  satisfied  he  thought  very  highly 
of  Clinton. 

The  General  related  the  following  incidents  connected  with  the  Battle  of 
New  Orleans.  When  his  boats  with  his  army  made  the  shore  above  the  city,  he 
was  informed  that  the  enemy  were  landing  below.  He  immediately  ordered 
his  men  to  prepare  to  advance,  and,  attended  by  a  few  cavalry,  he,  with  Edward 
Livingston,  went  into  the  city.  On  his  way  to  the  front  he  was  met  and  stop 
ped  by  a  crowd  of  men  and  women  in  great  distress. 

"  I  told  Livingston,  who  understood  their  language,  to  address  them,  and  to 
say,  1 1  am  going  down  to  meet  the  enemy.  I  will  drive  them  off,  or  die  in 
your  defence.'  He  did  so.  I ivent  on  my  way  to  duty,  they  went  off  to  dance" 
His  first  entrenchments  were  lower  down  the  river ;  finding  they  were  not 
advantageously  situated,  he  placed  them  where  they  were  when  the  great  battle 

was  fought.     I  remarked,  "  You  retreated,  then  ?  "     "  Yes,  by  the ,  and  it 

was  the  only  time  I  ever  retreated  in  my  life." 

One  of  the  large  guns  was  commanded  by  a  captured  pirate,  who  was  an 
excellent  gunner.  The  General  said,  "  Never  was  a  gun  fired  with  more 
rapidity,  skill,  and  effect.  At  every  discharge  it  swept  through  the  line  of  the 
enemy,  making  a  wide  gap,  which  was  again  and  again  filled  up  immediately, 
with  a  degree  of  courage  I  never  before  witnessed.  At  length,  however,  they 
faltered,  and  I  then  said,  *  Fire  away ;  by  God,  I  have  them ! ' " 

At  the  period  of  my  visit,  the   currency   in  that   part  of  the  country  was 
scarce.     The  banks  were  bankrupt,  as  I  learned ;  and  before  measures  were  taken 
by  the  Government  to  restore  specie  payments,  the  currency  was  so  extended,      \ 
that  land  which  had  before  sold  for  $8,  or  $10,  per  acre,  was  then  held  at  about 
$70,  and  so  of  all  other  values. 

The  Treasury  used  the  Bank  of  the  United  States,  Madison's  Bank,  to  re 
deem  the  currency.  Very  many  who  lost  money  by  the  change  attributed  their 
losses  to  the  Bank  ;  and  from  the  views  and  feelings  expressed  by  the  General 
as  to  the  course  of  the  Bank,  I  inferred  he  was  one  of  those  who  had  suffered, 
and  who  took  that  view,  lie  expressed  strong  opinions  against  the  Bank  of 
the  United  States;  and  to  my  great  astonishment  said,  (when  excited,)  "Colonel, 
your  Father  was  not  in  favor  of  the  Sank  of  the  United  Slates"  I  was  confound 
ed,  and  at  a  loss  what  to  say,  as  I  did  not  suppose  he  spoke  from  want  of  knowl 
edge,  but  from  a  reference  to  this  particular  Bank,  and  made  no  reply. 

The  steamer  Pocahontas  was  chartered  by  citizens  of  New  Orleans  to  con^ 
vey  the  General  and  his  party  from  Nashville  to  that  city.  She  was  fitted  out 
in  the  most  sumptuous  manner.  The  party  was  General  and  Mrs.  Jackson,  two 
gentlemen  with  their  wives,  a  young  lady,  Miss  B — ,  Governor  Samuel  Hous 
ton,  AY  in.  B.  Lewis,  Robert  Armstrong,  and  others,  and  the  New  York  dele 
gate.  The  only  freight  was  the  General's  cotton-crop. 

During  the  voyage  we  stopped  at  the  different  towns  on  the  river,  at  the 


70  REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON. 

most  of  which  the  people  were  assembled ;  and  at  the  principal  ones,  commit 
tees  addressed  the  General,  to  whom  he  made  appropriate  replies.  In  the  course 
of  the  voyage  an  event  occurred,  which  I  repeat,  as  it  is  suggestive  of  character. 
A  steamer  of  greater  speed  than  ours,  going  in  the  same  direction,  passed  us, 
crossed  our  bow ;  then  stopped  and  let  us  pass  her ;  and  then  passed  us  again 
in  triumph.  This  was  repeated  again  and  again,  until  the  General,  being  ex 
cited  by  the  offensive  course,  ordered  a  rifle  to  be  brought  to  him ;  hailed  the 
pilot  of  the  other  steamer,  and  swore  that  if  he  did  the  same  thing  again  he 
.would  shoot  him.  As  I  believed  the  General  was  in  earnest,  and  as  such  an 
outrage  could  not  be  of  service  to  our  cause,  I  went  below  and  stated  to  Mrs. 
Jackson  what  had  occurred  ;  she  said  mildly,  "  Colonel,  do  me  the  favor  to  say 
to  the  General  I  wish  to  speak  to  him."  I  did  so.  He  went  to  the  cabin  with 
I me,  and  remained  there  in  chat  with  her. 

I  conversed  much  with  Mrs.  Jackson,  and  found  her  an  amiable,  sensible 
woman.  It  has  frequently  occurred  to  me  that  it  was  a  very  great  misfortune 
that  she  did  not  live  to  exert  her  influence  over  the  General,  and  guide  him  by 
her  good  sense  and  good  feelings,  when  he  was  President.  If  she  had  been 
alive,  the  great  mistake  in  relation  to  Mrs.  Eaton  would  not  have  been  nTacteV" 

Mrs.  Jackson  was  an  uncommonly  ugly  woman — I  mean  inlier  appearance 
only.  She  was  the  first  woman  I  ever  saw  smoke  a  cigar.  She  was  correct  and 
easy  in  her  manners,  playful  in  conversation,  and  fond  of  a  joke,  as  the  fol 
lowing  will  show : 

Before  we  arrived  at  Natchez,  where  I  was  to  leave  the  party  and  go  on  to 
meet  my  colleagues,  the  young  lady  of  the  party  told  me  she  feared  her  bonnet 
was  not  fit  to  be  seen  at  New  Orleans,  and  asked  me  if  I  could  not 
get  one  for  her  and  send  it  aboard,  before  they  landed.  As  an  enterprising 
man,  and  not  a  little  disposed  to  be  gallant,  I  replied  :  "  If  you  are  willing  to 
trust  to  my  taste,  I  will  make  the  attempt."  Shortly  afterward,  the  two  young 
married  ladies,  hearing  what  had  occurred,  asked  me  to  get  bonnets  for  them, 
which  I  also  engaged  to  do.  A  day  or  two  after  this,  Mrs.  Jackson  said  :  "  Colo 
nel,  I  wish  you  would  do  me  a  great  favor."  I  replied,  "  Madam,  it  will  afford 
me  much  pleasure  to  render  you  any  service  in  my  power."  "  I  have  under 
stood  you  have  engaged  to  get  bonnets  in  New  Orleans  for  these  ladies.  Now 
I  wish  to  test  your  enterprise  by  asking  y^>u  to  get  a  bonnet  for  me  and  a  le- 
coming  one"  This  was  said  with  a  semi-serious  air,  which  induced  the  ladies 
as  well  as  herself  to  smile. 

I  replied,  "  I  will  prove  to  you,  madam,  that  I  have  the  skill  as  well  as  enter 
prise  to  do  all  you  require." 

As  soon  as  I  arrived  at  New  Orleans,  I  presented  a  letter  of  introduction 
Mr.  Livingston  had  given  me  to  Mr.  Montgomery,  and  by  the  advice  of  his 
family  I  went  to  the  most  fashionable  milliner  in  New  Orleans;  purchased  for 
the  ladies  their  several  bonnets,  and  had  them  properly  packed  and  sent  to  the 
party  on  board  the  steamer  above  the  city.  The  bonnets  were  worn  by  the 


REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON.  71 

ladies  at  their  reception  ;  and  Mrs,  Jackson  was  the  belle  of  the  occasion.  The 
General  stopped  at  Natchez,  where  a  committee  of  arrangements  had  come  up  to 
meet  him.  It  was  arranged  that  he  should  leave  the  steamer  at  the  battle-field, 
where  he  and  his  party  would  be  received  by  the  Governor.  This  was  done  ; 
and  after  addresses  by  the  Governor  and  others,  the  New  York  committee  were 
presented,  and  an  address  was  made  by  the  writer,  as  chairman  of  the  committee  ; 
to  which  an  appropriate  reply  was  made  by  the  General. 

The  delegates  addressed  the  following  letter  to  his  Excellency  Henry 
Johnson,  Governor  of  Louisiana. 

"  SIR  :  We  have  been  desired  by  the  Corporation  of  the  city  of  New  York  to  deliver 
to  you  a  Medal,  struck  in  commemoration  of  the  completion  of  the  Erie  Canal ;  a  copy 
of  Mr.  Colden's  Memoir  on  the  New.  York  Canals,  with  a  letter  from  the  appropri 
ate  committee  ;  and  are  ready  to  wait  upon  your  Excellency  to  perform  that  duty, 
whenever  it  will  be  most  agreeable  to  you  to  receive  us. 

"  We  have  the  honor  to  be,  with  great  respect,  your  humble  servants, 

"JAMES  A.  HAMILTON", 
"SAUL  ALLEY, 
"  TIIADDEUS  PJTELPS. 
"To  his  Excellency  Henry  Johnson,  Governor  of  Louisiana." 

To  which  the  Governor  replied,  that  he  would  receive  the  delegation  at  10 
o'clock  of  the  morning  of  the  9th  of  January. 

On  that  day  the  delegation  met  the  Governor,  and  Mr.  Hamilton,  in  their 
behalf,  presented  the  memoir  and  letter ;  to  which  the  Governor  replied  : 

"  I  receive,  Gentlemen,  with  the  greatest  pleasure,  the  testimonials  which  the 
Corporation  of  the  city  of  New  York  have  been  pleased  to  offer  through  you,  of 
their  approbation  of  the  conduct  of  my  fellow-citizens  on  the  glorious  8th  of  January, 
1815.  The  beautiful  specimen  of  art,  and  the  valuable  productions  of  knowledge 
and  talent  which  you  present,  would  bs  at  aoiy  time  highly  interesting.  Given  on 
the  present  occasion,  as  a  compliment  from  the  Corporation  of  the  first  city  in  the 
Union,  they  afford  the  proudest  satisfaction ;  and  they  will  be  appreciated  by  the 
people  of  Louisiana,  as  they  are  by  me.  The  State  of  New  York  enjoys  the  distinc 
tion  of  having  led  the  van." 

A  part  of  the  programme  was,  that  the  General  and  his  party  were  to  go  to 
the  Catholic  church,  where  an  aged  Catholic  priest  was  to  make  an  address  to 
him.  The  address  was  prepared  and  brought  up  by  the  committee,  and  given 
to  the  General,  that  he  might  be  enabled  to  prepare  his  answer.  This  was  a 
poser  ;  his  friends  were  much  at  a  loss  how  to  make  a  proper  answer  at  a  religious 
ceremony.  They  stated  their  difficulty  to  the  General,  who  said,  "  Oh,  give  it 
to  the  Colonel ;  he  knows  how  to  address  such  a  character."  I  took  the  address 
with  me,  prepared  the  answer,  and  delivered  it  to  the  General  on  his  way  to 
the  church. 

The  next  entertainment  was  a  public  dinner,  where  speeches  were  made 
in  French  and  English.  They  were  translated  from  one  language  into  the 


72  REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON. 

other  by  Major  Davis,  with  great  facility.  That  made  by  the  delegates 
from  New  York,  by  their  chairman,  was  a  tolerably  good  speech  when  given 
in  French  by  the  translator,  with  his  eloquent  emendations,  easy  and  flowing 
language.  Next  and  last  was  a  ball  at  Davis's  rooms,  where  I  saw  the  waltz 
danced  more  gracefully  by  the  Creoles  than  in  any  part  of  the  world — London 
Paris,  and  New  York  not  excepted. 

During  the  evening  Gov.  Houston  said  to  me,  "  Colonel,  there  is  another  ball 
1  at  this  time  in  this  building  which  will  interest  you;  will  you  go  to  it  ?  "  I  went 
with  him.  It  was  a  Quadroon  ball.  There  was  an  amphitheatre  of  seats  where 
the  black  wenches  sat,  while  the  girls  who  were  brought  there  for  sale,  and 
others,  danced  with  white  men.  They  were  very  well  dressed.  They  were 
generally  under-sized,  but  well-formed  and  graceful.  While  looking  on  at  this 
novel  and  disgusting  scene,  and  listening  to  Houston's  explanations,  a  gentle 
man  saluted  me,  whom  I  recognised  as  Mr.  Allain.  After  talking  with  him 
awhile,  Houston  called  me  away,  and  said,  "  Where  did  you  make  his  acquaint 
ance  ? "  "  At  Saratoga  Springs,"  I  answered,  "  when  I  was  there  with 
Grimes."  "  Come  here,"  said  he,  "  and  I  will  show  you  his  daughters,"  and 
he  pointed  out  two  Quadroons. 

Houston  explained  that  these  girls  were  purchased  by  the  planters  for  about 
$5,000,  a  large  part  of  which  was  invested  in  a  house  and  furniture  and  con 
veyed  to  the  slave-mistress.  Coming  down  to  New  Orleans,  on  Sunday 
evening,  we  stopped  at  all  the  landings,  where  large  numbers  of  well-dressed 
men  came  on  board.  I  asked  one  of  the  gentlemen  of  the  committee  what 
this  meant.  "  They  are  going  to  the  opera,"  he  said,  u  and  then  they  go  to  the 
houses  of  their  Quadroon  girls,  where  they  breakfast,  dining  at  the  St.  Charles 
Hotel."  I  was  informed  that  this  was  the  accustomed  arrangement  for  the 
married  and  single  men ;  and  that  by  the  laws  of  Louisiana,  unless  the  act  of 
adultery  was  committed  in  the  domicil  of  the  husband,  there  could  be  no  divorce. 
Along  the  coast,  near  New  Orleans,  a  part  of  the  river  is  called  "  The  Yellow 
Bend."  This  part  of  the  country  was  inhabited  by  the  offspring  of  white  men, — 
a  marriage  between  the  white  and  colored  races  being  invalid.  The  whites  of 
property  purchased  land  along  the  coast,  and  conveyed  it  to  their  children.  At 
one  of  the  places  where  we  stopped  to  wood,  a  black  woman  came  down  with 
slaves  to  put  the  wood  on  board ;  and  there  came  a  well-dressed  colored  man 
on  the  steamer  to  go  as  a  passenger  to  New  Orleans. 

He  told  me  he  was  from  St.  Domingo,  where  he  was  educated :  that  he  was 
employed  on  that  plantation  to  teach  the  children  of"  the  owner,  who  was  an 
Octoroon  man  ;  and  at  other  plantations  in  the  neighborhood.  He  said  there 
were  several  families  of  the  colored  race  there  with  their  slaves,  who  were  well 
off,  owning  lands.  This  man,  respectable  in  appearance  and  manners,  and  well 
educated,  was  not  permitted  to  go  into  the  cabin. 

After  a  most  interesting  visit  of  a  few  days,  I  took  leave  of  my  friends,  left 
New  Orleans  in  a  sail-vessel  for  Mobile,  where  I  passed  three  or  four  days 


REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES   A.  HAMILTON.  73 

agreeably  and  usefully ;  and  from  thence  went  up  the  Alabama  River  in  a 
steamer  to  Montgomery.  My  companion  on  this  journey  was  Mr.  Corbin,  a 
very  worthy  gentleman,  from  Virginia. 

At  Montgomery  we  ascertained  that  the  stage  for  the  North,  in  which  there 
were  two  or  three  of  my  friends,  on  their  way  to  New  York,  had  left  in  the 
morning,  and  that  another  stage  would  not  leave  for  the  North  in  two  days. 
Anxious  to  overtake  that  stage,  we  engaged  a  wagon  to  take  us  to  the  stage- 
house  before  the  stage  should  start  in  the  morning.  While  at  dinner,  a  United 
States  Agent  for  the  Creek  Indians,  learning  who  we  were,  and  that  we  were 
going  on  that  night,  presented  himself  to  us,  and  urged  us  to  remain  over  and 
hunt  with  him.  "  The  Indians,"  he  said,  "were  very  much  excited  just  now, 
in  consequence  of  one  of  the  tribe  having  been  wantonly  murdered.  A  boy 
and  a  negro,  deer-hunting  in  the  forest,  saw  an  Indian  walking  along  at  some 
distance.  The  negro  said  to  the  boy,  '  Try  if  you  can  hit  him.'  He  did  so, 
and  killed  the  Indian."  Anxious  to  overtake  our  companions,  we  persisted  in 
going  on,  under  the  belief  that  as  we  were  travelling  during  a  dark  and  drizzling 
night,  the  Indians  would  not  be  abroad.  The  agent  said,  "  Gentlemen,  as  you 
persist  in  going  on,  which  I  think  is  quite  dangerous,  if  you  meet  any  Indians, 
when  you  are  accosted,  say  that  you  are  the  friends  of  John  Bascomb."  We 
went  on  our  way  in  an  open  wagon,  two  horses  and  a  driver,  who  was  well 
acquainted  with  the  road  and  country. 

I  must  here  state  that  Gen.  Jackson  related  many  incidents  connected  with 
the  Creek  war,  and  among  other  persons  of  whom  he  spoke  in  the  highest  terms, 
was  a  Captain  Walker,  who  had  married  a  squaw  and  lived  at  Fort  Hull  in  the 
Creek  country.  As  we  went  on  our  way,  at  midnight,  in  the  forest,  one  of  our 
horses  gave  out.  We  got  out  to  assist  the  driver  to  overcome  the  difficulty,  but 
in  vain.  I  asked  him  how  far  we  were  from  the  tavern  to  which  we  were  going. 
He  said  fifteen  miles.  I  asked  if  there  were  any  houses  near.  He  replied, 
that  Fort  Hull  was  off  the  road  about  three  miles,  pointing  in  the  direction. 
He  put  us  on  the  track,  and  went  back  to  remain  with  his  horses,  while  we  de 
cided  to  go  there  for  assistance.  Mr.  Corbin  and  I  had  not  proceeded  over  a 
mile  in  the  dense  forest,  when  we  saw  the  light  of  a  fire,  which  was  rather  cheer 
ing.  We  advanced  towards  it,  and  then  saw  a  large  number  of  Indians  tying 
with  their  feet  to  the  fire,  encircling  it.  They  were  evidently  asleep.  We 
halted.  The  question  between  us  was  whether  to  retreat  or  go  on.  Believing 
that  they  would  quickly  hear  our  footsteps  if  we  retreated,  and  fearing  that 
we  might  be  pursued  and  injured,  we  decided  to  go  up  to  them.  Proceeding  a 
few  steps,  which  we  took  firmly,  one  of  them  leaped  up  with  a  shout,  which 
brought  the  others  to  their  feet,  and  their  weapons  to  their  hands.  After  a 
word  between  them,  one  advanced  and  addressed  us.  I  replied,  "  Friends  of 
John  Bascomb.''  The  Indian  cried  out,  "  friends  of  John  Bascomb,  what  do 
you  want?"  "To  go  to  Fort  Hull,  Capt.  Walker."  This  was  repeated,  and 
after  a  talk  among  them  in  their  own  language,  a  negro  was  sent  to  talk  with  us. 


74  REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON. 

We  informed  liini  that  we  were  travellers  going  to  the  North — that  we  saw  the 
agent  at  Montgomery — that  our  horses  were  on  the  road,  having  given  out,  and 
now  we  wanted  to  go  to  the  Fort.  This  was  repeated  to  the  Indians.  A  lead 
ing  man  came  forward  and  asked  us  to  come  to  the  fire ;  and  shortly,  a  black 
boy  was  ordered  to  light  a  pine-knot  and  guide  us  to  the  Fort.  We  thanked 
them  for  their  kindness,  and  went  our  way.  The  boy  took  us  in  an  air-line  to 
the  Fort,  where  we  found  the  drawbridge  was  raised.  The  dogs  barked 
furiously,  the  Captain  was  awakened,  and  when  he  asked  who  we  were,  I  replied, 
"Travellers,  friends  of  Gen.  Jackson."  The  way  was  opened  directly,  and  Capt. 
Walker  introduced  us  to  his  wigwam,  the  Fort.  His  spouse,  who  was  a  squaw, 
was  asked  to  get  us  coffee,  which  was  done  ;  and  upon  learning  our  difficulties,  a 
horse  was  sent  to  where  our  wagon  was,  guided  by  the  Indian  messenger,  who 
went  back  rejoicing  at  his  night's  work,  and  in  due  time  our  wagoner  drove 
up,  leading  his  wearied  horses.  We  supped  ;  fought  over  some  of  the  battles 
of  the  Creek  war ;  gave  the  Captain  full  information  of  the  General's  move 
ments,  intimating  that  he  might  be  elected  President,  at  which  Walker  greatly 
rejoiced.  When  ready  to  depart,  I  was  prepared  to  pay  for  the  services  he  had 
rendered  us,  but  he  said,  a  No,  Colonel,  I  am  too  happy  to  have  rendered  this 
slight  service  to  a  friend  of  Gen.  Jackson,  my  glorious-  commander."  We 
drove  to  the  tavern ;  arrived  there  before  it  was  light ;  were  compelled  to  sleep 
on  the  floor  of  the  bar-room  on  our  cloaks,  with  our  carpet-bags  for  pillows ; 
because  the  landlord,  when  we  knocked  at  the  inner  door,  so  directed  us.  In 
the  morning  he  informed  us  that  from  the  unsettled  condition  of  the  Indians  he 
could  not  let  any  person  within  whom  he  did  not  know,  after  nightfall.  He  had 
married  an  Indian  woman.  We  understood  that  white  men  were  very  ready  to 
.  take  the  daughters  of  the  chiefs  to  wife,  because  they  got  with  them  lands  and 
slaves.  The  head  men  of  the  barbarous  as  well  as  of  the  more  civilized  com 
ix  munities,  always  have  the  opportunity  to  take  the  "  lion's  share." 

In  the  morning  we  drove  on  with  the  stage  and  our  companions,  without  any 
incident  worthy  of  remark  until  we  reached  Virginia.  In  the  course  of  one 
night,  the  stage  stopped  at  a  negro  cabin ;  an  old  negro,  with  a  light,  brought 
a  young  one  to  the  stage  (the  latter  in  tears),  and  put  him  outside  on  the  seat 
with  the  driver;  a  white  man  at  the  same  time  took  a  seat  inside,  putting  under 
his  feet,  irons  which  attracted  our  attention.  Upon  inquiry,  he  informed  us  they 
were  handcuffs ;  that  he  was  taking  the  boy  to  be  sold.  When  we  next  stopped, 
we  examined  the  boy,  and  found  him  in  great  distress,  from  being  separated 
from  his  parents.  We  conferred  together,  and  decided  that  the  white  miscreant 
should  not  ride  in  the  stage  with  us,  and  told  him  so  ;  consequently,  as  there  was 
no  room  for  him  on  the  outside,  he  took  the  boy,  his  irons,  and  himself  off,  to  ob 
tain  another  conveyance. 

At  Savannah,  on  the  29th  of  January,  1828,  I  addressed  a  letter  to  his 
I  Excellency  John  Forsyth,  Governor  of  Georgia,  which  will  be  given  hereafter. 
I  •  That  letter  led  to  circumstances  of  the  gravest  importance  to  the  most  dis- 


REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A    HAMILTON. 


75 


tinguislied  officers  of  our  government  at  the  time,  and  to  imputations  upon  my 
conduct  of  a  serious  character,  which,  as  will  be  proved,  and  which  I  now  declare 
in  the  most  solemn  manner,  with  a  due  sense  of  all  my  responsibilities  in  doing 
so,  ware  not  only  wholly  groundless,  but  were  made  without  any  evidence  what 
ever.  I  may  add,  as  I  do,  after  a  careful  retrospect  of  my  long  life,  that  this 
was  the  only  occasion  on  which  I  have  been  charged  or  suspected  of  having 
been  engaged  in  "  artful  operations,"  "political  manoeuvres/'  "  a  base  political 
intrigue,"  or  any  dishonorable  or  dishonest  conduct;  and  I  here  invite  the  most 

§i  llHl  i  u'utiny  of  all  the  facts  and  circumstances  to  which  I  shall  refer,  to  prove 
ole  truth. 
H'tly  after  my  return  to  New  York,  I  addressed  a  letter  to  the  General, 


• i 


h  I  received  the  following  reply,  dated  February  17,  1828  : 

is  truly  gratifying  to  me  to  learn  that  your  journey,  in  tho  pleasurable  inci- 
afforded,  repaid  in  some  degree  the  solicitude  and  anxiety  natural  to  so  long 
nee  from  those  most  dear  to  us.  I  had  intelligence  of 

;h  of  your  chief  magistrate,  Governor  Clinton,  a  few  days  before  the  receipt 
jkind  letter.  I  sincerely  deplore  it.  His  expanded  views;  his  devoted  att  en- 
he  interests  of  the  country,  entitle  him  to  a  distinguished  place  in  the  affec- 
ithe  people  ;  and  I  rejoice  to  hear  that  all  parties  will  unite  in  the'acknowl- 
j||  of  his  merits.  New  York  here,  too,  sets  an  example  worthy  of  imitation, 

f  her  great  res  mrces  and  of  their  distinguished  patron. 
s.  Jackson  continues  in  good  health,  and  unites  with  me  in  the  reciprocation 

kind  feelings  which  you  have  been  pleased  to  cherish  in  our  behalf. 

ieve  me,  my  dear  sir,  your  sincere  friend,  with  every  sentiment  of  respect, 

JACKSON." 


following  letters  are  given  to  show  the  impression  General  Jackson 
bon  me  at  my  first  acquaintance.  The  first,  to  Mr.  Warner,  was  written 
bquest  of  Mr.  Van  Buren. 


76  REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON. 

plain  building,  and  so  arranged  as  to  accommodate  many  visitors  at  the  same  time ; 
which  is  necessary,  or  at  least  convenient  for  him,  because  it  is  the  resting-place  of 
\X  all  persons,  rich  or  poor,  who  travel  in  that  direction ;  and  where  all  are  received 
with  cordiality  and  treated  with  such  unaffected  kindness  and  hospitality,  as  makes 
every  one  who  participates  in  this  generous  conduct  his  personal  friend — which  has 
happened  to  several  who  came  there  with  strong  prejudices  against  him. 

u  He  is  a  sincere  believer  in  the  Christian  religion,  and  performs  his  devotions 
\S  regularly  with  his  family  in  his  own  house,  and  in  a  Presbyterian  church  in  his 
neighborhood,  of  which  his  most  worthy  and  benevolent  but  much  slandered  wife 
(they  have  no  children)  is  a  member  in  full  communion. 

"From  all  I  learned  of  his  private  life  in  his  neighborhood,  where  he  is  best 
known,  I  believe  he  is  a  just  and  upright  man,  and  so  uniformly  correct  in  all  his 
dealings  with  his  fellow-men,  as  to  induce  them  to  select  him  more  than  any  other 
man  in  all  that  part  of  the  country  as  the  arbiter  of  their  differences,  the  executor 
of  their  estates,  the  guardian  of  their  children. 

"In  confirmation  of  that  opinion  it  may  bo  remarked,  that  in  this  fierce  contro 
versy,  marked  by  malignant  slanders,  in  which  no  condition  or  relation  of  life  has 
been  held  sacred,  General  Jackson  has  never  been  charged  with  a  want  of  liberality 
or  integrity  in  his  dealings,  punctuality  in  his  contracts,  or  fidelity  to  his  promise, 
even  to  his  own  hurt.  His  habits  are  temperate,  his  manners  easy,  frank,  engaging, 
and  his  conversation  is  marked  by  that  easy,  unaffected  behavior  to  all,  that  intimate 
knowledge  of  mankind,  that  vigor  of  intellect  and  promptitude  which  have  hereto 
fore  carried  him  so  successfully  through  the  different  situations  of  perplexity  and 
peril  in  which  he  has  been  placed  when  in  the  service  of  his  country. 

"  As  your  inquiries  are  confined  to  the  General's  private  life,  I  forbear  to  touch 
upon  any  subject  of  a  public  nature. 

"  With  great  respect, 

"  I  am  your  obedient  servant, 

"JAMES  A.  HAMILTON." 


The  following  letter  was  written  on  the  3d  July,  1828,  to  Timothy  Picker 
ing,  one  of  the  first  men  of  our  country.  I  knew  him  well ;  he  passed  some 
time  as  my  guest  in  New  York,  and,  I  am  proud  to  say,  I  enjoyed  his  confidence. 

"DEAR  Sm:  Your  favor  of  the  3d  ultimo  is  received.  *  *  *  You  ask  me  for 
my  opinion  of  Jackson's  talents  and  manners.  The  last  are  of  the  most  amiable, 
polished,  and  winning  character.  His  intercourse  has  been  much  greater  with  men 
than  with  books.  He  therefore  well  knows  how  to  adapt  his  deportment  to  the 
character  and  condition  of  the  different  classes  with  whom  he  meets.  He  possesses 
an  independent  spirit,  and  great  confidence  in  his  own  powers;  is  therefore  not  em 
barrassed  under  any  circumstances  in  which  he  may  be  placed.  I  saw  him  with  the 
multitude  at  New  Orleans;  and  going  down  the  river  I  saw  him  greeted  and  ad 
dressed  without  previous  notice  by  committees  and  individuals  in.  set  speeches ;  he 
was  always  at  ease  and  prepared  to  reply  in  an  appropriate  and  complimentary  man 
ner.  He  has  a  sound  and  vigorous  intellect,  uncommon  promptitude  and  decision. 
Indeed,  that  quality  which  is  called  out  by  peculiar  circumstances,  or  by  an  effort,  on 
the  part  of  most  other  men,  has  by  the  course  of  his  life  become  habitual  with  him.. 


REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON.  77 

The  whole  powers  of  his  mind  are  more  at  his  command  than  are  those  of  any  other 
man  I  ever  met  with.  He  is  frank,  and,  I  have  no  doubt,  perfectly  direct  and 
upright. 

"  I  took  occasion  during  my  intercourse  with  him,  which  was  rather  intimate 
than  otherwise,  to  touch  upon  Gen.  Washington's  mode  of  doing  business  with  the 
members  of  his  Cabinet.     He  listened  with  marked  attention  ;  made  many  pertinent 
inquiries,  and  after  the  subject  was  exhausted,  said,   '  I  have  accustomed  myself  to 
receive  with  respect  the  opinions  of  others,  but  always  take  the  responsibility  of  de 
ciding  for  myself  and  acting  upon  my  own  opinion,  if  I  think  it  most  correct.     That    : 
I  believe  to  be  not  only  the  wisest  but  the  safest  course ;  if  I  err,  the  blame  thus    . 
attaches  to  him  to  whom  it  belongs.' 

"I  have  no  doubt  with  such  a  Cabinet  as  he  may  select,  our  affairs  will  be  safely 
and  wisely,  and  I  am  sure  they  will  be  honestly  and  impartially,  administered.  He 
is  industrious,  and  accustomed  to  look  into  the  details  of  all  departments,  without 
attempting  to  conduct  them. 

"  I  have  only  time  for  this  hasty  sketch.  You  may  make  what  use  of  it  you 
please.  I  am  gratified  to  see  you  are  before  the  public  on  this  subject. 

"  Yours  most  truly,  J.  A.  H." 

MARTIN  VAN  BUREN  TO  MR.  COLEMAN. 

"  WASHINGTON,  April  4,  1828. 

"  Mr.  Van  Buren  takes  pleasure  in  presenting  Mr.  Coleman  (for  whose  judgment 
he  has  much  respect)  with  a  copy  of  some  observations  recently  made  in  the  Senate 
of  the  United  States.  Mr.  Van  Buren  is  aware  of  the  extent  to  which  his  views  will 
clash  with  preconceived  opinions  on  the  part  of  Mr.  C.,  but  he  is  nevertheless  confi 
dent  that  they  will  be  considered  with  liberality.  If  Mr.  C.  could,  for  ever  so  short 
a  period,  have  a  peep  behind  the  curtains,  he  would  be  made  sensible  that  the  only 
chance  for  the  perpetuity  of  existing  institutions  depends  upon  the  preserved  vigor 
and  constant  watchfulness  of  the  State  Governments ;  that  from  the  proneness  on 
the  part  of  agents  so  far  removed  from  the  people  to  corruption  and  other  causes,  • 
there  is  not  at  this  moment  sufficient  honesty  in  the  administration  of  this  Govern 
ment  to  keep  decent  men  in  countenance ;  and  that  we  are  indebted  for  the  little 
that  remains  to  constant  apprehension  of  rebuke  and  resistance  from  the  States.  A 
better  opportunity  could  not  arise,  than  that  presented  by  the  abuses  of  this  Admin 
istration  for  those  who  have  so  long  been  under  the  ban  of  public  opinion  to  cut 
loose  from  sentiments  which  have  fallen  so  far  behind  the  march  of  events,  and  are 
now,  or  are  likely  to  be,  so  discordant  with  the  temper  of  the  times.  If  proof  is  still 
wanting  of  the  fallacy  of  the  once  prevalent  error  that  the  danger  to  the  scheme 
consisted  in  the  weakness  of  the  head  and  strength  of  the  members,  take  the  striking 
fact  that  the  present  Chief  Justice  of  the  proudest  and  largest  State  in  the  Confed 
eracy  is  at  this  moment  a  candidate  for  a  subordinate  place  in  the  Treasury  Depart 
ment  of  this  Government ;  a  place  to  which  clerks  conceive  themselves  to  be  entitled 
in  succession,  and  to  which  none  but  third-rate  men  here  would  aspire." 

The  following  letters  are  published  as  a  part  of  the  material : 
MARTIN  VAN  BDREN  TO  JAMES  A.  HAMILTON. 

"  April  7,  1828. 

r  "  MY  DEAE  SIR  :  I  yesterday  requested  you  to  get  Mr.  Coleman  to  show  you  a 
note  I  sent  him  with  my  observations.     Since  that  I  have  seen  a  letter  from  him  to 


78  REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON. 

Mr.  Cambreleng,  from  which  it  appears  that  he  has  very  mistaken  views  upon  the 
subject  of  the  choice  of  electors.  I  have  drafted  a  letter  for  Mr.  Cambreleng,  to 
write  to  him  upon  that  subject.  Se3  both,  and  at  the  same  time  suggest  to  him  the 
propriety  of  not  mentioning  the  circumstance  of  either  note,  as  their  adversary 
would  make  a  great  handle  of  the  matter  if  they  knew  it.  His  good  sense  will 
have  suggested  that,  however,  before  you  see  him.  Old  prejudices  cannot  oe  trifled 
with.  You  will  see  Gales'  last  weak  attempt  to  excite  jealousy  in  our  ranks  this 
morning.  Your  friend,  &c.  " 

MARTIX  VAN  BUREN  TO  JAMES  A.  HAMILTON. 

"  WASHINGTON,  May  21,  1828. 

"MY  DEAR  SIR:  I  will  satisfy  you  when  I  see  you  that  I  have  not  said,  or 
done,  or  contemplated  anything  upon  the  subject  of  the  nomination  for  Governor 
that  you  will  not  approve.  I  have  given  to  Col.  Benton's  friend,  Mr.  Magines, 
from  St.  Louis,  a  letter  to  you.  He  is,  I  believe,  a  warm-hearted  Irish  lawyer.  I 
wish  you  would  make  him  at  his  ease.  The  belief  here  is  that  we  will  to-day  or 
to-morrow  have  the  following  nominations  :  Barbour  to  England  ;  P.  Ii.  Porter., 
Secretary  of  War ;  Harrison  to  Columbia,  and  Kobinson  from  Kentucky,  to  Mexico, 
in  the  place  of  Poinsett,  to  resign.  The  plan  for  the  campaign  is,  that  Savage  is 
to  be  run  for  Governor,  and  Granger  for  Lieut.  Governor  of  JSTew  York.  Clay  is 
to  go  to  Kentucky,  and  make  a  desperate  push  to  carry  Metcalf's  election,  and  if 
they  fail  in  that,  they  are  to  give  up  the  ghost.  All  this,  I  believe,  may  be  confi 
dently  relied  upon ;  but  don't  get  me  in  the  papers.  I  first  thought  that  the  project 
of  qualifying  Savage  for  candidateship,  by  the  appointment  of  Treasurer,  was  too 
preposterous  to  have  received  the  sanction  of  the  people  here — deranged  and  des 
perate  as  they  are.  But  it  is  no  longer  to  be  doubted  that  such  is  the  plan.  If  ]S!"ew 
York  is  not  recreant  to  every  honorable  sentiment,  we  will  make  them  rue  the  day 
that  this  profligate  scheme  was  conceived. 

"  Yours  truly,  &c. " 

MARTIN  VAN  BUREN  TO  JAMES  A.  HAMILTON. 

"ALBANY,  August  25.  1828. 

"  MY  DEAR  SIR  :  I  returned  on  Thursday  from  my  Western  excursion.  It  has 
been  very  pleasant,  and  I  hope,  politically  speaking,  has  been  equally  profitable. 
We  shall  beat  them  greatly.  The  anti-masonic  affair  is  the  only  thing  that  requires 
looking  to.  Beg  ISFoah  and  Coleman  to  treat  the  matter  cautiously.  I  have  written 
to  the  former  upon  the  point.  The  excitement  has  been  vastly  greater  than  I  sup 
posed,  but  has  assumed  a  much  milder  aspect.  Were  it  not  for  the  pledges  given 
not  to  vote  for  a  mason,  and  the  opprobrium  of  reproaches  from  their  brethren, 
most  of  the  anti-masonites  who  would  otherwise  have  been  with  us,  would  be  now, 
as  matters  stand,  the  friends  of  the  administration ;  and  as  much  troubled  with  the 
subject  as  we  are.  You  can  have  no  idea  how  much  the  reputation  of  the  Evening 
Post  has  improved  in  the  country.  It  is  now  generally  admitted  to  be  one  of  the 
ablest  papers  in  the  Union.  Let  me  entreat  you  to  give  your  undivided  attention 
to  the  subject  of  funds.  You  must  absolutely  do  more  in  New  York,  than  you 
promised.  Our  friends  here  (at  best  but  poor),  will  break  -.down.  This  county  alone 
will  be  a  most  oppressive  struggle.  The  Patroon  has  been  induced,  by  those  who 


REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON.  79 

influence  him  to  his  prejudice,  to  consent  to  run  for  Congress,  and  our  friends  are 
determined  to  beat  him.  I  am  entirely  satisfied  that  he  cannot  save  the  electoral 
vote  for  them.  AVe  should  not  suffer  the  enemy  to  retain  his  ammunition  after  he 
has  heen  routed.  "Will not  the  result  of  the  Kentucky  election  induce  them  to  bet? 
Between  us  and  the  post,  make  this  bet  for  me,  or  on  our  joint  account,  as  you 
please,  viz. :  $300  that  Thompson  will  be  defeated,  whoever  our  candidate  may 
be,  and  $100  on  every  thousand  of  a  majority  up  to  5,000  ;  or,  if  you  can't  do  bet 
ter,  say  $500  on  the  result,  and  $50  on  every  thousand  up  to  ten  thousand.  My 
visit  through  the  Western  Country  was  very  gratifying.  At  every  place  where  I 
stopped  for  ever  so  short  a  period,  I  found  myself  in  a  few  moments  surrounded 
by  crowds  of  cheerful  countenances  and  stout  hearts.  Let  Noah  republish  the  bet. 
lie  mangles  it  as  if  he  was  shy  of  the  question  of  a  majority  in  the  State. 

"  Very  sincerely,  your  friend,  &c. 

"  P.  S.  I  have  received  yours  since  writing  the  above.  Your  views  as  to  the 
delegates  are  correct.  It  would  be  hazarding  too  much  to  make  out  a  list  as  you 
suggest.  I  shall  go  to  Lebanon  Springs  on  Friday,  and  remain  there  a  day  or  two  ; 
after  that,  will  be  generally  home.  Don't  you  want  to  go  there  and  shake  off  the 
theatre  dust  ?  Don't  forget  to  bet  all  you  can." 

MARTIN  VAN  BUREN  TO  JAMES  A.  HAMILTON. 

"  ALBANY,  September  6,  1828. 

"MY  DEAR  FKIEND  :  I  hope  sincerely  that  this  will  find  you  quite  recovered. 
"Write  an  answer  to  the  enclosed,  in  your  best  style.  Say  that  I  hare  sent  his  letter 
to  you,  and  have  requested  you  to  answer  it.  Shape  it  so  that  you  would  not  be 
displeased  to  see  it  in  print,  for  such  things  will  happen,  although  it  probably  will 
not  in  this  case  ;  and  by  all  means  get  some  one  to  do  me  the  favor  to  copy  it,  so 
that  it  may  be  read,  which  will  not  otherwise  be  practicable.  Let  me  hear  from 
you  soon.  Bet  on  Kentucky,  Indiana,  and  Illinois — jointly  if  you  can,  or  any  two 
of  them. 

'•Yours,  cordially." 

MARTIN  VAN  BUREN  TO  JAMES  A.  HAMILTON. 

"September  16,  1828. 

"  MY  DEAR  SIR  :  The  letter  is  excellent  without  the  last  sentence,  but  that,  as  my 
name  is  mentioned  in  it,  may  give  occasion  for  ill-natured  criticism.  Send  it  to  me 
again  as  soon  as  you  can,  as  I  want  to  transmit  it  without  delay.  I  think  it  would 
be  better  to  leave  out  my  name  altogether,  and  say,  "  Your  letter,  seeking  informa 
tion  as  to  the  character  of  General  Jackson,  has  been  transmitted  to  me  by  your 
friend,  with  a  request  that  I  would  reply  to  it."  This  reference  was  probably 
judged  expedient  and  proper  from,  etc. ;  and  stilll  eave  out  the  last  sentence,  as  it  is 
political,  etc.  Yours,  truly. 

"P.  S.  Does  the  old  gentleman  have  prayers  in  his  own  house  ?  If  so,  mention 
it  modestly. " 

JAMES  A.  HAMILTON  TO  CAPTAIN  WRIGHT,  LONDON. 

"NEW  YORK,  November  2,  1828. 
"MY  DEAR  SIR  :  My  absence  from  this  city,  with  my  engagements  of  a  public 


80  REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON. 

and  private  nature,  have  prevented  me  from  acknowledging  the  receipt  of  your  let 
ter  of  the  9th  ultimo,  from  London.  I  assure  you  it  afforded  us  all  very  great  satis 
faction  to  receive,  so  directly,  an  account  of  all  the  members  of  my  father's  family. 
Your  brother  Kobert,  who  I  well  recollect,  will  probably  have  forgotten  me.  I 
hope  he  enjoys  good  health,  and  should  be  pleased  if  you  would  make  my  respects 
to  him. 

"  We  are  all  zealously  engaged  in  the  election  for  the  President  of  the  United 
States,  which  commences  in  this  State  to-morrow  and  in  all  the  other  States  about 
the  same  time.  The  election  is  very  much  contested,  and  will  result  iu  the  choice  of 
General  Jackson.  To  us,  who  are  accustomed  to  universal  suffrage,  it  is  an  ordinary 
matter ;  but  to  you  and  to  most  if  not  all  others  on  your  side  of  the  water  it  must 
be  a  subject  of  curious  and  pleasing  reflection  to  see  a  whole  people,  amount 
ing  to  about  twelve  millions  of  souls,  earnestly  engaged  in  making  choice  by 
their  immediate  votes  of  their  Chief  Magistrate,  without  tumult,  uninfluenced  by  a 
privileged  order  of  any  kind  either  in  Church  or  State,  and  without  corruption.  It 
is  true  that  the  patronage  of  our  simple,  economical,  but  excellent  Government  (not 
so  great  as  that  of  the  Lord-Lieutenant  of  Ireland,  or  to  be  compared  with  that  of 
your  India  Company),  has  been  exercised  by  our  Premier  in  order  to  sustain  the 
present  President,  and  the  scrutiny  of  the  characters  and  conduct  through  life  of 
both  the  candidates  has  been  conducted  without  reserve,  nay,  even  with  a  licentious 
freedom.  But  pardon  me.  I  have  forgotten  that,  surrounded  by  the  pleasures  and 
engagements  of  the  Metropolis  of  the  World,  you  will  hardly  have  given  the  slight 
est  attention  to  the  events  which  engross  us  wholly ;  and  I  am  happy  to  add  that  at 
or  about  this  time  next  year  I  hope  to  have  the  pleasure  of  seeing  you  in  London, 
and  of  giving  you  in  exchange  for  much  useful  information  in  regard  to  your  own 
country,  as  much  as  you  may  desire  in  regard  to  this.  I  am  making  my  arrange 
ments  to  sail  with  my  wife  and  children  in  July  or  August  next,  for  France ;  thence 
to  visit  England,  Scotland,  and  the  Continent. 

"  Do  me  the  favor  to  remember  me  to  the  Laird  of  Grange  when  you  have  occa 
sion  to  write  to  him,  and  to  any  other  members  of  our  family. 

"With  very  great  regard,  your  friend  and  servant,  &c." 

MARTIN  VAN  BUREN  TO  JAMES  A.  HAMILTON. 

"ALBANY,  December  17,  1828. 

uMYDEARSm:  I  have  received  your  letter,  and  have  done  as  you  advised  in 
regard  to  my  unknown  correspondent.  It  never  occurred  to  me  until  yesterday, 
whilst  riding  out  on  horseback  (for  we  have  delightful  weather  here),  that  it  might 
be  agreeable  to  you  to  obtain  your  father's  title  of  '  Colonel  Hamilton '  through  an 
appointment  as  aid  to  his  Excellency.*  If  so,  you  have,  of  course,  only  to  intimate 
it.  I  will  associate  you  with  two  respectable  men  here,  and  you  will  incur  no  ex 
pense  or  trouble  of  any  kind,  not  for  the  present  at  least.  I  would  not  write  to 
Lewis.  Let  them  worry  and  fret  and  intrigue  at  Washington.  Six  weeks  hence 
they  will  find  themselves  as  wise  as  they  were  when  they  began.  If  our  friend  Jack 
son  wants  admonishing  and  advising  upon  the  point,  it  would  in  the  end  be  better 
for  me  that  he  had  erred  in  the  beginning.  If  he  should  come  to  Philadelphia,  it 

*  I  declined.     See  the  following  letter. 


REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON.  81 

might  be  your  duty  to  pay  your  respects  to  him,  considering  the  kind  feelings  he 
undoubtedly  entertains  for  you. 

"  Yours  truly,  etc." 

JAMES  A.  HAMILTON  TO  GOVERNOR  MARTIN  VAN  BUREN. 

"  NEW  YORK,  December  20,  1828. 

"  MY  DEAR  SIR  :  I  received  your  letter  and  disposed  of  the  one  enclosed  as  you 
directed.  Your  offer  to  appoint  me  one  of  your  aids,  I  consider  a  very  flattering 
mark  of  your  attention,  and  as  such,  I  thank  you  for  it  with  all  my  heart;  but  I 
cannot  allow  you,  my  dear  friend,  from  your  disposition  to  gratify  me,  so  to  use  this 
honor  which  may  and  ought  to  be  disposed  of  with  much  advantage  to  yourself. 
You  must  select  a  gentleman  in  this  city  who  is  the  focus  of  a  large  circle  of  friends, 
all  of  whom  will  be  devoted  to  you,  by  this  honor  conferred  upon  him.  From  these 
circumstances  I  have  determined  not  to  accept  your  offer,  unless  by  doing  so  you 
can  receive  the  same  advantage,  which  is  impossible  from  the  relation  all  connected 
with  me  stand  in  towards  you.  After  your  letter  was  received,  I  turned  the  matter 
in  my  mind,  and  have  hit  upon  the  son  of  Brockholst  Livingston  as  a  person  unit* 
ing  the  advantage  of  talents  and  knowledge  (as  I  am  told,  for  I  do  not  know  him), 
with  a  large  fortune.  He  is  a  single  man,  and  has  just  returned  from  abroad.  His 
father,  Brockholst  Livingston,  was  a  distinguished  republican  in  the  great  struggle, 
and  his  grandfather,  Governor  Livingston,  was  a  decided  Whig,  and  patriot  of  the 
Revolution.  I  know  what  you  will  say  as  to  the  name.  By  this  selection,  you 
would  thus  gratify  them  all  together,  with  the  Ludlows,  the  Carrolls,  Bogerts, 
several  Easton  families,  who  are  on  terms  of  great  intimacy  with  his  sister  (a  very 
clever  and  talking  woman),  Mrs.  Ledyard — the  McVickars,  Jays,  and  Constables, 
with  very  many  young  men,  who  are  pleased  with  him  and  his  manner  of  living. 
If  you  think  well  of  this,  I  will  take  care  that  an  application  should  be  made  to  you 
for  the  place.  I  need  not  say  to  you,  my  dear  sir,  that  in  all  these  matters  such  a 
course  must  be  pursued,  as  a  prudent  regard  to  your  interests  may  dictate;  and 
under  this  feeling  alone,  I  act  on  this  occasion. 

"Yours,  etc." 

MARTIN  VAX  BUREN  TO  JAMES  A.  HAMILTON. 

"ALBANY,  December  28,  1828. 

"MY  DEAR  SIR:  I  have  been  so  deeply  employed  in  my  message,  &c.,  that  I 
have  not  had  time  to  thank  you  for  the  feelings  manifested  in  your  last.  There  is  a 
good  deal  in  your  suggestion  as  to  the  persons  who  would  be  gratified  by  the 
appointment  of  Mr.  Livingston.  But  I  know  those  folks  well.  They  are  a  sort  of 
friends  of  which  you  may  have  any  quantity,  when  you  don't  want  them  ;  but  apt 
to  be  very  scarce  under  different  circumstances.  It  would  give  me  more  pleasure  to 
learn  that  any  act  of  mine  had  been  satisfactory  to  the  few  individuals  of  the  old 
Federal  party,  who  have  not  been  so  far  corrupted  by  its  modern  degeneracy  as  to 
forget  the  genuine  talents  and  chivalry  of  your  father,  than  to  receive  the  thanks  of 
the  whole  tribe  of  which  you  speak.  I  should,  moreover,  have  difficulties  in  pre 
ferring  one  who  had  not  applied  to  several  in  the  city,  who  have  been  very  pressing, 
unless  it  was  in  your  case.  I  hope,  therefore,  you  will,  upon  re-consideration,  allow 
6 


82  REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON. 

me  the  pleasure  of  adopting  you,  as  the  saying  is,  into  my  military  family.*    If, 
however,  there  are  objections  of  any  sort  occurring  to  you,  you  will  do  me  the  favor 

to  be  candid  in  stating  them. 

"  Yours,  very  truly,  &c." 

/ 

BANKS    AND    BANKING. 

JAMES  A.  HAMILTON  TO  GOVERNOR  VAN  BUREN. 

"My  DEAR  SIR:  By  conversation  with  intelligent  and  well-informed  persons  on 
this  particular  subject,  and  by  extensive  reading,  I  have  become  sb  imbued  with 
some  of  the  leading  principles  which  I  believe  ought  to  govern  the  Legislature  in 
deciding  upon  the  serious  question  as  to  the  renewal  of  the  charters  of  the  banks  of 
the  State,  that  I  cannot  forbear  writing  to  you  on  the  subject,  even  in  a  hasty  and 
negligent  manner,  owing,  in  some  measure,  to  my  want  of  leisure.  The  two  great 
points  to  be  considered  are,  first,  a  due  regard  to  the  stability  of  the  currency  of  the 
country;  and,  second,  the  security  of  the  depositors  and  holders  of  the  notes  of 
the  banks.  Contrary  to  first,  and  most  usual  impressions,  I  consider  the  first,  really 
the  most  important  question  of  the  two,  and  therefore  give  it  the  first  rank.  The 
evils  to  the  community,  great  as  they  are,  resulting  from  the  failure  of  banks,  are 
immeasurably  less  than  the  semi-annual  panics  to  which  we  are  exposed  by  what  is 
called  a  pressure  for  money,  and  which  always  results  from  over  issues,  consequently, 
over  trading  and  endless  individual  bankruptcy. 

"  It  is  as  erroneous  as  it  is  common,  to  say  that  the  commercial  difficulties  in 
England  in  1825  and  in  this  country  in  1819  and  1826,  and  the  approaching  com 
mercial  difficulties,  are  the  legitimate  results  of  speculation.  This  is  certainly  not 
so.  The  truth  is,  that  such  a  spirit  is  the  consequence  of  a  too  great  facility  of 
borrowing  money,  induced  on  the  part  of  the  banks  by  a  desire  to  make  large  profits ; 
and  this  results  in  an  excessive  issue  of  their  notes  and  credits.  The  mischief  of  this 
error  is  not  confined  to  lenders  only,  but  it  embraces  all  classes  of  the  community. 
It  make?  the  consumer  buy  at  high  prices ;  it  leads  to  extravagance,  and  it  depreci 
ates  the  value  of  the  means  of  all  who  live  upon  fixed  incomes,  while  the  failures 
must  necessarily  produce  great  and  extended  individual  distress ;  it  also  diminishes 
the  ability  of  the  banks  (as  they  cannot  escape  amid  the  extended  ruin  unharmed) 
to  pay  their  public  creditors,  and  thus,  in  a  great  measure,  to  impair  the  security  of 
depositors  and  note  holders.  If  I  am  correct  in  these  views,  the  first  question  on 
the  subject  of  the  banks  is — Can  the  Legislature,  by  special  enactments,  prevent 
these  excessive  issues,  and  thus  aid  in  maintaining  the  stability  of  the  local  cur 
rency  ?  I  believe  they  cannot ;  but  I  do  believe  that  if  incorporations  are  granted 
upon  correct  principles,  that  it  will  produce  this  effect.  You  might  as  well  endeavor 
to  restrain  the  exportation  of  the  precious  metals  of  the  country,  as,  by  special 
provisions,  endeavor  to  prevent  the  banks  from  issuing  more  notes  than  the  fair 
commerce  of  the  country  requires.  No !  The  only  way  to  arrive  at  that  great 
desideratum  is,  first,  to  compel  the  banks  to  do  what  it  was  originally  intended  they 
should  do,  as  Mr.  Bronson  expresses  it — 'Furnish  a  medium  of  trade,  and  not 


*  I  again  declined  this  offer  most  courteously.  Notwithstanding  this,  he  appointed  me,  as 
he  informed  me,  in  order  to  get  rid  of  the  importunities  of  Mr.  J.  L.  G.,  of  New  York.  He 
sent  me  a  commission.  I  did  not  accept  the  place.  I  was  Brigade  Inspector  during  the 
latter  part  of  the  war  of  1812,  and  thus  entitled  to  the  rank  of  Major. 


REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.    HAMILTON.  83 

capital,"1  that  is,  discount  paper  which  originates  in  business  transactions,  and  not 
paper  in  order  to  originate  business ;  which  may  be  called  accommodation  paper. 
The  former  is  intended  to  be,  and  would,  under  a  proper  system,  be  paid  when  it 
became  due.  The  latter  is,  on  the  contrary,  intended  to  be  a  long  or  permanent 
loan,  and  is  used  as  capital ;  whereas  the  other  facilitates  the  repayment  of  capital 
already  acquired  and  invested  in  purchases.  And,  second,  to  require  them  so  to 
place  their  capital  that  it  cannot  be  loaned,  and  consequently  having  nothing  but 
credit  to  bank  upon,  they  will  be  subjected  to  some  of  those  never  varying  laws  of 
currency,  and  thus  be  unable,  without  certain  ruin,  to  go  beyond  a  proper  limit.  I  / 
have  before  stated  that  I  was  in  favor  of  a  State  Bank,  by  which  I  mean,  granting 
new,  in  preference  to  re-incorporated  banks,  because  the  latter  have  run  into  habits 
that  are  vicious,  and  wholly  foreign  to  true  principles ;  and  that  it  would  be  easier 
to  commence  a  new  system  correctly,  than  to  amend  an  old  one,  as  it  is  easier,  (I 
may  be  permitted,  in  writing  to  my  Commander-in-Chief,  to  make  a  military  refer 
ence,)  to  make  a  soldier  of  a  raw  recruit  because  he  has  only  to  learn  his  new  duty, 
than  it  is  to  make  one  out  of  a  militia-man,  who  has  not  only  to  learn  what  is 
correct,  but  to  unlearn  what  is  erroneous  in  his  duty.  But  this  is  by  no  means  an 
important  question — whether  ne\v  banks  are  formed  or  old  ones  renewed.  The  two 
great  points  to  which  I  have  referred  must  be  guarded ;  and  I  think  this  will  be  ' 
done  effectually  by  a  plan  Bronson  has  submitted  to  me,  together  with  the  plan  you 
have  referred  to. 

"  The  capital  ought,  before  the  Bank  can  commence  its  operations,  to  be  invested 
in  the  United  States  or  State  Stocks — and  these  securities  ought  to  be  placed  beyond 
the  control  of  the  bank ;  that  they  may  be  a  fund  in  reserve,  and  never  to  be  used  or 
to  be  available  for  any  banking  operation  ;  and  the  amount  of  the  notes  to  be  issued 
never  to  exceed  the  amount  of  this  fund :  and,  as  a  mean  of  preventing  any  excess, 
let  it  be  provided  that  after  the  bank  shall  have  given  security  for  its  notes,  they 
shall  be  countersigned  and  stamped  by  the  proper  officer  or  commissioner  within 
whose  control  the  stock  is  placed.  (If  it  is  objected  that  these  securities  ought  not" 
to  be  entrusted  to  any  individual,  the  answer  is,  that  there  can  be  no  difficulty  in 
transferring  and  assigning  them  in  such  a  special  manner  to  the  Register  and  Assis 
tant  Register,  if  you  please,  of  the  Court  of  Chancery,  as  would  make  the  cooperation 
or  the  order  of  the  bank  necessary  to  the  assignment.)  By  this  provision  the  capital  N  / 
of  the  bank  would  be  secured  to  the  public  as  a  fund  to  be  applied  in  payment  of  the 
notes  in  circulation,  and  these  could  not  at  any  time  exceed  the  amount  thereof.  It 
would  also  be  incapable  of  being  loaned  to  dealers,  and  consequently  not  liable  to  be 
lost ;  but  above  all  the  bank  would  thus  be  compelled  to  loan  its  credits,  resulting 
from  its  deposits,  and  bills  receivable,  and  these  sources  only — the  necessary  con 
sequence  of  which  is  that  the  loans  must  be  for  short  periods,  in  order  that  the  v 
stream  which  flows  out,  may  be  regularly  and  equally  supplied  by  that  which  flows 
in  ;  if  this  is  not  so,  the  efflux  would  soon  cease — consequently,  if  the  operations  of 
the  banks  are  confined  to  business  paper  as  it  is  called,  which  is  made  up  of  these 
notes  at  shorb  periods  that  have  been  taken  for  goods  sold,  and  which  are  expected 
to  be  paid  out  of  the  re-sale  of  the  same  goods  to  other  dealers  or  consumers;  there 
will  be  no  greater  amount  of  notes  offered,  than  is  required  for  permanent  and  suc 
cessful  commercial  purposes.  Or  if  the  banks,  being  unable  to  loan  their  capital, 
should  stretch  their  credit  too  far,  or  in  other  words  make  it  too  cheap,  they  would 
necessarily  impair  it ;  and  by  the  invariable  course  of  raising  the  price  of  goods,  every 


84  REMINISCENCES    OE    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON. 

tyro  in  the  business  well  knows  that  the  reaction  would  be  ruinous :  whereas,  if  in 
addition  to  their  credit  as  is  now  the  case,  they  could  loan  their  capital,  they  can 
encourage  over  trading  not  without  some,  but  certainly  with  less  risk  than  the  plan 
proposed.  If  instead  of  confining  their  issues  to  the  paper  which  had  originated  in 
business  transactions,  they  should  then,  as  they  now  do,  stimulate  speculation  by 
lending  capital — an  inevitable  consequence  would  be  that  the  notes  would  be  depre 
ciated,  and  consequently  (without  going  through  the  whole  process)  specie  would  be 
called  for  which  they  could  not  pay,  inasmuch  as  their  capital  does  not  consist  in 
any  part  of  it.  It  is  unnecessary  for  me  to  go  further  into  the  reasoning  on  the 
subject.  It  is  as  demonstrable  that  excessive  issues  would  be  thus  checked  at  least, 
/  as  it  is  clear  that  while  the  stock  remained  invested,  the  notes  of  the  bank  could  all 
be  paid. 

"In  addition  to  this  provision,  which  would  tend  to  preserve  the  stability  of  the 
currency  and  to  secure  the  payment  of  the  notes  of  the  bank,  I  would  superadd  a 
Provision — 

"  2dly,  That  a  commissioner  should  be  appointed  by  electors  chosen  by  the  banks, 
an  elector  to  every  $400,000  of  stock,  and  one  to  each  bank  whose  capital  should  be 
less  than  that  amount ;  whose  duty  it  should  be  to  require  for  each  bank  ^  of  one  per 
cent,  on  its  capital  to  form  a  fund  to  be  invested  as  before,  in  order  to  make  good 
any  deficiency,  should  any  arise,  after  applying  all  the  credits  of  the  bank  and  all  its 
stock  to  the  amount  of  its  deposits  and  notes  ;  and  further  to  require  from  each  bank 
a  monthly  return  of  its  notes  in  circulation.  Such  commissioner  or  supervisor  to 
keep  a  vigilant  eye  to  the  state  of  the  exchanges ;  of  the  exports,  and  imports  of  the 
country;  and  to  the  general  ranges  of  the  prices  of  commodities,  and  to  notify  to  the 
banks  any  indication  of  an  over-issue  of  paper — such  commissioner  or  supervisor 
not  to  have  any  interest  or  concern  directly  or  indirectly  in  trade  or  commerce  of 
any  kind — to  hold  his  office  during  the  pleasure  of  the  banks,  and  to  be  paid  his 
aalary  out  of  the  income  arising  from  the  contributed  fund,  and  the  residue  of  such 
•income  to  be  paid  over  punctually  to  the  contributors  in  proportion  to  their  respec 
tive  interests  therein. 

U  PRINCIPLES  DEEMED  INDISPENSABLE  IN  A  EEFORMED  SYSTEM  OF  BANKING. 

•"  1st.  The  aggregate  amount  of  bank  credit  which  can  be  sustained  in  circulation 
without  depreciation,  whether  issued  from  one  bank  or  one  thousand  banks,  can 
'never  exceed  the  amount  of  the  circulating  medium  which  the  laws  of  commerce 
assign  to  the  country ;  or  more  than  there  would  be  in  gold  and  silver  if  there  were 
no  banks;  although  that  amount  will  be  different  at  different  times,  since  it  must  be 
•regulated  by  the  exigencies  of  the  country,  and  the  state  of  its  exchange  with  other 
-  -countries. 

u  2d.    A  banker  who  employs  capital,  will  be  enabled  to  lend  more  money  than 

j   one  who  employs  none;  but  not  more  credit,  therefore  he  derives  no  profit  on  his 

(   .capital,  for  in  this,  as  in  all  other  concerns,  the  interest  on  the  capital  is  to  be  charged 

^  in  the  profit  and  loss  account,  and  as  the  banker  can  receive  no  greater  interest 

•where  he  loans  it  than  he  charges  for  its  use,  it  is  evident  he  must  be  a  loser  on  that 

•operati-m,  as  the  expenses  and  losses  attending  the  loan  of  capital,  must  be  deducted 

from  the  profits  he  makes  on  the  use  of  his  credit ;  and  that  credit  he  can  circulate 

as  extensively  if  his  capital  is  vested  in  stock  or  bonds  and  mortgages,  as  he  could  do 

if  he  employed  his  capital  in  the  same  manner  as  he  does  his  credit.     Besides,  if  the 

capital  is  kept  in  a  condition  to  be  at  all  times  available  in  the  current  business  of 


REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON.  85 

the  banker,  large  portions  of  it  must  be  occasionally  unemployed,  and  of  course  un 
productive,  and  when  that  is  the  case,  he  is  tempted  to  lend  it  on  doubtful  security, 
rather  than  let  it  remain  idle. 

"3d.  There  need  be  no  other  funds  employed  in  banking  operations  than  those 
created  by  bank  credit,  the  aggregate  amount  of  which,  as  before  stated,  ought  never 
to  exceed  the  amount  required  for  a  circulating  medium ;  and  this  supply  should  be 
steady  and  uniform,  that  is,  always  in  proportion  to  the  natural  requirements  of 
commerce,  and  that  amount  will  be  indicated  by  those  immutable  laws,  which  alike 
regulate  both  commerce  and  currency ;  and  which  so  limit  the  quantity  independently 
of  legislative  injunctions,  that  banks  conducted  on  this  principle,  can  never  force 
any  considerable  excess  into  circulation,  without  producing  a  reaction  which  would 
soon  exhaust  their  specie  and  check  their  issues,  before  that  excess  could  materially 
enhance  the  exchangeable  value  of  commodities. 

"4th.  The  legitimate  business  of  bankers,  strictly  speaking,  is  the  employment  of 
the  funds  produced  by  their  credit  in  discounting  notes  and  bills  of  exchange  which 
have  been  created  in  the  course  of  business,  and  which  have  but  a  short  time  to 
run.  It  requires  no  capital  to  discount  all  paper  of  this  description,  as  the  payment 
of  every  note  furnishes  funds  to  discount  others  of  equal  amount. 

"5th.  The  fluctuations  in  the  price  of  commodities,  when  excessive,  are  generally  \ 
owing,  not  to  a  demand  for  consumption,  but  to  the  effect  produced  by  one  speculator 
bidding  upon  another  which  creates  an  artificial  price,  and  its  deviation  from  that 
which  is  natural  (depending  on  supply  and  demand  for  consumption)  is  in  proportion  ) 
to  the  amount  of  capital  which  banks  can  famish  for  such  objects,  and  when  a  reac-  ' 
tion  ensues,  as  it  always  does  when  loans  are  excessive,  those  who  were  bidding 
upon  each  other  when  the  banks  were  extending,  are  now  compelled,  by  underbidding 
each  other,  to  reconvert  their  commodities  into  money  at  such  reduced  prices  as  to 
cause  innumerable  failures,  which,  if  banks  were  restricted  to  credit  only,  would  .sel 
dom  happen. 

"  6th.  No  loans  of  capital  are  so  injurious  in  their  consequences,  as  those  temporary 
accommodation  loans  made  by  banks  ;  their  first  effect  is,  by  creating  a  competition 
amongst  buyers,  to  raise  the  exchangeable  value  of  commodities  too  high  for  the 
foreign  markets,  and  a  consequent  demand  on  the  banks  is  produced,  for  specie  to 
export  in  their  place.  The  next  is  such  a  retrenchment  of  loans,  and  reduction  of 
price,  as  will  send  commodities  abroad  and  bring  back  money  ;  and  those  who  sup 
posed  themselves  enriched  by  the  rise  of  property,  now  find  that  they  are  impover 
ished  or  ruined  by  its  fall  ;  and  all  the  property  obtained  from  individuals,  on  the 
private  credit  of  those  who  fail,  passes  into  the  hands  of  their  endorsers,  to  secure 
the  banks  against  any  participation  in  the  losses  sustained  by  their  debtors,  and 
which  losses  their  own  operations  have  rendered  inevitable.  The  possession  of  capital, 
and  the  necessity  of  employing  it  to  make  a  dividend,  sets  all  the  banks  simultane 
ously  striving  to  see  who  can  lend  the  most  money  and  make  the  greatest  dividend ; 
until  the  drafts  for  the  coin  for  exportation  create  an  alarm,  the  strife  in  curtailing 
becomes  as  great  as  it  had  been  before  in  extending  their  loans ;  those  fluctuations, 
though  not  so  regular,  become  quite  as  certain  as  the  rise  and  fall  of  the  tides,  and 
are  obviously  the  effect  of  banking  capital  employee!  in  loans  of  this  pernicious 
character. 

"Vth.  The  monied  capital  of  the  country  would  be  better  employed  to  aid  pro 
duction,  than  in  creating  artificial  prices  of  the  commodities  produced.  Loans  of 


86  REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMI1TON. 

bank  capital  are  easily  obtained  when  they  are  not  wanted,  but  not  easily  repaid 
when  they  are, — as  those  who  have  ventured  into  deep  speculations  so  uncertain,  both 
in  thtir  amount  and  duration,  have  too  often  experienced. 

"  8th.  It  is  the  medium  of  trade,  and  not  the  capital  necessary  for  carrying  it  on, 
which  it  is  the  proper  functions  of  the  banks  to  furnish.  When  the  requisite  amount 
of  bank  notes  have  been  issued  from  such  medium,  the  diminution  or  increase  of 
discounts  can  have  but  little  influence  upon  its  quantity,  except  for  short  periods. 
If  the  discounts  increase,  there  must  be  a  correspondent  increase  of  payments,  and 
vice  versa,  and  both  may  happen  without  having  any  sensible  effect  upon  prices  or 
X  upon  the  amount  of  money  in  circulation.  Yet  such  an  effect  on  both  may  be  pro 
duced  to  any  desirable  extent  by  withholding  loans  and  requiring  payments,  or  by 
lending  more  and  requiring  less.  "When,  and  to  what  extent  the  exercise  of  this 
power  becomes  necessary,  every  experienced  banker  will  know  by  attending  to  the 
state  of  the  foreign  exchanges,  and  the  operations  of  commerce ;  and  the  perfection 
of  his  skill  consists  in  so  conducting  his  business,  as  never  to  have  occasion  to  exer 
cise  the  power  to  correct  an  evil  of  his  own  creating. 

"  If  the  foregoing  propositions  are  true, — and  it  is  believed  that  they  are, — then  it 
must  be  admitted  that  the  employment  of  capital  in  banking  operations  adds  nothing 
to  the  profit  of  the  banker,  while  it  has  such  an  influence  in  raising  and  depressing 
the  value  of  commodities  so  much  above  and  Tjelow  their  natural  or  exchangeable 
value,  (by  which  is  meant  that  value  which  the  relation  between  the  supply  and  the 
demand  for  consumption  always  imparts)  as  to  occasion  most  of  the  failures  which 
occur  amongst  men  in  trade ;  and  which  would  seldom  happen  if  the  banking  capital 
was  safely  and  permanently  vested  in  some  productive  funds,  and  the  credit  of  the 
banks  only  employed  in  advancing  in  anticipation  and  in  receiving  at  maturity  the 
money  for  all  goods  made  payable  at  short  periods  which  may  be  offered  at  dis- 
.  count.  Hence  it  follows  that  perfect  security  may  be  provided  against  the  failure 
of  monied  corporations,  without  lessening  their  profits  or  their  utility,  by  requiring 
their  capital  to  be  paid  in  full,  and  to  be  permanently  loaned  on  mortgaged  security 
or  vested  in  stock,  prohibiting  by  proper  penalties  the  employment  of  any  part  of  it 
in  banking  operations,  and  limiting  the  issue  of  credit  to  the  amount  of  capital ;  by 
which  simple  process  the  object  of  all  these  complicated  restrictions  and  penalties 
now  provided  by  law,  will  be  fully  attained ;  everything  else  may  be  safely  left  to 
the  discretion  of  the  directors, — the  condition  of  their  "being  will  necessarily  pre 
scribe  the  nature  and  limits  of  their  operations,  secure  better  dividends  to  the  stock 
holders,  and  perfect  security  to  the  public,  while  any  operations,  if  attempted, 
incompatible  with  the  interest  of  the  stockholders  or  ihz  public  good,  will  be  ren 
dered  powerless." 


CHAPTER     V. 

FROM  JANUARY  1829— APRIL  1820. 

Election  of  General  Jackson  to  the  Presidency — Formation  of  the  Cabinet— Extract 
from  letters— Gov.  Van  Buren  Secretary  of  State — James  A.  Hamilton  Secretary 
pro  tern. — Letters  from  Mr.  Van  Bureti  to  Major  Eaton  and  to  James  A.  Ham 
ilton — The  Evening  Post  and  political  affairs — The  foreign  appointments — Ap 
plications  for  appointment  to  office — President  Jackson's  inaugural  address — 
Memoranda  on  foreign  affairs  by  Henry  Clay — John  Quincy  Adams  and  Alex 
ander  Hamilton — Convention  with  Great  Britain — Piracies — Depredations  by 
inhabitants  of  New  Brunswick — Treaty  with  Mexico — Social  and  political  com 
plications — Letters  from  Mr.  Gallatin — Correspondence  with  William  Coleman 
—The  Minister  to  France — How  Mr.  Rives  was  appointed — Excitement  on 
removal. 

THE  election  of  General  Jackson  was  an  event  in  our  country  of  vast  im 
portance,  because  it  violated  a  course  of  public  policy  which  received  the 
sanction  of  the  wisest  men  of  the  country  of  all  parties,  from  the  adoption  of 
the  Constitution.  He  was  elected  only  because  he  had  been  a  successful  soldier, 
not  having  that  familiar  acquaintance  with  public  affairs  which  can  alone  form 
a  statesman ;  whereas,  during  the  previous  Presidential  terms  (40  years),  states 
men  had  been  elected  and  charged  with  the  administration  of  our  affairs. 
More  than  this,  he  was  wholly  uneducated  and  without  talent;  his  intentions 
were  upright,  his  integrity  unquestionable,  his  will  unyielding,  and  his  devotion 
to  his  friends  so  great  as  to  induce  him  to  use  the  patronage  of  his  office  to 
reward  their  services.  The  number  of  his  removals  were  estimated  by  Parton 
at  two  thousand,  and  by  another  writer  at  six  thousand ;  whereas,  it  has  been 
ascertained  that  during  the  previous  forty  years,  the  removals  did  not  exceed 
seventy- three.  More  than  one  half  of  those  were  made  by  Mr.  Jefferson,  who 
said  of  officials,  "  few  died  and  none  resigned." 

The  following  extracts  from  letters  addressed  to  me,  prove  that  there  was  an 
anxiety  in  regard  to  the  course  of  the  President  in  the  formation  of  his  Cabi 
net,  and  otherwise,  which  required  the  presence  in  Washington  at  that  period 
of  a  discreet  friend.  What  reasons  the  authors  of  these  letters  had  for  assum 
ing  that  the  writer  could  influence  or  direct  the  chief  in  that  important  work, 
or  any  other  in  which  the  public  interest  was  concerned,  it  is  difficult  to 
understand. 


88  REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON. 

C.  C.  CAMBRELING,  House  of  Representatives,  TO  JAMES  A.  HAMILTON. 

"January  2, 1829. 

"  I  have  only  a  moment  to  ask  you  at  what  time  we  shall  expect  you  here.  The 
Cabinet  business  has  been  going  on  here  some  time  back." 

THE  SAME  TO  THE  SAME. 

"January  17,  1829. 

"If  I  had  the  matter  to  arrange  myself,  as  matters  now  stand,  I  would  say: 
No.  1,  New  York  ;  N"o.  2,  Lancaster ;  N"o.  3,  Delaware ;  ISTo.  4,  Ohio  ;  No.  5,  Vir 
ginia.  The  General  will  stay  at  Gadsby's.  You  had  better  order  lodgings  early. 

"Yours,  &c." 

R.  BUNNER  TO  HAMILTON. 

"  HOUSE  OF  BEPEESENTATIVES,  January  14,  1829. 

"  There  is  a  little  doubt  in  my  mind  that  Van  Buren  can  choose  his  position  here, 
though  nothing  is  certainly  known.  It  seems  to  be  conceded  he  may.  and  the  Vice- 
President  (Calhoun)  is  compelled  to  make  Duff  Green  publish  the  Magician  as  one  of 
Mr.  Calhoun's  friends  whom  he  wishes  to  bring  into  the  Cabinet.  Tazewell  retires, 
I  believe,  on  his  credit,  with  White,  and  certainly  I  think  he  will  stand  a  good  chance 
of  being  called  to  aid  the  old  General.  I  should  like  to  see  Louis  McLane  at  the 
head  of  the  Treasury.  He  is  a  true  friend  to  Van  Buren ;  will  sustain  him  and  give 
him  very  salutary  aid  on  many  matters  in  which  he  is  probably  not  familiar,  &c.  I 
will  inquire  about  lodgings.  Do  you  want  accommodation  for  yourself  or  your 
family  ?  Let  me  know." 

BUNNER  TO  HAMILTON. 

"January  21,  1829. 

"I  will  defer  answering  your  letter  until  I  have  more  maturely  considered  its 
contents.  I  presume  you  intend  that  I  may  consult  McLane  and  Verplanck,  without 
committing  either  you  or  any  other  person.  I  shall  not,  however,  do  even  that 
until  you  license  me  so  to  do.  Ingham,  I  think,  from  all  I  can  hear  is  devoted 
to  the  Vice.  Tazewell  is  mysterious. 

"It  is  understood  here  that  the  Vice  is  desirous  of  making  Tazewell  a  constituent 
member.  The  Ohio  man  will  be  pushed  by  the  West  and  by  the  Vice,  who  relies 
upon  him.  *  *  *  I  think  you  ought  to  be  here  and  secure  a  room  with  us.  The 
old  mess  is  at  the  old  house,  and  by  being  in  the  house  you  may  obtain  information 
which  you  perhaps  can  get  nowhere  else,  and  in  no  other  way.  It  would  not  be 
amiss  if  you  should  precede  the  General's  arrival.  I  concur  with  you  about  the 
banks ;  as  a  project,  with  the  views  you  mention,  it  is  unobjectionable."  *  *  * 

BUNNER  TO  HAMILTON. 

"  January  22,  1829. 

"  I  have  reflected  on  your  last  letter,  and  do  not  altogether  concur  in  opinion  with 
you.  Our  difference  is  merely  that  you  think  it  necessary  to  provide  for  harmony 
by  previous  arrangement,  while  I  think  it  must  be  done  by  subsequent  manage 
ment.1"  *  *  *  "Shall  I  take  lodgings  for  you  here  ?  You  ought  to  be  in  Wash- 


REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON.  89 

ington  before  the  15th.     Much  may  be  learned  by  you  before  the  General's  arrival. 
I  think  your  presence  indispensable." 

BUNNER  TO  HAMILTON. 

"February  1,  1829. 

"  MY  DEAR  HAMILTON  :  Contrary  to  all  expectations,  General  Jackson  will  be 
here  on  Sunday  next.  You  ought  to  be  here,  neglecting  all  other  business,  as  soon 
as  possible.  Everything  that  I  can  hear  from  Wright  is  as  favorable  as  you  could 
wish.  He  is  cautions,  but  as  far  as  his  opinion  can  be  a  test  of  its  intentions,  it  is 
decidedly  with  the  Governor.  Come  at  once." 

BUNNER  TO  HAMILTON. 

"February  2,  1829. 

"  MY  DEAR  HAMILTON  :  I  spoke  to  Mrs.  Peyton,  and  she  says  you  can  be 
accommodated  with  a  room,  and  certainly  our  mess  will  be  glad  to  receive  you.  It 
is  small,  consisting  of  Kane,  Ver  Planck,  Tazewell,  Dickinson  and  myself.  How 
ever  I  will  get  their  formal  allowance  to-day. 

"  If  you  do  not  hear  from  me,  conclude  it  granted.  The  Judge  (White)  of  Ten 
nessee,  urged  me  to  write  to  you  the  letter  of  last  night  which  I  forgot  to  note.  I 
presume  he  thinks  with  me,  that  you  should  be  on  the  spot  earlier  than  you  intended. 
I  have  not  yet  seen  McLean.  I  can  conjecture  nothing  further  on  the  important 
subject  of  New  York,  which  engrosses  all  interest  here  at  present." 

MARTIN  VAN  BUREN  TO  JAMES  A.  HAMILTON. 

"ALBANY,  February  1,  1829. 

"MY  DEAR  SIR:  When  do  you  go  to  Washington?  I  have  a  letter  from  my 
friend  Major  Hamilton,  which  I  should  like  to  send  to  you  if  there  is  time." 

These  letters  were  amusing  to  me  at  the  time,  particularly,  because  I  well 
knew  that  two  points  were  settled — first,  Van  Buren  was  to  be  Secretary  of 
State. 

When  I  parted  from  the  General  in  1828,  he  balanced  between  him  and 
Clinton.  The  death  of  the  latter  removed  all  doubts,  and  I  had  been  informed 
by  the  General  that  he  intended  to  make  Eaton  Secretary  of  War,  because  he 
felt  it  was  necessary  for  him  to  have  in  his  Cabinet  one  old  friend  upon  whom 
he  could  always  rely,  and  who  well  knew  him. 

The  importance  of  my  being  in  Washington,  appeared  to  me  to  be  ground 
less,  or  at  all  events,  very  much  exaggerated. 

The  following  statement  taken  from  notes  made  in  writing,  at  the  time,  by 
the  writer,  as  to  the  President's  course  as  long  as  I  was  with  him,  may  be  relied 
upon  as  strictly  accurate.  No  man  could  have  served  another  more  faithfully 
or  disinterestedly,  than  I  did  General  Jackson : 

"  General  Jackson,  to  avoid  the  ceremonial  of  a  public  reception,  made  a  forced 
march,  and  was  in  the  City  of  Washington,  on  February  12th,  1829.  It  was  my  good 
fortune  to  arrive  the  same  day.  When  I  called  upon  him  in  the  evening,  I  was 


90  REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON. 

flattered  by  being  received  with  open  arms.  He  spoke  of  the  death  of  his  wife  with 
deep  feeling,  and  said,  '  Colonel,  you  knew  her  well  and  respected  her.'  I  replied, 
taking  his  hand,  *  I  did  more  than  that ;  I  had  a  sincere  regard  for  her ;  and  now 
consider  her  absence  as  a  calamity.'  He  said,  '  I  am  glad  you  are  here  ;  you  must  give 
me  all  of  your  time  ;  you  have  all  my  confidence.  When  have  you  heard  from  Mr. 
Van  Buren? '  I  answered,  that  I  had  visited  him  last  month,  in  Albany. 

"  He  immediately  opened  the  subject  of  the  Cabinet  by  saying,  '  It  is  not  neces 
sary  to  make  a  selection  from  Virginia.  She  has  had  many  Presidents  and  Secre 
taries.  The  Virginians  are  a  high-minded  people  and  do  not  seek  office.  Virginia 
has  now  the  Secretary  of  War,  and  as  it  would  not  be  decorous  to  deprive  her  of  it, 
I  will  put  Tazewell  in  the  place  of  Barbour.'  I  intimated  my  approbation  of  this 
course,  and  that  it  would  be  well,  in  order  to  soothe  disappointed  feelings,  to  let 
that  be  intimated  to  Tazewell,  which  the  General  said  he  would  do. 

"  The  General  during  the  evening  requested  me  to  write  to  Van  Buren,  to  say  a 
letter  would  be  written  to  him  offering  him  the  place  of  Secretary  of  State.  The 
next  morning  the  General  asked  me  if  I  had  written  as  I  had  been  requested  to  do. 
I  replied,  I  had,  and  on  Sunday  following  I  was  told  by  the  General,  that  a  letter  had 
been  written  to  Van  Buren  offering  him  the  State  Department,  and  I  was  requested 
to  write  to  him  to  urge  him  to  come  on  without  delay.  I  was  repeatedly  asked 
afterward  by  the  General  whether  I  believed  he  would  accept  (this  was  when  the 
deliberations  were  held  in  regard  to  the  other  departments,  of  which  I  propose  to 
speak  hereafter). 

"  It  had  been  said  that  Tazewell  would  not  take  a  place ;  that  he  had  declared, 
'  Having  been  elected  a  Senator,  I  would  as  soon  think  of  taking  a  place  under 
George  IV.,  if  I  was  sent  a  minister  to  his  court,  as  I  would  to  take  a  place  in  the 
Cabinet.'  It  wras,  however,  intimated  that  he  would  go  to  London.  I  was  in  the 
house  and  mess  with  Tazewell ;  I  knew  him  well,  very  well.  When  he  was  a  Com 
missioner  under  the  Florida  Treaty,  and  I  was  an  agent  of  claims,  we  were  for 
months  together  in  the  same  house  and  mess.  One  afternoon  we  made  a  bet  of 
wine  in  regard  to  the  price  of  English  stocks.  I  remarked  after  the  bet  was  noted 
down,  Mr.  Bunner  being  present,  *  We  would  drink  it  in  London.'  It  took  him  by 
surprise,  and  changing  countenance,  he  rose  up,  recovered  himself,  and  said,  '  You 
may  drink  it  there,  I  cannot.'  I  thought  this  was  all  pretense,  and  that  his  lan 
guage  imported  less  than  his  looks,  and  intimated  to  my  friend  Mr.  Bunner,  in  the 
course  of  the  evening,  to  leave  us  alone.  He  did  so ;  and  I  sat  up  with  Tazewell 
late  in  the  evening.  In  the  course  of  our  conversation,  I  told  himjvhat  I  had  heard, 
to  wit:  '  That  he  would  not  take  a  place  in  the  Cabinet,  but  was  willing  to  go  to 
England,'  prefacing  this  with  the  declaration  that  it  was  'due  to  frankness  to  inform 
him  of  what  was  said  ;  not  that  I  wanted  to  draw  an  answer  from  him.'  He 
replied,  '  I  have  no  hesitation ;  that  as  to  the  first,  it  is  true,  as  to  the  latter,  no 
person  was  authorized  to  say  so.'  He  then  gave  his  reasons  why  he  would  not  take 
a  place  in  the  Cabinet,  which  were  '  That,  having  been  just  now  elected  a  Senator, 
it  would  not  be  treating  the  people  of  Virginia  well  to  abandon  them  ;  that  he  could 
not  do  so;  besides  he  had  a  family,  and  would  not  bring  them  up  in  Washington 
for  any  consideration  whatever.'  I  merely  added,  in  order  to  bring  him  out  on  the 
other  point,  that  '  I  had  hoped  it  was  true  that  he  had  said  he  would  go  to 
England.'  This  produced  no  reply. 

"  I  afterward  told  the  President  elect,  that  as  to  a  department,  he  could  have  no 
difficulty  as  to  Tazewell.  He  said  he  had  had  a  conversation  with  him,  and  told  him 


REMINISCENCES    OP    JAMES    A.   HAMILTON.  01 

what  liis  intentions  were  in  regard  to  England,  and  why  lie  could  not  appoint  him 
to  a  department. 

"  Tazewell  undoubtedly  expected  and  desired  to  get  the  State  Department.  The 
editorial  articles  in  the  Richmond  Enquirer  are  full  to  that  point.  Calhoun  wished 
it,  and  Tazewell  was  greatly  dissatisfied  with  the  Cabinet.  His  conversations  with 
Louis  McLane  and  others  were  very  full,  and  very  indiscreet ;  after  all,  however, 
when  he  was  distinctly  offered  the  mission  to  England,  he  accepted  it,  and  con 
ferred  with  me  more  than  once  on  the  subject  of  his  going,  and  of  the  Secretary  of 
Legation.  He  also  talked  with  Mr.  Berrian,  (who  was  appointed  Attorney-General, 
being  well  understood,  as  was  Tazewell,  to  be  a  Calhoun  man,)  on  the  subject,  and 
notwithstanding  all  this,  a  paragraph  appeared  in  a  Norfolk  paper  (Mr.  Tazewell's 
place  of  residence)  declaring  that  Tazewell  would  not  go  abroad,  giving  the  reasons  ; 
and,  as  I  understood,  (I  did  not  see  the  article)  that  he  would  not  take  a  place  less 
than  one  in  the  Cabinet." 

"  March  11. 

"  Tazewell  about  2  o'clock  sent  a  letter  to  the  President  stating  that  letters  from 
Norfolk  giving  information  of  domestic  affairs,  had  rendered  it  necessary  for  him 
to  say  he  could  not  accept  the  Mission,  and  as  the  interests  of  the  country  required 
a  Minister  to  be  sent  immediately,  he  must  be  considered  as  out  of  view." 

This  statement,  taken  from  my  journal,  shows  some  of  the  difficulties  we  had 
to  encounter.  The  truth  is — and  that  was  well  understood  by  General  Jack 
son — that  Calhoun  and  his  friends  made  a  desperate  effort  to  induce  the  Presi 
dent  to  employ  such  men  in  his  cab' net  as  would  give  them  control  of  the 
Government.  The  game  was  Tazewell,  Secretary  of  State  ;  Ingham,  Treasury ; 
Berrian,  Attorney-Genera1,  and  John  McLean,  Secretary  of  War.  The  journal 
proceeds  : 

"I  called  upon  the  President  on  the  evening  of  llth  March,  he  talked  with 
me  of  Tazewell's  letter,  and  desired  me  to  call  upon  him  early  the  next  morning, 
when  he  would  show  me  the  letter;  that  I  must  come  before  breakfast,  and  come 
to  his  bedroom  if  he  was  not  up." 

"March  12th. 

"I  called  at  eight  o'clock;  the  President  came  to  me;  showed  me  the  letter.  I 
advised  him  to  send  for  Tazewell  and  urge  him  by  every  consideration,  public  as  well 
as  personal,  to  accept  the  appointment,  and  I  impressed  upon  him  the  necessity  of  in 
sisting  upon  Tazewell's  giving  him  the  reason  for  his  not  going ;  which  I  believed  was 
his  unwillingness  to  be  connected  with  this  Cabinet  (the  Cabinet  was  then  formed). 
The  President  wrote  a  note  to  Tazewell,  who  called  upon  him.  The  President,  after 
Tazewell  Ind  left  him,  sent  for  me,  and  told  me  what  the  conversation  was.  The  rea 
sons  Tazewell  gave  for  declining  were  entirely  of  a  private  or  domestic  character.  The 
President,  however,  desired  him  not  to  decide  on  refusing,  but  to  take  the  matter  into 
consideration,  and  see  if  he  could  not  arrange  his  affairs  so  as  to  enable  him  to  go 
abroad  ;  and  so  the  President  considered  the  matter  as  remaining.  Tazewell,  how 
ever,  told  McLane  that  he  had  given  his  final  answer  in  the  negative.  That  he  was 
not  pleased  with  the  manner  in  which  the  President  had  urged  it;  that  he  had 
looked  him  through  and  through,  and  had  told  him  that  *  he  must  go.'  Had  given  him" 
a  military  order,  but  that  he  considered  the  matter  at  rest. 


92  REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON. 

"  I  must  go  back.  Van  Buren,  in  reply  to  the  letter  offering  him  the  place  of 
Secretary  of  State,  accepted  ;  provided  he  could  remain  at  Albany  until  April,  when 
the  Legislature  would  adjourn,  as  it  would  not  be  proper  for  him  to  resign  his  place 
of  Governor  until  after  the  rising  of  the  Legislature.  When  that  letter  was  read  to 
Jackson,  he  hesitated  as  to  the  answer ;  and  after  a  short  time,  said  to  me,  '  Colonel, 
I  will  consent  to  his  remaining  away,  if  you  will  undertake  to  perform  the  duties  of 
the  department  until  he  comes.'  I  replied,  '  General,  I  cannot  consent  to  that 
arrangement,  because  I  well  know  I  am  incompetent  to  perform  the  duties  of  the 
place.'  lie  replied,  briskly,  '  That  is  my  affair ;  I  know  you  can  perform  the  duties 
as  well  as  any  other.  If  you  consent,  prepare  a  paper  for  me  to  sign,  appointing  you 
to  perform  the  duties  of  Secretary  of  State  until  Mr.  Van  Buren  shall  come  here  and 
assume  the  duties.'  This  matter'was  so  arranged,  and  I  wrote  to  Van  Buren,  telling 
him  the  President  had  agreed  that  he  should  remain  in  Albany  as  long  as  his  duties 
required  him  to  do  so." 

MARTIN  VAN  BUKEN  TO  JAMES  A.  HAMILTON. 

"  February  2,    1829. 

"  MY  DEAR  HAMILTON  :  I  enclose  you  a  letter  to  the  General,  which  explains  all 
that  I  would  otherwise  write.  You  will  exercise  your  discretion  as  to  delivering  it 
open  or  sealed.  If  the  arrangement  I  propose  succeeds,  or,  whether  it  does  or  not, 
there  cannot  be  a  doubt  of  our  ability  to  serve  you  in  proportion  to  ourdesires.  I  have 
no  time  to  add  another  word.  I  hope  Eaton  has  shown  }'ou  my  letter  to  him.  I  had 
not  heard  or  thought  of  Messrs.  Branch  and  Eaton  as  members  of  the  Cabinet,  and  but 
slightly  of  Mr.  Berrian.  I  have,  as  you  know,  accepted  the  General's  invitation,  and 
shall  stand  my  hand.  I  am  anxious  that  McLane  and  Major-General  Hamilton  (of 
South  Carolina),  should  understand  all  my  views ;  but  not  to  make  them  a  subject  of 
remark.  Hamilton  and  myself  only  differed  in  this,  that  I  wished  McLane  for  the 
Treasury  and  Cheves  for  the  Navy.  But,  if  the  matter  is  settled  otherwise,  you  and 
he  will  see  the  vital  importance  of  my  not  saying  a  word  upon  the  point,  or  in  relation 
to  events  which  I  could  not  have  foreseen,  and  cannot  avoid.  See  Hamilton  and  give 
him  this  information.  Tell  him,  I  have  received  his  letter,  and  sincerely  thank  him 
for  it,  and  that  I  will  write  him  soon;  but  I  have  scarcely  time  to  turn  round,  and 
anything  I  might  say  now  would  come  too  late.  But,  excuse  me  for  again  pressing 
the  importance  of  not  using  my  name  in  a  manner  which  could  only  serve  to  excite 
prejudices  that  might  do  a  dis-service  to  the  public,  and  all  other  interests,  without 
doing  good.  Write  me  often. 

"  Yours  truly." 

MARTIN  VAN  BUREN  TO  JAMES  A.  HAMILTON. 

"  ALBANY,  February  15,  1829. 

"MY  DEAE  SIR  :  Enclosed,  you  have  a  letter  from  Major  Eaton  to  me  and  a  copy 
of  my  reply.  You  will  judge  by  the  condition  of  things  when  they  arrive  whether 
it  will  be  besl,  to  deliver  the  letter  or  not.  If  the  Cabinet  arrangements  are  made 
when  my  letter  is  received,  it  will  for  many  reasons  be  desirable  that  my  inattention 
to  the  Major's  letter,  should  be  attributed  to  the  same  cause  with  his  negligence  in 
not  sending  it  to  me  before.  His  query  in  relation  to  myself,  was  not  much  better 
considered  than  the  letter  of  Major  L.,  on  the  subject  to  which  you  replied  for  me. 


REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.    HAMILTON.  93 

You  will,  of  course,  not  let  the  Major  know  that  you  are  advised  of  anything  e'xcept 
what  you  are  requested  to  say  in  the  note  that  covers  his.     Write  me. 

"  Very  truly  yours." 

,  The  following  are  copies  of  the  letters  "  enclosed." 

MARTIN  VAN  BUREN  TO  JAMES  A.  HAMILTON. 

"February  15,  1829. 

"My  DEAR  SIR:  I  wish  you  would  hand  the  enclosed  to  Major  Eaton.  It  is 
quite  confidential,  and  I  wish  you  to  say  to  him  that,  contrary  to  my  nature,  I  have 
sent  it  in  the  handwriting  of  my  son,  from  a  consciousness  of  his  (M.  E.'s)  habitual 
carelessness  about  his  letters,  and  an  apprehension  that  it  might  (as  heretofore  in 
other  cases)  find  its  way  into  one  of  the  Committee  rooms  folded  up  in  a  petition  in 
behalf  of  some  good  fellow,  who  has  no  friend  except  the  Major;  who,  to  his  credit 
be  it  said,  is  a  friend  to  the  friendless. 

"  In  haste,  very  cordially  yours." 

MARTIN  VAN  BUREN  TO   MAJOR  EATON. 

"DEAR  SIR:  Your  questions  are  of  great  delicacy,  and  I  shall  confidently  expect 
that  wThat  I  say  in  reply  to  them  shall  be  known  to  lut  one  person  besides  yourself. 
It  is  of  vital  importance  to  have  a  decided  majority  in  the  quarter  to  which  you 
allude  ;  but,  it  is  not,  under  the  circumstances,  as  material  how  large  that  majority 
is.  It  will  be  constantly  gaining,  and  with  good  treatment  may  be  made  efficient  for 
every  desirable  purpose.  You  have  a  few  new  men,  and  the  old  are  apt  to  degenerate 
or  improve  from  circumstances  of  every  day's  occurrence.  What  mny  be  the  state 
of  things  in  that  respect,  yon,  being  on  the  spot,  can  better  judge  than  myself.  If 
you  have  twenty-five  or  twenty-six  good  men  and  true,  I  should  think  matters  would 
be  safe  enough. 

"You  want,  for  the  other  concern,  practical,  intelligent  and  efficient  men,-who 
are  conversant  with  the  affairs  of  the  nation,  and  in  whom  the  people  have  confi 
dence — men  whose  capacities  are  adapted  to  the  discharge  of  the  public  business, 
whether  they  might,  or  might  not,  shine  in  the  composition  of  essays  on  abstract 
and  abstruse  subjects.  Both  the  gentlemen  to  whom  you  refer  are  of  that  char 
acter  ;  the  one  to  whose  recent  speech  you  allude  is  eminently  so.  From  my  know 
ledge  of  his  industry,  intelligence  and  energy,  and  also  the  good  feeling  that  every 
where  exists  toward  him — together  with  some  peculiarities  in  his  political  condition, 
I  cannot  but  regard  the  selection  of  hiir  for  some  difficult  and  responsible  station  as 
a  great  desideratum.  He  is  one  of  the  most  practical,  common-sense  men  in  the 
nation.  With  respect  to  the  other  gentleman  to  whom  you  refer  and  who  is  not  of 
that  Body,  I  feel  great  delicacy  in  speaking.  He  has  had  to  pass  through  very  deli 
cate  and  trying  scenes.  There  was  a  time  when  it  was  probable  that  he  would  be 
so  tied  down  to  his  present  situation  by  circumstances,  as  to  put  it  out  of  his  power 
to  leave  it,  whatever  his  personal  wishes  might  be ;  but  by  good  fortune  he  has,  it  is 
believed,  escaped  such  entanglement,  and  is  at  perfect  liberty  to  pursue  his  own 
wishes  in  the  premises,  provided  their  gratification  has  for  its  object  the  public  good. 
No  one  has  authority  to  say  that  he  will  not  consent  to  change  his  situation,  if  that 
can  be  done  under  such  circumstances  as  will  satisfy  him  of  the  probability  that  he 
can  be  more  useful  than  in  his  present  station." 


94  REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON. 

MARTIN  VAN  BUREN  TO  JAMES  A.  HAMILTON. 

u  ALBANY,  February  21,  1829. 

"  MY  DEAR  SIR  :  I  have  written  a  long  letter  to  Eaton,  which  I  have  authorized 
him  to  show  to  General  Jackson,  Judge  White  and  yourself.  Let  McLane  know  its 
contents.  I  have  also  referred  to  you  in  my  letter  to  the  General.  I  am  very  de 
sirous  to  have  you  with  me  in  the  capacity  of  which  we  have  spoken.  There  is 
nothing  in  the  past  to  prevent  it,  and  the  future  is  full  of  hope.  The  only  question 
is,  as  to  the  hest  mode  of  getting  rid  of  the  present  incumbent.  It  would  be  desir 
able  to  provide  some  other  place  for  him  if  practicable,  and  then,  again,  is  it,  or  is 
it  not  necessary  to  keep  him  for  some  time  to  get  the  affairs  into  successful  operation. 
So  far  from  McLane's  letter  being  an  objection  to  your  taking  it,  it  furnishes  an  argu 
ment  in  its  favor,  inasmuch  as  it  enables  us  to  place  the  other  gentleman's  resignation 
upon  some  better  ground  than  that  of  personal  objections.  The  fact  that  I  would  not, 
under  any  circumstances,  have  appointed  him  even  if  you  had  solicited  it,  is  of  control 
ling  influence.  Could  you  stay  until  I  come  down  ?  I  have  really  no  time  to  enlarge, 
as  you  may  well  suppose.  Let  me  hear  from  you  fully  upon  all  these  matters.  / 
hope  the  General  will  not  find  it  necessary  to  avow  any  opinion  upon  Constitutional 
questions  at  war  with  the  doctrines  of  the  Jefferson  School.  Whatever  his  views  may 
be,  there  can  be  no  necessity  of  doing  so  in  an  inaugural  address.  Remember  me 
affectionately  to  Judge  White  and  Mr.  Tazevvell.  I  have,  in  a  letter  of  to-day,  to 
Mr.  Eaton,  again  touched  upon  the  subject  of  the  Treasury  Department.  Yours 
truly,  &c." 

Coleman  of  the  Evening  Post,  in  a  letter  addressed  to  me  at  Washington, 
dated  New  York,  February  19,  1829,  says : 

"  You  have,  I  believe,  the  ears  of  Jackson  more  than  any  other  individual ;  and 
why  do  you  rot  avail  yourself  of  the  great  opportunity  it  gives  you  not  merely  for 
your  own  gratification,  but  to  promote  indirectly  his  views  by  a  judicious  circulation 
of  them,  by  means  of  the  press,  accompanied  by  popular  recommendations  or  defence 
when  defence  may  be  deemed  expedient  ?  " 

Such  was  the  anxiety  of  this  veteran  Editor  to  have  the  reputation  of  be 
ing  in  advance  of  his  contemporaries  of  the  press,  as  to  give  such  advice. 

In  a  letter  dated  February  23,  1829,  which  is  certainly  of  much  more  in 
terest,  he  says : 

"  What  you  tell  me  respecting  Adams'  assertions,  or  information  respecting  your 
Father's  opinion  of  the  purchase  of  Louisiana,  not  a  little  surprises  me ;  for  it  so 
happens  that  that  opinion  was,  after  repeated  conversations  with  me,  committed  to 
writing  in  my  own  phraseology,  indeed,  for  the  purpose  of  publication  in  the  Evening 
Post ;  and  so  desirous  was  he  of  having  his  ideas  on  this  important  measure  of  gov 
ernment  expressed  with  the  greatest  precision,  neither  restricted  nor  extended  in  any 
degree,  that  being  informed  at  what  time  the  proof  sheets  would  be  ready  for  inspec 
tion,  he  came  to  the  office  and  examined  it  after  it  had  been  corrected  and  was  all 
ready  to  go  to  press,  and  having  with  great  deliberation  carefully  perused  the  whole, 
declared  it  contained  the  identical  idea  he  had  wished  to  express  on  the  subject. 


REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON.  95 

"  That  article  I  have  not  seen  for  some  years,  but  a  little  research  will  discover  it 
when  I  again  go  down  to  my  office. 

"  But  this  is  not  all  I  have  to  say  as  respects  your  Father,  in  connection  with  this 
subject.  Mr.  Bronson"  (the  distinguished  Banker,  Isaac  Bronson),  "  lately  told  me 
that  some  years  since  he  happened  to  dine  at  the  same  table  with  John  Adams,  the 
father,  and  John  Quincy  Adams,  the  son,  at  which  the  subject  of  a  dissolution  of 
the  Union  was  introduced  and  discussed  ;  and  on  that  occasion  Mr.  Bronson  distinct 
ly  remembers  that  John  Q.  Adams  said,  that  a  certain  Federal  gentleman  of  much 
consideration  in  the  party  (naming  him — it  is  believed  that  gentleman  was  Gouver- 
neur  Morris),  entertained  an  opinion  that  it  would  be  conducive  to  the  prosperity  of 
Xew  England,  to  dissolve  all  political  connection  with  the  Southern  States ;  and  that 
some  others  of  his  friends  held  the  same  opinions,  but  that  he  must  do  Hamilton  the 
justice  to  say,  that  lie  did  not  coincide  uiili  them. 

"  It  is  in  my  power  to  state  facts  and  circumstances  not  less  strong  and  conclusive, 
as  to  your  father's  settled  and  decisive  opinion  respecting  every  thing  that  had  the 
remotest  tendency  to  the  dissolution  of  the  Union. 

"On  a  little  reflection  I  cannot  possibly  believe  Adams  will  venture  on  so  bold  a 
thing,  as  you  have  been  led  to  suppose.  It  would  bring  him  and  his  name  beneath 
a  torrent  of  everlasting  infamy.  I  cannot  believe  it  until  I  see  it." 

MARTIN  VAN  BUREN  TO  JAMES  A.  HAMILTON. 

"  ALBANY,  February,  1829. 

"  MY  DEAR  SIR  :  The  several  letters  which  I  have  written  to  the  President  through 
you,  explain  most  things  of  which  I  would  otherwise  speak  in  this.  Any  mode  in 
which  you  may  think  the  business  of  the  Department  can  be  best  attended  to, 
whether  that  which  is  stated  in  your  letter  of  the  25th,  or  the  one  suggested  by  me, 
will  be  alike  agreeable.  I  have  received  a  letter  from  Mr.  Gulian  Verplanck  to-day,  in 
which  he  informs  me  that  it  is  understood  to  be  the  intention  of  the  President,  to 
send  Mr.  Moore  of  Kentucky,  to  Mexico,  but  that  it  is  feared  that  his  nomination 
and  departure  will  be  delayed  by  my  absence,  and  that  such  delay  would  be  embar 
rassing  to  Mr.  Moore.  If  this  is  so,  it  is  proper  that  I  should  say,  that  I  know  of 
few  men  who  have  stronger  claims  upon  the  interest  that  is  now  happily  ascendant 
than  Moore,  and  that  my  respect  for  his  talents  is  equal  to  my  conviction  of  his  high 
merits  in  other  respects.  As  he  goes  out  to  relieve  Mr.  Poinsett,  I  am  not  apprized 
that  any  particular  instructions,  other  than  such  as  may  without  prejudice  to  the 
public  interest  be  sent  after  him,  will  be  necessary.  Should  the  case  be  otherwise, 
you  will  have  no  difficulty  in  causing  them  to  be  prepared.  You  should  not  suffer 
the  imputations  of  Mr.  Adams  to  afflict  you.  Certainly  not  for  the  present,  for  the 
declaration  of  an  old  gentleman  acknowledging  himself  particeps  criminis  that  a 
nameless  somebody  told  him  that  your  father  agreed  to  attend  a  convention,  cannot, 
with  just  minds,  be  regarded  as  sufficient  to  impair  his  patriotism.  "Write  me  direct 
ed  to  New  York,  to  the  care  of  Campbell.  Make  my  best  respects  to  the  President, 
and  believe  me  to  be, 

"  Yery  truly  yours,  &c." 


96  REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.    HAMILTON. 

JAMES  A.  HAMILTON  TO  MARTIN  VAN  BUREN. 

"WASHINGTON,  Feb.  29,  1829. 

"  MY  DEAR  SIR:  Your  letter  to  General  Jackson  was  received  by  him  to-day. 
After  I  had  read  it,  he  desired  me  in  answer  to  say  that  although  he  regretted  your 
absence  for  so  long  a  time  as  you  would  be  detained,  he  acquiesced  in  it  as  necessary. 
He  added  that  as  you  had  referred  him  to  Mr.  Hamilton,  the  duties  of  your  place 
would  devolve  on  him;  and  expressed  a  hope  I  would  remain  here  to  perform  them 
until  your  arrival,  which  I  unhesitatingly  consented  to  do.  He  then  told  me  that 
there  were  several  appointments  in  regard  to  which  he  would  require  my  opinion  ; 
and  that  I  should  confer  with  the  Attorney-General,  particularly  as  to  the  ap 
pointment  of  a  minister  to  the  Netherlands.  I  presume  from  what  he  stated  that 
the  question  first  to  be  decided  will  be  whether  it  is  necessary  to  have  a  minister 
plenipotentiary  sent  to  that  court ;  and  second,  whether  Mr.  Hughes  should  be  the 
person  or  not.  The  first  must  be  decided  by  a  due  consideration  of  the  importance 
of  the  decision,  and  by  the  fact  intimated  to  me,  that  the  King  of  the  Netherlands 
had  requested  the  appointment  of  a  minister  of  equal  grade  with  the  one  represent 
ing  him  here.  I  am  of  opinion  that  unless  some  plan  of  commissioners  can  be 
devised,  that  a  full  minister  should  be  sent ;  but  that  Hughes  is  not  '  large  '  enough 
for  the  place.  The  selection  should  be  made  from  Maine,  if  a  fit  person  can  be 
found  there.  What  is  to  be  said  of  Judge  Preeble?  In  that  event  Hughes  might 
be  transferred,  and  where  ? 

"  Might  it  not  be  expedient  to  send  commissioners,  giving  them  the  rank  of 
ministers  extraordinary,  and  the  pay  of  those  of  the  second  rank  ?  and  let  Hughes 
and  Preeble  be  appointed.  Col.  Humphries  was  sent  to  Portugal  with  the  style  and 
rank  of  Minister  Resident,  with  the  pay  of  Charge.  However,  I  infer  from  Wash 
ington's  message  that  this  was  an  arrangement  between  the  Government  and 
Humphries.  He  says :  (Executive  Journal,  vol.  1,  page  Y4)  '  I  do  not  mean  that 
the  change  of  grade  shall  render  the  mission  more  expensive.'  By  the  same  journal, 
pp.  95  to  99,  it  appears  that  Carmichael,  Charge  at  Madrid,  and  Short,  Charge  at 
Paris,  were  appointed  Commissioners  Plenipotentiary  for  negotiating  and  concluding  a 
Treaty  with  Spain,  concerning  the  navigation  of  the  Mississippi.  The  question  now 
arises  whether  they  received  the  pay  of  Charges  or  of  Ministers  Plenipotentiary.  Do 
me  the  favor  on  receipt  of  this  to  reply  to  it,  that  I  may  receive  your  views  by  the 
5th  of  March. 

"  As  I  fully  concur  with  you  as  to  the  course  you  intend  to  pursue  in  regard  to 
resigning  ;  and  as  the  public  business,  after  the  Senate  adjourns,  may  be  so  pressing 
as  to  suffer  by  your  absence,  I  would  take  all  my  steps  with  even  more  deliberation 
than  would  be  strictly  called  for  by  a  regard  to  your  dignity  and  that  of  the  state. 
The  General  will  address  a  letter  to  me,  stating  your  acceptance,  your  necessary 
detention,  and  desiring  me  to  take  charge  of  the  department  until  you  arrive 
here. 

"  Your  last  letter  to  Eaton  came  too  late  (the  first  I  did  not  deliver)  to  produce  any 
change ;  it  is,  however,  proper  as  the  record  of  your  views,  and  may  be  of  great 
service  hereafter.  I  regret  that  you  should  have  enjoined  so  strict  a  silence  in 
regard  to  its  contents.  However,  as  you  may  remove  the  injunction  of  secrecy  bye 
and  bye,  it  will  be  the  same  thing. 

"Efforts  are  now  being  made  to  induce  McLean  (P.  M.  G.)  to  remain  where  he  is. 


REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON.  97 

They  will,  I  believe,  be  unsuccessful,  to  the  great  mortification  of  the  General ;  equal 
joy  of  Calhonn  &  Co.,  and  the  deep  disappointment  of  Eaton.  It  is  also,  by  some, 
hoped  that  Ingham  may  decline  the  Treasury,  go  into  the  P.  O.,  and  that  McLane, 
of  Delaware,  may  go  to  the  Treasury.  To  induce  this  move,  your  letter  will  have 
much  effect. 

"I  thank  you  for  your  kind  and  complimentary  reference  to  me  in  your  two 
letters. 

Adieu,  yours,  &c.,  &c." 

In  the  course  of  the  important  business  of  forming  a  cabinet,  I  was  remind 
ed  of  the  fact  that  General  Washington,  when  he  was  making  his  selections, 
inquired  of  Financier  Morris,  who  was  the  most  proper  person  to  be  appointed 
to  the  Treasury.  Pie  replied,  Hamilton.  Jefferson  was  selected  for  the  State 
Department  more  particularly  from  his  having  been  a  foreign  minister ;  and 
General  Gates  for  the  War  Department,  because  as  an  experienced,  officer  he 
was  well  acquainted  with  military  affairs. 

In  this  important  work  by  President  Jackson,  no  thought  appeared  to 
be  given  as  to  the  fitness  of  the  persons  for  their  places,  I  am  sure  I  never 
heard  one  word  in  relation  thereto,  and  I  certainly  had  repeated  conversations  with 
him  in  regard  to  these  appointments.  Indeed,  Van  Buren,  in  his  letters  on  the 
subject,  never  made  a  suggestion  of  that  kind.  His  letter  to  me  in  relation  to 
the  President's  Inaugural  Address,  manifested  his  anxiety  that  "  the  General 
will  not  find  it  necessary  to  avow  any  opinion  upon  constitutional  questions  at 
war  with  the  doctrines  of  the  Jefferson  school." 

JVIr.  Van  Buren  was  certainly  not  eminently  fitted  for  the  State  Depart 
ment,  by  his  knowledge  of  public  affairs,  by  his  education,  which  was  very 
limited,  or  his  intellectual  endowments.  In  the  preparation  of  his  first  report 
as  secretary,  he  required  a  friend  to  revise  and  correct  that  document.  Indeed 
all  his  public  papers  required  the  assistance  of  a  friend,  and  to  that  end  he 
induced  Mr.  B.  F.  Butler  to  go  to  Washington  and  to  remain  there. 

Webster  told  the  writer  that  Van  Buren's  dealings  with  the  questions  of 
impressment,  and  on  the  boundary  line,  impaired  the  rights  of  the  United 
States. 

Eaton  was  made  Secretary  of  War  alone,  because  the  General,  as  he  said, 
must  have  one  man  about  him  in  whom  he  had  entire  confidence.  It  is  beliejed 
that  Eaton  wrote  a  history  of  the  General's  military  life. 

Branch  was  selected  because  of  personal  relations.     He  had  no  capacity  to  \/ 
direct  the  affairs  of  the  Navy ;  and  Barry  those  of  the  Post-office,  in  obedience 
to  the  wishes  of  the  Kentucky  Delegation.     (See  the  account  of  his  pecuniary 
administration  of  his  office  in  a  subsequent  chapter.) 

Ingham  came  as  the  representative  of  one  of  the  factions  of  Pennsylvania, 
seeking  the  place  of  Comptroller  of  the  Treasury.     Such  was  his  appreciation 
of  his  abilities. 
7 


98  REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.    HAMILTON. 

APPLICATIONS  FOR  AND  APPOINTMENTS  TO  OFFICE. 

The  following  letter  indicates  the  grounds  upon  which  applications  were 
made.  The  writer  was  an  inhabitant  of  the  State  of  Indiana.  The  letter  is 
addressed  to  James  A.  Hamilton  : — 

"WASHINGTON  CITY,  January  14,  1829. 

"  DEAR  SIR  :  Having  had  the  honor  of  bringing  to  this  city  the  electoral  votes 
for  President  of  the  United  States,  I  calculated  to  remain  a  few  weeks  for  the  arrival 
of  General  Jackson,  hoping  some  of  these  violent  Adams  men  now  in  office  may 
receive  their  walking  papers.  I  have  recommendations  from  the  Republican  mem 
bers  of  the  Legislature  of  the  State  of  Indiana  for  any  office  I  can  ask ;  but,  as  many 
beside  myself  will  apply,  I  wish  to  show  by  letters  from  my  correspondents  in  the 
different  states  the  active  part  I  took  during  the  struggle  for  Republicanism.  Sir, 
as  you  received  from  me  some  letters  respecting  the  Presidential  election,  will  you  be 
so  good  as  to  direct  a  letter  to  me  at  this  place,  on  the  receipt  of  this,  stating  my 
correspondence  with  you,  and  such  things  as  you  may  think  proper,  for  I  think 
those  who  stood  the  heat  of  the  battle  should  be  first  to  receive  of  its  benefits.  I 
should  like  either  the  Register's  office  at  Crawfordsville,  Indiana,  or  the  Marshal  of 
the  State.  These  offices  are  now  held  by  those  of  the  most  active  of  the  Adams 
men.  Yours  respectfully." 

I  do  not  give  the  name  of  the  writer  of  this  letter,  nor  do  I  recollect  any 
thing  further  on  the  subject. 

One  man  founded  his  claims  to  office  on  the  ground  that  he  was  the  first 
member  of  the  Legislature  of  his  state  who  nominated  General  Jackson  for 
President. 

Two  men  of  Pennsylvania  were  applicants  for  the  office  of  Marshal.  Their 
petitions  were  subscribed  by  thousands ;  the  object  of  each  being  to  rest  his 
claims  to  office  upon  the  number  of  his  petitioners.  When  the  huge  rolls 
were  brought  to  the  Department,  the  number  of  the  names  were  estimated  by 
the  length  of  the  paper  subscribed. 

Men  came,  women  came,  to  sustain  the  applications  of  their  husbands  and 
other  relatives.  The  crowd  was  so  great,  and  the  persistence  so  unreasonable, 
that  an  order  was  issued  not  to  admit  any  person  to  the  office  of  the  secretary 
until  a  late  hour  of  the  day.  This  was  necessary  to  give  time  to  perform  the 
public  duties. 

The  writer  had  the  good  fortune  to  save  the  Honorable  Henry  Wheaton, 
•who  was  minister  to  Prussia,  and  Mr.  Tudor,  of  Boston,  who  was,  he  believes, 
Charge  at  Buenos  Ayres,  from  removal. 

The  removal  of  my  friend,  John  Duer,  District- Attorney  U.  S.,  was  in  vain 
resisted  by  me.  The  President  had  been  informed  that  he  was  connected'with 
the  American  newspaper  in  New  York,  then  edited  by  Charles  King,  who  had 
made  a  most  unwarrantable  attack  upon  Mrs.  Jackson. 

I  was  charged  with  having  induced  Mr.  Duer's  removal,  in  order  to  get  the 


REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON.  99 

place.  There  was  no  foundation  for  this.  I  did  not  seek  or  desire  that  office. 
How  I  was  appointed  is  distinctly  and  truly  stated  above. 

I  return  to  my  Journal  as  to  the  formation  of  the  Cabinet.  After  the 
President  had  determined  to  make  Eaton  Secretary  of  War,  or,  rather,  after 
that  determination  was  made  known,  McLean,  the  then  Post-Master-General,  who 
was  pressed  by  Calhoun  for  the  Department  of  the  Treasury  or  War,  was  very 
anxious  to  change  his  position,  among  other  reasons,  to  avoid  the  loss  of  charac 
ter  and  popularity  by  removing  persons  whom  he  appointed  when  he  should  be 
required  to  do  so.  He  urged  upon  the  President  the  consideration  of  the  pecu 
liar  delicacy  in  which  he  was  placed  in  regard  to  removals,  and  induced  the 
President  to  say  "  that  if  Eaton  and  he  could  agree  to  make  an  exchange  he 
would  assent  to  it."  Eaton  did  agree  to  relinquish  and  McLean  to  take  the 
War  Department,  and  the  President  announced  his  choice  to  Major  Hamilton 
of  South  Carolina,  and  others. 

On  the  25th  February,  Mr.  Van  Buren's  letter  of  acceptance  was  received. 
It  was  a  long  letter  written  to  Eaton,  who  was  directed  to  show  it  to  Jackson, 
Judge  White  and  Hamilton.  He  strongly  urged  Louis  McLane  for  the  Treas 
ury.  I  do  not  think  this  letter  was  shown  to  Jackson  or  White,  but  it  was  to 
Lewis  and  Dudley  (Senator),  and  was  then  destroyed.  After  I  had  read  it  I  re 
marked  to  Eaton  it  was  too  late,  that  I  sincerely  regretted  he  had  consented 
to  the  exchanges,  and  inquired  if  no  means  could  be  made  use  of  to  influence 
McLean  to  yield.  I  stated  that  I  knew  the  General  was  worried  about  it,  and 
regretted  he  had  given  his  assent — that  I  was  willing  to  do  anything  in  my 
power  to  promote  his  views.  He  asked  me  if  I  was  acquainted  with  the  Post- 
Master-Greneral.  I  said  I  was  slightly.  He  then  suggested  that  I  might  call 
upon  him  with  Lewis  and  place  the  matter  in  so  strong  a  light  as  to  induce  him 
to  yield.  I  had  at  Lewis's  request  seen  James  Hamilton  (S.  C.)  and  urged 
him  to  do  the  same  thing,  which  he  declined,  alleging  that  he  would  do  nothing 
on  the  subject  of  the  Cabinet  as  he  had  not  been  consulted  about  it.  Here  I  may 
remark  that  Louis  McLane  of  Delaware,  by  their  authority,  authorized  me  to- 
gay  to  Jackson  that  Hamilton  (S.  C.),  Drayton,  Hayne,  McDuffie  and  Archer 
had  not  called  to  talk  with  him  on  the  subject  of  his  Cabinet,  from  motives  of 
delicacy,  but  that  if  he  wished  to  see  them  they  would  call.  I  mentioned  this 
to  the  President,  and  he  invited  them  to  an  interview.  They  saw  him.  Hamil 
ton  (S.  C.)  was  spokesman.  He  could  effect  nothing.  Their  object  was  the 
Treasury  either  for  Chevis  of  South  Carolina,  or  Louis  McLane  of  Delaware, 
or  anybody  but  Ingham.  The  President  had  made  up  his  mind.  I  repeat,  the 
choice  was  a  very  bad  one.  Ingham  was  not  fitted  for  the  situation.  He  had 
not  one  of  the  qualities  required  for  that  office.  It  was  understood  that  he 
came  to  Washington  in  the  hope  of  being  appointed  Comptroller.  This  was 
his  appreciation  of  his  abilities. 

I  immediately  went  to  Lewis  and  proposed  to  him  to  go  to  the  Post-Master- 
General.  He  declined  for  good  reasons.  We  then  determined  to  ask  Judge 


100  REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES  A.   HAMILTON. 

White  to  see  him,  who  did  see  him  and  induced  him  to  yield  the  place  to  Eaton 
and  remain  where  he  was,  and  the  next  day  the  Cabinet  was  announced  in  the 
Telegraph. 

February  26tk. — The  General  put  into  my  hands  various  applications  for 
office  to  digest  and  arrange,  and  to  give  my  opinion,  so  that  I  am  now  most  un 
expectedly  engaged  in  the  business  of  the  Department  of  State.  I  made  the 
following  report : 

"  James  A.  Hamilton  presents  his  respects  to  the  President  elect,  and  returns 
herewith  the  papers  committed  to  him  in  relation  to  the  following  appointments,  to 
wit: 

"  A  Judge  of  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States. 

"A  Judge  of  the  District  Court  of  Louisiana. 

"  A  Judge  of  the  District  Court  of  Ohio. 

"A  District  Attorney  for  Indiana.  And  begs  leave  to  say  that  from  all  the  in 
formation  he  has  obtained  on  these  subjects,  in  his  opinion,  the  best  selections  would 
he  as  follows : 

"  William  T.  Barry  of  Kentucky,  Judge  of  the  Supreme  Court. 

•u  Samuel  II.  Harper,  Judge  of  the  District  Court  of  Louisiana. 

•"  John  W.  Campbell,  Judge  of  the  District  Court  of  Ohio,  and 

"  Samuel  Judali,  District  Attorney  for  the  State  of  Indiana. 

"JAMES  A.  HAMILTON." 

At  this  time  the  Post-Master-General  was  not  a  candidate  for  the  office  of 
Judge.  The  day  before  the  nomination  was  to  be  made,  Ingham,  at  McLean's 
instance,  (jailed  upon  the  President  and  told  him  that  the  Post  Master  General 
would  like  to  take  the  office  of  Judge,  and  urged  again  the  peculiar  delicacy 
.-and  difficulty  of  his  situation  as  Post-Master-General,  in  regard  to  removals. 
'The  President  sent  for  me,  told  me  of  this  intimation,  and  asked  my  opinion. 
^I  immediately  said  of  all  things  it  was  best,  and  that  nothing  should  be  left  un- 
attempted  to  accomplish  it.  He  felt  that  he  was  committed  to  Barry's  friends, 
of  the  Kentucky  Delegation.  I  answered,  "  that  preference  was  given  to  Barry 
before  McLean  was  thought  of."  He  said  if  the  Kentucky  Delegation  would 
•acquiesce  he  would  make  the  appointment.  Bibb  was  sent  for.  He  acquiesced, 
and  promised  to  see  some  of  the  gentlemen.  I  was  requested  to  call  early  in 
•the  morning,  which  I  did,  before  breakfast — then  told  the  General  I  believed  I 
had  some  influence  with  T.  W.  Moore — that  I  would  see  him  and  induce  him  to 
;acquiesce.  I  immediately  went  to  his  lodgings — conferred  with  him.  I  made 
the  following  note  of  what  occurred: 

u  March  G,  1829.  I  called  upon  Major  T.  "W.  Moore  in  relation  to  the  appoint- 
•ment  of  Judge  of  the  Supreme  Court,  Barry  having  been  selected  for  this  office 
"before  it  was  known  McLean  (P.  M.  G.)  would  take  it.  After  much  conversation 
Major  Moore  desired  me  to  say  to  General  Jackson,  that  he  wished  him  to  look  over 
the  whole  ground,  Major  Barry's  qualifications,  etc.,  and  that  if  he  should  determine 
that  it  would  be  advantageous  to  his  administration,  and  promote  the  public  interests 


REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES  A.  HAMILTON.  101 

to  select  the  Pos' -Master-General,  he  (Moore)  would  be  answerable  that  there  would 
be  no  grumbling  or  dissatisfaction  in  the  Kentucky  Delegation  on  the  subject. 

"Mr.  Moore  said  to  me,  '  I  have  no  doubt  if  Major  Barry  was  here  ho  would  with 
draw  his  pretentions  in  a  moment,'  and  he  further  asked  how  the  President  would 
assure  himself  that  McLean  would  not  continue  to  be  a  candidate  for  the  Presidency 
and  make  his  official  influence  a  means  of  promoting  his  success  and  thereby  im 
pairing  the  dignity  of  the  office  and  the  Court.  I  said  in  reply,  '  I  would  advise  Gen 
eral  Jackson  to  send  for  McLean,  and  to  say  he  contemplated  nominating  him  for 
Judge,  but  that  he  liad  perhaps  peculiar  views  in  regard  to  the  course  to  be  pursued 
by  judicial  officers.  That  he  considered  them  as  Ministers  of  the  Temple  of  Justice, 
and  that  as  such  they  were  necessarily  separated  from  all  party  politics  or  feelings.' 
I  communicated  to  the  General  this  conversation.  He  said  he  was  pleased  with  the 
result,  and  that  he  would  hold  such  a  conversation  with  McLean  as  I  had  suggested. 

"  March  6,  1829. 

[Signed]  "  JAMES  A.  HAMILTON." 


The  nomination  was  made  immediately.  It  came  like  a  thunder-clap  upon 
the  Senate  and  was  stunning  to  Calhoun,  who  hoped  that  with  the  Post-Master- 
General  in  the  person  of  McLean  (being  a  member  of  the  Cabinet  with  Ingham), 
he  could  have  some  influence  or  perhaps  constraint.  The  arrangement  having  been 
made,  Barry  was  to  be  Post-Master-General.  I  called  upon  McLean  to  get  his 
resignation,  which  was  given  to  me,  and  immediately  Barry's  name  was  sent  in 
for  Post-Master-General. 

Shortly  after  the  General's  arrival,  he  requested  me  to  come  to  his  lodgings 
early  in  the  morning,  that  he  might,  as  he  said,  confer  with  me  uninterruptedly 
before  other  persons  should  call.  One  morning  I  was  with  him,  the  formation 
of  his  Cabinet  being  the  subject.  We  were  together  until  after  9  a.  in.,  when 
he  told  me  Calhoun  was  to  call  at  10  o'clock.  "  I  know  what  he  is  about.  He 
cannot  succeed.  I  wish  you  to  remain  in  this  house  until  he  leaves.  Then  re 
turn  and  you  shall  know  all  about  it."  I  retired — Calhoun  called — I  remained, 
and  returned  to  the  General  after  Calhoun  left.  Jackson  said, "  He  wishes  me  to 
appoint  Tazewell,  Secretary  of  State,  and  urged  it  upon  me  with  great  earnest 
ness,  dwelling  much  on  his  great  knowledge  and  wisdom,  and  particularly  the 
great  influence  this  appointment  would  have  upon  Virginia — securing  thus  her 
support  to  the  administration.  I  received  what  he  said  with  great  attention  ; 
and  without  rejecting  his  advice,  I  asked  if  it  would  not  be  useful  to  secure 
the  influence  of  the  State  of  New  York.  By  this  he  knew  I  meant  to  refer  to 
Van  Buren.  His  reply  was,  New  York  would  have  been  secured  by  Clinton  if 
he  had  lived.  It  cannot  be  by  the  influence  of  any  other  of  her  citizens. 
However,  New  York  is  safe  without  an  appointment."  This  interview,  it  is  be 
lieved,  was  the  last  with  Calhoun  on  the  subject  of  the  Cabinet. 

T.  W-  Moore,  who  was  appointed  Minister  to  Columbia,  wished  to  be  Post- 
Master-General,  and  it  was  determined  that  Barry  should  be  sent  abroad.  This, 
however,  was  not  disclosed  to  me  until  the  ]  7th  March. 


102  REMINISCENCES    OF   JAMES    A.  HAMILTON. 

I  do  not  know  how  Branch  happened  to  be  selected  for  the  Navy.  He  was 
an  old  friend  of  the  President's,  and,  having  land  in  Tennessee,  frequently  visited 
him  there.  He  was  wholly  incompetent  for  this  or  any  other  place  in  the  Cabinet. 
Ingham  was  taken  because  it  was  deemed  important  to  do  something  for  Penn 
sylvania.  He  came  to  Washington  hoping  to  be  Comptroller.  A  portion  of 
the  delegation  waited  upon  the  General  and  insisted  if  anything  was  to  be  done 
for  Pennsylvania,  Ingham  was  their  choice.  They  were  of  those  known  as  the 
"  Family  Party." 

When  attempts  were  made  to  induce  the  President  not  to  appoint  Eaton — 
and  they  were  made  particularly  by  the  Tennessee  Delegation,  the  General 
rising  with  outstretched  arms  said,  "I  will  sink  or  swim  with  him,  by  God." 

In  connection  with  my  appointment  as  Secretary,  I  wrote  thus  to  a  "  valued 
friend :" 

"  I  have  this  day  received  from  the  General,  a  letter  appointing  rne  acting  Secre 
tary  of  State,  dated  4th  inst.  Thus  I  will  at  least  have  the  gratification  of  being 
connected  with  the  history  of  our  Government,  and  have  had  some  slight  influence 
upon  its  affairs.  What  may  follow  is  uncertain.  I  have  not  made  a  single  move 
ment  in  reference  to  myself." 

The  following  written  to  the  same  person  on  the  subject  of  the  Cabinet,  dated 
17th  Feburary,  1829,  may  be  useful  because  written  immediately  after  leaving 
the  General : 

"  I  am  most  heartily  tick  of  Washington,  and  not  a  little  tired  of  the  intrigue 
in  which  we  all  live. — I  went  to  dine  with  Jackson  ;  at  home  nine  o'clock  p.  m. 
My  conversation  with  the  General  after  the  gentlemen  retired,  was  perfectly  free 
on  the  whole  subject  which  now  occupies  his  and  the  public  attention.  Nothing  is 
decided  beyond  Van  Buren  for  the  State  and  Eaton  for  the  War.  The  doubt  seems 
to  be  whether  Ingham  or  McLane  of  Delaware  is  to  be  Secretary  of  the  Treasury ; 
Tazewell  is  out  of  the  question  for  Cabinet  appointment ;  but  will  be  offered  the 
English  Mission.  I  incline  to  think  the  Post-Master-General  will  remain  where  he 
is.  South  Carolina  gets  nothing.  The  General  is  clear  and  judicious  in  the  views 
•which  will  govern  him  in  making  his  choice.  He  may,  and  I  fear  will,  err  in  the 
choice  of  the  person  for  the  Treasury.  Louis  McLane  would  be  a  good,  and  Ingham 
not  a  good  selection.  If  it  will  gratify  you  I  will  let  you  know  that  I  am  looked 
upon  here  as  quite  a  distinguished  personage.  Not,  however,  from  any  merit  I  have  ; 
but  from  the  belief  that  I  am  one  of  three  who  enjoy  all  the  General's  confidence. 
The  Tennessee  Delegation  particularly  are  disposed  to  make  much  of  me.  Be  assured, 
my  friend,  I  take  no  credit  for  all  this ;  and  to  say  the  truth,  I  am  more  mortified  than 
pleased  by  the  reflection  that  my  consequence  should  rest  alone  upon  mere  accident." 

February  27. — Van  Buren  addressed  a  letter  of  this  date  to  Gen.  Jackson 
and  sent  it  open  to  me.  In  it  he  accepted  the  position  of  Secretary  of  State,  and 
asked  permission  to  remain  at  Albany  until  April : 

"  It  has  been  usual,"  he  wrote  u  through  the  whole  course  of  the  Government,  to 


REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON.  103 

place  one  Department  temporarily  under  the  superintendence  of  the  head  of  another. 
That  may,  and  will  probably,  have  to  be  done  in  this  case.  The  only  difficulty  may 
be,  that  the  personal  relations  between  Mr.  Clay  and  the  gentlemen  whom  you  will 
select  for  your  Cabinet,  may  be  such  as  to  lose  the  advantage  of  those  explanations 
from  the  present  incumbent  (Mr.  Clay),  which  it  is  his  duty  to  give,  and  with  the 
possession  of  which  the  public  interests  may  be  materially  connected;  but  which  in 
case  of  a  communication  with  a  person  against  whom  he  felt  a  strong  personal 
dislike,  he  might  either  withhold  or  give  so  grudgingly  as  to  defeat  the  object. 
Allow  me  to  suggest  a  mode  by  which  the  embarrassment  upon  this  point  may  be 
in  a  great  degree  relieved."  *  *  *  "It  is  of  vital  importance  that  I  should  have  for 
my  under  Secretary  or  Chief  Clerk  a  gentleman  who  is  not  only  intelligent,  capable, 
and  honorable,  but  one  in  whom  I  can  repose  implicit  confidence.  From  my  own 
knowledge  of  his  character,  my  friend  Col.  Hamilton  answers  fully  to  that  character 
and  is  the  gentleman  to  whom  I  had  looked  for  that  station.  *  *  *  Do  me  the 
favor  to  advise  Mr.  Hamilton  what  to  write  to  me :  and  to  arrange  affairs  in  such 
a  way  as  to  allow  me  the  longest  time  ;  as  I  do  really  stand  in  need  of  it  to  enable 
ine  to  come  out  with  credit. 

"Yours   affectionately, 

"M.  VAN  BTOEN." 

February  20. — I  quote  from  a  letter  I  addressed  to  a  judicious  friend  as 
follows  : 

"  When  I  handed  this  letter  to  the  President  he  read  it,  and  asked  to  see  me 
alone.  He  then  said :  '  You  must  remain  here ;  I  cannot  spare  you ;  I  want  you 
near  me.  There  will  be  no  difficulty  hereafter  in  gratifying  you  as  you  desire;  but 
at  present  you  must  remain  here.'  I  replied :  '  Such  is  my  intention.  I  am  prepared 
to  devote  my  whole  time  to  promote  the  success  of  your  administration  when  and 
wherever  I  can  be  useful  to  yon.'  He  was  gratified,  took  my  hand,  and  said  :  '  You 
are  my  friend,  and  so  let  it  remain  as  we  have  arranged  it.'  I  then  said  :  '  Between 
Van  Buren  and  myself  there  is  unlimited  confidence,  and  at  the  same  time,  on  my 
part,  the  most  perfect  independence."1  I  explained  my  appointment  as  Aid-de-Carnp, 
that  he  might  exactly  understand  our  relations.  I  added :  '  Now,  General,  no  man 
better  understands  than  you  do  the  value  of  that  independence  of  feeling,  and  how 
necessary  it  is  that  it  should  be  preserved.'  He  replied :  '  "Well,  so  it  shall  be ; 
remain  where  you  are.'  " 

Shortly  after,  Van  Buren,  in  a  second  letter,  advised  that  I  should  take 
the  place  of  Chief  Clerk.  I  communicated  this  suggestion  to  Jackson,  to 
which  he  replied,  emphatically,  Colonel,  that  will  not  do ;  to  appoint  you  Chief 
Clerk  I  consider  as  degrading  you.  The  arrangement  we  have  made,  that  you 
shall  take  the  department  until  Van  Buren  comes  in,  is  the  proper  one,  and  so 
I  wish  you  to  inform  him  ;  which  I  did.  There  were  two  serious  objections  to 
Van  Buren's  plan ;  one  was,  that  I  would  not  take  such  a  position ;  the  other 
that  Mr.  Clay  having  resigned,  Mr.  Brent,  the  Chief  Clerk,  was  charged  by 
law  with  the  department.  There  was,  consequently,  no  person  or  power  to 
appoint  a  Chief  Clerk. 


104  REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON. 

PRESIDENT  JACKSON'S  INAUGURAL  ADDRESS. 

I  addressed  a  letter  to  a  judicious  friend,  Washington,  March  1st,  1829,  on 
this  subject.  Lewis,  (William  B.,)  with  the  assent  of  the  General,  given  to 
him  in  my  presence,  submitted  to  me  the  draft  of  the  Inaugural  Address.  I 
read  it  over,  commented  upon  it,  and  was  permitted  to  keep  it,  in  order  to 
consider  it  well,  and  suggest  such  alterations  as  I  deemed  important.  I  first 
drafted  several  alterations,  and  added  my  reasons  for  making  them.  Not  being 
satisfied  with  that,  I  wrote  the  whole  over  in  the  form  I  would  have  it,  and 
returned  the  three  papers.  A  day  or  two  after  I  was  invited  to  a  conference 
in  regard  to  some  of  the  proposed  alterations,  which  I  found  had  been  re-copied, 
and  I  inferred  from  this,  that  the  whole  in  my  handwriting  had  not  been  sub 
mitted  to  the  General.  There  were  present  the  General,  Majors  Lewis  and 
Donelson.  Such  parts  as  were  intended  to  be  submitted  at  this  time  for  my 
opinion  were  read  over,  and  we  discussed  the  subjects,  but  with  partial  success 
on  my  part,  in  regard  to  one  criticism  which  I  deemed  important — the  General 
behaving  with  great  good  sense  and  frankness,  Lewis  influenced  by  the  pride  of 
authorship,  and  Donelson  fearing  the  General  should  fall  into  my  views  as  to 
a  Constitutional  question.  I  then  referred  to  another  alteration  I  had  pro 
posed — a  verbal  criticism, — but  necessary  to  shield  the  General  from  the  im 
putation  of  not  properly  distinguishing  the  improvement  of  revenue  from  its 
collection.  Here,  again,  he  united  with  me,  as  did  the  others.  There  was 
a  paragraph  which  was  absolute  nonsense.  I  revised  it,  amended  it,  and  made 
it  proper.  Here,  again,  we  differed.  Donelson  agreed  with  me  that  it  was 
not  grammatical.  The  General  was  wholly  indifferent,  and  at  length  Lewis 
yielded.  Several  other  alterations  had  been  made  ;  some  of  them  I  considered 
quite  important,  which,  however,  were  not  adverted  to,  and  I  deemed  it  prudent 
not  to  call  them  up,  as  I  found  Lewis'  self-love  was  wounded  by  what  had  been 
done  already.  From  all  that  occurred  I  was  convinced  that*  the  heads  and 
thoughts/were  the  General's,  the  clothing  Lewis'  and  Donelson's — most  of  it 
the  work  of  the  former.  I  will  again  ask  for  the  paper,  and  if  it  is,  in  my 
judgment,  in  any  respect  defective,  I  will  see  the  General  on  the  subject  alone, 
and  explain  to  him  my  views.  I  learn  that  it  is  hereafter  to  be  submitted  to 
us  all,  as  a  Cabinet — as  it  ought  most  assuredly  to  be.  Lewis  will  not  be 
present,  arid  we  will  then  make  it  better.  Had  it  gone  forth  as  it  at  first  stood, 
it  would  have  been  absolutely  disgraceful.  As  it  is,  I  am  not  a  little  anxious 
about  it.  The  General's  misfortune  is,  that  his  confidence  is  reposed  in  men  in 
no  degree  equal  to  him  in  natural  parts,  but  who  have  been  of  use  to  him  here 
tofore  in  covering  his  very  lamentable  defects  of  education ;  and  as  he  is  un 
willing  to  make  these  defects  known  to  any  others,  he  is  compelled  to  keep 
these  gentlemen  about  him.  I  have  been  drawn,  by  various  circumstances,  so 
'  close  to  him,  that  time  would  place  me  in  the  same  relation  to  him  which  Lewis 
now  holds.  Van  Buren  never  can  get  there,  nor  will  any  other  member  of  his 
Cabinet,  because  he  will  not  yield  himself  so  readily  to  superior  as  to  inferior 
minds. 


REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON.  105 

The  following  is  the  address  I  wrote  over  in  the  form  I  would  have  it.  I 
have  endeavored  to  point  out  the  points  of  difference  between  this,  and  that 
which  was  delivered.  At  the  same  time  it  is  due  to  truth  and  to  others  to  say, 
I  am  quite  sure  it  incorporates  much  that  was  in  the  original  draft  we  dis 
cussed  : 

"FELLOW-CITIZENS:  About  to  undertake  the  arduous  duties  I  have  been  ap 
pointed  to  perform  by  the  choice  of  a  free  people,  I  avail  myself  of  this  customary 
and  solemn  occasion  to  express  the  gratitude  their  confidence  inspires,  and  to 
acknowledge  the  accountability  which  my  situation  enjoins,  while  the  magnitude  of 
their  interest  convinces  me  that  my  thanks  cannot  be  at  all  commensurate  with  the 
honor  they  have  conferred.  It  admonishes  me  that  the  best  return  I  can  make  is,  to 
dedicate,  as  I  now  do,  my  humble  abilities  to  their  exclusive  service  and  their 
welfare. 

"  As  the  Executive  of  the  Federal  Constitution,  the  duty  devolves  upon  me,  for  a 
stated  period,  to  execute  the  laws  of  the  United  States ;  to  superintend  their  foreign 
and  confederate  relations  ;  to  manage  their  revenues  ;  to  command  their  forces,  and 
by  communications  to  the  Legislature,  to  watch  over  and  promote  their  interests 
generally  ;  and  the  principles  of  action  by  which  I  shall  be  governed,  in  endeavoring 
to  perform  these  duties,  it  is  now  proper  for  me  briefly  to  explain. 

"  In  administering  the  laws  of  Congress  I  shall  keep  steadily  in  view  the  just 
limitation  as  well  as  the  extent  of  the  Executive  power,  expecting  thereby  to  dis 
charge  the  functions  of  my  office,  without,  in  the  slightest  degree,  transcending  its 
authority. 

u  With  foreign  nations  it  wrill  be  my  study  to  preserve  peace ;  to  cultivate  friendly 
intercourse  with  all  on  fair,  liberal  and  honorable  terms;  and  in  the  adjustment  of 
any  differences  that  now  do  or  may  hereafter  arise,  to  exhibit  the  forbearance  be 
coming  a  powerful  nation,  rather  than  the  sensibility  belonging  to  a  gallant  people. 

"In  all  such  measures  as  I  may  be  called  on  to  pursue  touching  the  rights  of  the 
separate  States,  I  hope  to  be  animated  by  a  proper  respect  for  these  members  of  our 
Union,  taking  care  (at  the  same  time)  not  to  confound  the  rights  they  have  reserved 
to  themselves  with  those  they  conceded  to  the  Confederacy. 

u  The  management  of  the  public  revenue — that  searching  operation  in  all  govern 
ments — is  among  the  most  delicate  and  important  trusts.  In  ours  it  will  of  course 
demand  no  inconsiderable  share  of  my  official  solicitude.  Under  every  aspect  in 
which  it  can  be  considered  it  appears  that  great  advantage  must  result  from  the 
enforcement,  on  all  occasions,  of  a  strict  and  rigid  economy.  This  I  shall  aim  at  the 
more  anxiously,  both  because  it  will  facilitate  the  extinguishment  of  the  national 
debt,  the  unnecessary  duration  of  which  is  inconsistent  with  real  independence,  and 
because  it  will  counteract  that  tendency  to  public  and  individual  profligacy  which 
a  profuse  expenditure  by  the  Government  is  but  too  apt  to  engender.  Powerful 
auxiliaries  to  the  attainment  of  this  desirable  end  are  to  be  found  in  the  regulations 
provided  by  the  wisdom  of  Congress,  for  the  specific  appropriation  of  the  public 
money,  and  the  prompt  accountability  of  public  officers. 

"  With  regard  to  a  proper  selection  of  the  subjects  of  imposts,  with  a  view  to 
revenue,  it  seems  to  me  that  the  spirit  of  caution  and  equitable  compromise  in  which 
the  Constitution  was  formed,  requires  that  the  great  interests  of  agriculture,  com- 


10G  REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES  A.  HAMILTON. 

merce  and  manufacture  should  be  equally  favored  ;  and  perhaps  the  only  exception 
to  this  rule,  if  we  were  about  to  adopt  an  original  course  of  policy,  would  be  found 
in  the  peculiar  encouragement  of  such  products  only  of  either  of  them,  as  might  be 
found  essential  to  our  national  independence. 

"  Considering  standing  armies,  in  times  of  peace,  as  dangerous  to  free  govern 
ment,  I  shall  not  seek  to  enlarge  our  present  establishment,  nor  to  disregard  that 
salutary  lesson  of  political  experience  which  teaches  that  the  military  should  be 
subordinate  to  the  civil  power. 

"  The  gradual  increase  of  our  navy,  whose  flag  has  displayed  in  distant  climes 
our  skill  in  navigation  and  our  power  in  arms  ;  the  preservation  of  our  forts,  arsenals 
and  dockyards,  the  introduction  of  progressive  improvements  in  the  discipline  and 
science  of  both  branches  of  our  military  forces,  are  so  plainly  prescribed  by 
prudence,  that  I  should  be  excused  for  omitting  to  mention  sooner  their  importance ; 
but  the  bulwark  of  our  defence  is  the  national  militia,  which,  in  the  present  state  of 
our  intelligence  and  population,  must  render  us  invincible.  As  long  as  our  Govern 
ment  is  administered  for  the  good  of  the  people,  and  is  regulated  by  their  will ;  as 
long  as  it  secures  to  us  the  rights  of  person  and  property,  liberty  of  conscience  and 
the  press,  it  will  be  worth  defending ;  and  so  long  as  it  is  worth  defending,  will  a 
patriotic  militia  cover  it  with  an  impenetrable  aegis.  We  may  be  subjected  to  tem 
porary  injuries  and  occasional  mortification,  but  a  million  of  armed  freemen,  pos 
sessed  of  the  means  of  war,  can  never  be  conquered  by  a  foreign  foe.  Therefore,  to 
any  just  system  calculated  to  strengthen  this  national  safeguard  of  the  country,  I 
will  cheerfully  lend  all  the  aid  in  my  power. 

"  It  will  be  my  sincere  and  constant  desire  to  observe  towards  the  Indian  tribes 
within  our  limits  a  just  and  liberal  policy,  and  to  give  that  humane  and  considerate 
attention  to  their  rights  and  their  wants,  which  are  consistent  with  the  habits  of  our 
Government  and  the  feelings  of  our  people.  In  the  performance  of  a  task  thus 
generally  delineated,  I  shall  endeavor  to  select  men  whose  diligence  and  talents  will 
insure,  in  their  respective  stations,  able  and  faithful  cooperation,  depending  for  the 
advancement  of  the  public  service  more  on  the  ability  and  virtue  than  on  the  num 
ber  of  its  officers.  A  diffidence,  perhaps  too  just,  in  my  own  qualifications,  will 
teach  me  to  look  with  reverence  to  the  examples  of  public  virtue  left  by  my  illus 
trious  predecessors,  and  with  veneration  to  the  light  that  flowed  from  the  mind 
that  founded  and  that  which  reformed  our  system.  The  same  diffidence  induces  me 
to  look  with  confidence  for  the  aid  and  advice  of  the  co-ordinate  branches  of  the 
Government,  and  for  the  indulgence  and  support  of  my  fellow-citizens. 

"  A  firm  reliance  upon  the  goodness  of  that  power  whose  providence  mercifully 
protected  our  national  infancy,  and  has  since  sustained  us  in  various  vicissitudes, 
encourages  me  to  offer  up  my  ardent  supplications,  that  lie  will  continue  to  make 
our  beloved  country  the  object  of  His  divine  care  and  gracious  benediction." 

Shortly  before  the  4th  of  March,  the  General  requested  me  to  prepare  a 
letter  dated  on  that  day,  to  be  addressed  to  me  by  him,  appointing  me  Secre 
tary  of  State.  This  was  done  as  follows : 


REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON.  107 

"  WASHINGTON,  March  4,  1829. 

"  SIR  :  You  are  appointed  to  take  charge  of  the  Department  of  State  and  to  per-, 
form  the  duties  of  that  office  until  Gov.  Van  Buren  arrives  in  this  city. 

"  Your  Obt.  servant, 

"  ANDREW  JACKSON. 

u  Addressed  JAMES  A.  HAMILTON,  of  New  York,  Washington." 

This  was  endorsed  at  the  Department,  when  it  was  delivered  to  the  chief 
clerk,  Mr.  Brent,  4th  March,  1829 : 
-  "  HAMILTON,  JAS.  A.,  appointed  Acting  Secretary  of  State." 

This  letter  was  signed  and  delivered  to  me  on  the  4th  of  March,  just  be 
fore  the  General  went  to  the  Capitol.  He  said,  "  Colonel,  you  don't  care  to 
see  me  inaugurated  ?  "  "  Yes,  General,  I  do ;  I  came  here  for  that  purpose.7' 
"  No — go  to  the  State  House,  and  as  soon  as  you  hear  the  gun  fired,  I  ana 
President,  and  you  are  Secretary.  Go  on  and  take  charge  of  the  Department " 
(I  do  not  state  the  reason  he  gave  for  this  haste). 

I  went  into  the  Department,  sent  for  the  chief  clerk,  Mr.  Brent ;  he  came 
and  said  he  supposed  I  came  to  take  his  place,  and  that  he  was  ready  to  give  it 
up.  I  said,  "  No,  Sir ;  read  my  appointment  and  file  it.  I  am  Secretary,  I  do 
not  mean  to  remove  any  person ;  on  the  contrary,  I  wish  you  and  others  to  give 
me  all  the  assistance  you  can  in  the  performance  of  my  responsible  duties." 

March  4. — I  addressed  to  the  Hon.  Henry  Clay,  who  resigned  the  office  of 
Secretary  of  State  some  days  before  the  inauguration  of  Jackson,  the  following 
note  : 

"  SIR  :  The  President  of  the  United  States  having  appointed  me  Secretary  of  State 
during  Governor  Van  Buren's  absence,  it  will  afford  me  great  pleasure  to  call  upon 
you  whenever  you  please,  that  I  may  receive  from  you  any  information  which  will 
promote  the  public  interests. 

"  With  very  great  respect,  yours, 

"JAMES  A.  HAMILTON." 

March  5. — Mr.  Clay  called  at  the  Department  pursuant  to  a  previous  ar 
rangement,  and  communicated  such  information  as  might  be  important,  viz.  : 

"  PORTUGAL. — Mr. was  received  by  the  government  accredited  by  Don  Miguel, 

as  Regent.  Since  Don  Miguel  assumed  the  throne  in  his  own  right,  no  instructions 
have  been  given  to  the  gentleman,  who,  however,  expects  them  daily.  When  he 
has  received  them,  the  question  will  be  whether  he  is  to  be  received  as  the  repre 
sentative  of  the  government  of  Portugal.  The  powers  of  Europe,  whose  example  is 
not  to  govern  us,  have  not  received  an  ambassador  from  Don  Miguel.  If  he  is  Sov 
ereign  de  focto,  that  is  enough  for  us." 

"  MEXICO. — A  question  may  hereafter  arise  with  Mexico,  similar  to  that  with  the 
last  power ;  and  perhaps  another,  arising  out  of  the  ratification  of  our  treaty,  should 
it  receive  the  sanction  of  the  present  Congress. 

"The  force  which  has  overturned  the  legitimate  government  may  not  be  sus 
tained.  It  is  understood  that  the  existing  power  is  more  favorable  to  this  country 
than  the  last  one.  Wm.  P 1  has  had  leave  to  return  for  some  time  past,  but  has 


108  REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES  A.  HAMILTON. 

not  given  notice  of  his  intention  to  do  so.    He  Las  been  heard  from  at  Vera  Cruz  on 
his  way  here. 

"  The  Treaty  of  limits  is  desirable  to  Mexico,  and  also  to  us.  The  Treaty  with 
Spain,  settling  the  boundary  line,  is  sufficient  for  us;  being  obligatory  on  Mexico. 
The  Treaty  of  Commerce  has  been  ratified  by  us,  but  the  congress  of  Mexico  struck 
out  fifteen  or  sixteen  articles." 

"  GEEAT  BRITAIN. — The  submission  to  the  arbitrament  of  the  King  of  the  Nether 
lands  was  agreed  to  without  submitting  the  choice  to  the  Senate  ;  there  was  great 
difficulty  in  doing  so.  It  was  done  in  executing  a  provision  of  law,  the  Treaty  on 
this  subject  between  the  two  countries.  If  it  is  believed  that  such  a  submission  is 
necessary,  and  the  King  of  the  Netherlands  agrees  to  be  the  arbiter,  a  convention 
may  be  negotiated  with  England  making  him  so,  which  can  then  be  submitted  to 
the  Senate.  This  is  a  subject  of  .much  delicacy  and  difficulty.  Our  statement  with 
proofs  and  documents,  with  the  manner  in  which  we  will  authenticate  them,  has 
been  submitted ;  a  list  of  the  proofs  and  documents  on  the  other  side,  has  been  re 
ceived  and  submitted  by  Mr.  Brent  to  Messrs.  Gallatin  and  Preeble.  A  correspond 
ence  has  been  held,  here  and  in  London,  on  the  subject  of  indemnity  to  Baker,  for 
his  losses  and  sufferings  ;  nothing  decided. 

u  The  King  of  the  Netherlands  feels  not  well  pleased  that  we  have  not  sent  a 
minister  to  him,  with  a  corresponding  grade  with  his ;  this  ought  to  be  rectified." 

"  SWEDEN. — As  soon  as  the  arrest  of  the  *  *  *  *  by  Capt.  Turner  at  St. 
Bartholomew,  was  heard  of  by  Baron  Stackelbourgh,  he  demanded  an  explanation, 
to  which  a  reply  was  given.  See  what  it  was.  Turner  has  furnished  his  statement 
through  the  Secretary  of  the  Navy.  Harrison,  American  Consul  there,  has  also  sent 
a  statement  of  the  official  correspondence.  Captain  Taylor  of  the  *  *  *  came 
here  with  Captain  Turner's  permission,  and  presented  himself  at  the  Department, 
desiring  to  know  whether  he  was  to  be  considered  a  prisoner  or  not,  and  claiming 
the  provision,  in  such  cases  made,  and  also  to  know  how  far  he  was  at  liberty  to  go. 
The  answer,  with  the  permission  of  the  President,  was  :  that  he  was  at  liberty  to  go 
where  he  pleased ;  if  the  vessel  was  found  upon  trial  to  be  piratical  (she  is  to  be 
tried  at  Pensacola),  he  must  hold  himself  subject  to  arrest  and  trial." 

"  BUENOS  AYRES  has  an  interest  in  this  matter ;  she  is  not  represented  here. 
The  Charg6  of  Sweden  has  no  instructions  from  his  government." 

"  AUSTRIA. — A  Treaty  was  negotiated  between  the  United  States  and  Austria  by 
Mr.  Clay  and  the  Consul  of  Austria  at  New  York  ;  which  the  latter,  after  it  was  set 
tled,  declined,  after  some  hesitation,  to  sign,  until  he  received  instructions  from  his 
government.  (See  Treaty  and  negotiation)." 

The  above  was  written  down  as  it  was  related  by  Mr.  Clay.  I  read  it  to 
him.  He  approved,  and  then  said  there  are  two  other  subjects,  which  but  for 
this  d d  non-intercourse,  established  by  the  President,  I  would  communi 
cate  to  him.  Mr.  Adams  will  communicate  them  to  you,  if  requested  to  do  so 
by  the  President. 

On  6th  March,  1829,  I  addressed  and  sent  to  Hon.  John  Q.  Adams,  Wash 
ington,  the  following  letter : 

"  SIR  :  A  friend  has  placed  in  my  hands  a  new  edition  of  the  correspondence 
between  you  and  Mr.  H.  G.  Otis  and  others,  published  in  this  city,  with  additional 


REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES  A.  HAMILTON.  109 

papers,  said  to  be  illustrative  of  the  subject  of  that  correspondence.  Among  these 
papers  is  a  letter  written  to  you  by  William  Plumer  of  New  Hampshire,  dated  Ep- 
ping,  New  Hampshire,  December  20th,  1828,  in  which  he  says:  '  During  the  long 
and  eventful  Session  of  Congress  of  1803  and  1804,  I  was  a  member  of  the  Senate, 
and  was  at  Washington  every  day  of  that  Session.  In  the  course  of  that  Session,  at 
different  times  and  places,  several  Senators  and  Representatives  from  the  New  Eng 
land  States  informed  me  that  they  thought  it  necessary  to  establish  a  separate  gov 
ernment  in  New  England,  and  'if  it  should  bo  found  practicable  '  to  extend  it  so  far 
South  as  to  include  Pennsylvania,  but  in  all  events  to  establish  one  in  New  England, 
&c.'  lie  adds :  '  Just  before  that  Session  of  Congress  closed,  one  of  the  gentlemen  to 
whom  I  have  alluded,  informed  me  that  arrangements  had  been  made  to  have,  the 
next  autumn,  in  Boston,  a  select  meeting  of  the  leading  Federalists  in  New  England 
to  consider  and  recommend  the  measures  necessary  to  form  a  system  of  government 
in  the  Northern  States,  and  that  Alexander  Hamilton,  of  New  York,  had  consented 
to  attend  that  meeting.'  He  further  adds :  '  The  gentlemen  who,  in  the  winter  of 
1803  and  1804,  informed  me  that  there  was  to  be  a  meeting  of  Federalists  in  the 
autumn  of  1804,  at  Boston,  at  the  Session  of  Congress,  or  the  winter  of  1804  and 
1805,  observed  to  me  that  the  death  of  General  Hamilton  had  prevented  that  meet 
ing,  but  the  prospect  had  not  been  abandoned,  and  would  not  be.'  " 

uln  your  letter,  which  is  a  part  of  this  correspondence,  dated  Washington,  De 
cember  30,  1828,  you  say  :  'It  was  in  these  letters  of  1808  and  1809  that  I  mentioned 
the  design  of  certain  leaders  of  the  Federal  party  to  effect  a  dissolution  of  the  Union 
and  the  establishment  of  a  Northern  Confederacy.  This  design  had  been  formed  in 
the  winter  of  1803  and  1804,  immediately  after,  and  as  a  consequence  of,  the  acquisi 
tion  of  Louisiana.  Its  justifying  cause  to  those  who  entertained  it  was,  that  the 
acquisition  of  Louisiana  to  the  Union  transcended  the  Constitutional  powers  of  the 
Government  of  the  United  States.'  lThis  plan,'  you  add,  '  was  so  far  matured  that 
the  proposal  had  been  made  to  an  individual  to  permit  himself,  at  the  proper  time, 
to  be  placed  at  the  head  of  the  military  movements  which  it  was  foreseen  would  be 
necessary  for  carrying  it  into  execution.  In  all  this  there  was  no  overt  act  of 
treason.' 

"  Without  permitting  myself  to  believe  that  you  could  countenance  any  imputa 
tion  against  the  honor  or  patriotism  of  my  late  venerated  parent,  it  is  obvious  that 
the  publication  of  Governor  Plumer's  letter,  and  your  communication  to  II.  G.  Otis 
and  others,  not  only  tends  to  such  imputation,  but,  moreover,  added  to  it  the  sanction 
of  your  name.  Under  these  circumstances,  deeming  it  a  sacred  duty  to  preserve  the 
memory  of  my  father  from  all  stain,  I  must  also  consider  it  my  right  to  ask  that  you 
will  inform  me  whether  by  the  publication  of  Governor  Plumer's  letter,  or  by  your 
communication  to  H.  G.  Otis  and  others,  an  opinion  is  to  be  authorized  that  you  are 
in  possession  of  any  evidence,  or  that  you  believe,  that  the  late  Alexander  Hamilton 
consented  to  attend  the  alleged  meeting  of  the  leading  Federalists  at  Boston,  or  that 
he  was  at  any  time  concerned  in  a  project  to  dissolve  the  Union  and  establish  a 
Northern  Confederacy  ?  I  beg  further  to  ask,  Sir,  that  if  the  indication,  in  the  par 
agraph  of  your  letter  last  above  quoted,  of  an  individual  to  whom  a  proposal  had 
been  made  to  permit  himself  to  be  placed  at  the  head  of  certain  military  movements, 
refers  to  my  father,  you  will  furnish  me  with  the  evidence  upon  which  that  indica 
tion  and  reference  have  been  made. 

"I  have  the  honor  to  be  your  obd't  serv't." 


110  REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES  A.  HAMILTON. 

The  following  answer  was  received,  dated  Washington,  March  6,  1829  : 

"  JAMES  A.  HAMILTON,  ESQ.,  Washington — Sir:  In  answer  to  your  letter  of  this 
date,  I  take  the  liberty  of  referring  you  to  Mr.  Plumer  himself,  for  any  explanation 
of  the  statements  in  his  letter  to  me  of  20th  December  last. 

"  The  information  which  I  received  in  the  spring  of  1804,  at  Washington,  was  en 
tirely  distinct  from  and  independent  of  that  of  Mr.  Plumer.  A  part  of  it  was  not  that 
your  father  had  consented  to  be  placed  at  the  head  of  the  project,  or  to  take  a  part  in 
it,  but  that  it  had  been  communicated  to  him  with  a  view  to  engage  his  cooperation 
in  it,  and  that  in  the  event  of  a  necessity  for  the  employment  of  a  military  force  for 
its  execution,  it  was  contemplated  that  he  should  be  placed  at  its  head.    My  inform 
ant,  to  the  best  of  my  recollection,  was  Mr.  Uriah  Tracy,  then  a  Senator  from  Con 
necticut.    I  say  to  the  best  of  my  recollection,  because  at  one  of  my  conversations 
with  Mr.  Tracy  on  this  subject,  another  member  of  Congress,  also  now  deceased, 
was  present,  and  I  am  not  perfectly  sure  from  which  of  them  it  was  that  I  received 
this  information.     After  the  close  of  that  session  of  Congress,  being  at  New  York 
on  or  about  the  7th  of  April,  1804,  Mr.  Rufus  King  informed  me  that  a  person  had 
been  that  day  conversing  with  him,  and  also  with  your  father,  as  I  understood  Mr. 
King,  in  favor  of  the  project,  but  that  he  himself,  and  he  was  happy  to  say  your 
father  also,  entirely  disapproved  of  it.     This  is  all  the  evidence  I  have  that  your 
father  was  made  acquainted  with  the  project,  solicited  by  others  to  join  in  it,  or 
intended  by  them  to  be  placed  at  its  head.     That  he  was  said  to  have  consented  to 
attend  a  meeting  at  Boston  in  the  autumn  of  1804  stands  upon  other  testimony  than 
xmine.     That  he  ever  assented  to  the  project  of  a  separation  I  do  not  know  or  believe, 
'  and  from  the  information  given  me  by  Mr.  King,  have  reason  to  believe  the  contrary. 
With  regard  to  my  inferences  or  belief  from  the  testimony  of  Mr.  Plumer,  wishing 
to  do  all  possible  justice  to  the  memory  of  your  father,  I  cheerfully  state  them  at 
your  desire.     I  believe  then,  implicitly,  the  statement  of  Mr.  Plumer,  as  made  by 
him,  namely:  that  he  was  informed  at  the  session  of  Congress  in  1803-4  that  your 
father  had  consented  to  attend  the  proposed  meeting  in  the  autumn  of  1804  at  Bos 
ton,  and  that  in  1804—5  he  was  informed  that  the  meeting  had  been  prevented  by 
your  father's  decease.     I  believe  also  the  fact  that  he  had  consented  to  attend  the 
meeting ;  but  from  the  information  given  me  by  Mr.  King,  I  believe  that  in  consent 
ing  to  attend  the  meeting  your  father's  purpose  was  to  dissuade  the  parties  concerned 
from  the  undertaking,  and  to  prevail  upon  them  to  abandon  it.     My  belief  is  founded 
upon  my  entire  confidence  in  the  veracity  of  Mr.  Plumer,  upon  the  general  coinci 
dence  of  the  information  stated  in  his  letter  with  that  which  I  had  cotemporaneously 
received  at  Washington,  and  upon  the  remarkable  fact  mentioned  by  him  that  he  was 
told  at  the  subsequent  session  of  Congress,  that  the  autumnal  meeting  at  Boston  had 
failed  in  consequence  of  the  decease  of  your  father;  that  the  project  was  continued 
or  resumed,  notwithstanding  your  father's  decease,  until  the  Hartford  Convention  in 
1814,  I  also  believe. 

"I  had  further  reason  for  believing  that  the  project  was  disapproved  by  your 
father,  because  it  had  originated  principally  from  dissatisfaction  at  the  annexation 
of  Louisiana  to  the  Union, — a  measure  which,  from  common  report,  I  understood 
was  approved  by  him. 

"  I  am  with  respect,  Sir,  your  very  humble  servant, 

"J.Q.ADAMS." 


REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON.  Ill 

I  wish  here  to  add,  in  connection  with  Mr.  Adams'  letter  to  me,  it  was  well 
understood  not  only  that  Hamilton  approved  of  the  annexation  of  Louisiana, 
but  that  when  Jefferson  doubted  whether  he  had  the  constitutional  power  to 
make  that  annexation,  Hamilton  addressed  a  letter  to  James  Madison,  then 
Secretary  of  State,  expressing  his  opinion  that  the  constitutional  power  was 
clear,  and  giving  his  reasons  for  that  opinion.  And  further,  that  Hamilton 
shortly  before  his  death  expressed  to  his  friends  his  anxiety  for  the  preservation 
of  the  Union :  to  one  he  said,  "  To  break  this  Union  would  break  my  heart." 
And  further,  that  the  last  letter  he  wrote  on  public  aifairs  was  to  Theodore 
Sedgwick,  once  Speaker  of  the  House  of  Representatives,  a  distinguished 
eastern  Federalist,  dated  July  10, 1804,  in  which  he  says,  "I  have  had  on  hand 
for  some  time  a  long  letter  to  you,  explaining  my  view  of  the  course  and 
tendency  of  our  politics,  and  my  intentions  as  to  my  own  future  conduct." 
He  here  gives  his  reasons  why  it  was  not  finished,  and  adds,  "  I  will  here 
express  but  one  sentiment,  which  is,  that  dismemberment  of  our  Empire  will  be 
a  clear  sacrifice  of  great  positive  advantages  without  any  counterbalancing 
good ;  administering  no  relief  to  our  real  disease,  which  is  democracy,  the  poison 
of  which  by  a  sub-division  will  only  be  more  concentrated  in  each  part,  and  conse 
quently  the  more  virulent.  King  is  on  his  way  for  Boston,  where  you  may  chance 
to  see  him  and  learn  from  himself  his  sentiments."  He  died  two  days  afterwards 
by  the  hand  of  an  assassin.  Several  other  evidences  of  his  disapproval  of  dis 
memberment  will  be  found  in  the  7th  volume  of  the  History  of  the  Republic. 

I  communicated  to  the  President,  what  Mr.  Clay  had  stated  in  reference  to 
Mr.  Adams,  and  I  was  directed  to  ask  an  interview  with  him.  I  consequently 
addressed  the  following  letter  to  Mr.  Adams  : 

"  DEPARTMENT  OF  STATE,  MARCH  11,  1829. 
"  To  THE  HON.  JOHN  Q.  ADAMS,  WASHINGTON. 

"  SIR  :  The  President  of  the  United  States  has  directed  me  to  call  upon  you  in  re 
lation  to  some  matters  of  public  concern.  I  should  be  pleased  to  know  when  I  may 
have  the  honor  to  be  received  by  you. 

"With great  respect,  Your  obedient  Servant, 

u  JAMES  A.  HAMILTON." 

To  which  I  received  the  following  reply: 
"JAMES  A.  HAMILTON,  Department  of  State. 

"Meridian  Hill,  Washington,  March  11, 18291 

"  SIR  :  I  shall  be  happy  to  receive  you  this  day  upon  the  subject  to  which  your 
letter  of  this  morning  relates,  at  tins  place  between  one  and  three  o'clock.  I  am, 
with  respectful  consideration,  Your  obedient  Servant, 

"JOHN  Q.  ADAMS." 

March  11,  1829:  I  called  upon  Mr.  Adams  as  he  had  proposed  I  should 
do — this  day  at  2  o'clock.  After  the  usual  salutation  I  said,  that  at  an  interview 
I  had  had  with  Mr.  Clay  at  my  request  in  relation  to  the  affairs  of  the  Depart- 


112  REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES  A.  HAMILTON. 

ment  of  State,  lie  had  incidentally  mentioned  that  Mr.  Adams  held  stocks  which 
it  was  proper  should  be  transferred  to  the  President ;  and  that  there  were  some 
matters  of  public  concern  which  the  public  good  required  should  be  communi 
cated  to  the  President,  who  had  directed  me  to  call  upon  Mr.  Adams  on  the 
subject.  Mr.  Adams  said  he  held  certificates  of  stock  in  trust  for  the  Seneca 
nation  of  Indians  to  the  amount  of  about  $112,000.  They  amounted  to  $112,- 
853.75  in  the  three  per  cents;  that  this  fund  was  originally  $100,000.  It  was  in 
vested  in  the  stock  of  the  First  Bank  of  the  United  States,  and  having  been 
purchased  at  a  price  above  par,  when  that  bank  closed  its  concerns  there  was  a 
loss.  Afterwards  it  was  invested  in  the  six  per  cents,  and  as  they  were  paid  off, 
there  was  a  loss :  the  fund  was  invested  by  him  in  the  three  per  cents  at  about 
eighty  per  cent.,  because  it  was  supposed  they  would  not  be  shortly  paid  off,  and 
when  these  were  it  would  be  at  par.  He  said  that  the  Indians  were  paid  the  divi 
dends  upon  the  bank  stock,  which  were  then  over  86,000  per  annum,  and  they  had 
always  been  paid  that  amount  per  annum  (whatever  the  dividends  on  the  stocks 
were)  at  the  war  office,  out  of  the  Indian  appropriation,  and  the  dividends  when  re 
ceived,  were  carried  to  the  credit  of  that  fund.  He  also  said  he  held  two  certificates 
of  three  per  cents,  amounting  to  $5,833.36,  which  were  in  the  name  of  William 
Eustis  as  Secretary  of  War  and  his  successors  in  office,  in  trust  for  the  United 
States  to  secure  an  annuity  to  the  Wyandots  under  the  Treaty  of  July  4,  1805, 
(vide  United  States,  Vol.  1,  page  409),  which  certificates  of  stock,  he  said,  he 
would  deliver  to  the  President  upon  his  order.  He  further  said,  "  I  intended 
to  have  delivered  in  person  that  book  (pointing  to  a  large  book  of  records)  to 
the  President ;  it  contains  a  correspondence  I  have  conducted  myself  with 

consul  at and  the  instruction  I  gave  him  to  make  a 

treaty  with  the .  As  it  has  been  necessaiy  to  observe  the  utmost 

secrecy  in  this  negotiation  in  order  to  give  us  a  hope  of  success,  for  the  British 
ministers  at are  required  as  a  part  of  their  official  business  to  pre 
vent  us  if  possible  from  making  any  treaty,  I  have  not  permitted  it  to  take  the 
usual  course  of  the  office.  No  persons  know  anything  of  it  except  Mr.  Clay, 
Mr.  Brent,  Mr.  Watkin  and  a  clerk  who  copied  the  correspondence,  the 
Secretary  of  the  Navy,  and  a  clerk  in  that  department  (his  chief  clerk).  I  thought 

this  the  most  appropriate  time  to  make  the  effort,  as  the ministers  were 

absent  from .  I  therefore  directed  Mr. to  make  use  of Dollars  out  of 

the  Contipgent  Fund  to  conduct  the  negotiation  in  the  manner  such  people  are 
accustomed  to  negotiate.  This  sum  he  was  authorized  to  draw  in  the  ordinary 
course  of  naval  funds,  in  order  that  there  might  be  no  suspicion  on  that  account, 

but  to  keep  the  account  distinct.     Mr. the at •  was  directed  first 

to  go  to and  if  he  ascertained  that  a  treaty  could  be  made,  then  to  send 

for ,  and  use  the  utmost  dispatch  and  secrecy.     I  hoped  it  would  have 

been  completed  before  the  session  closed.  In  this  book  is  a  correspondence 
commenced  by  Mr.  Monroe,  and  since  continued  from  time  to  time,  but  without 
success.  There  is  another  matter  of  little  importance  as  to  the  purchasing  lands 


REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON.  113 

for  Indians.  "  This  is  all ;  I  am  ready  to  deliver  the  book,  on  the  President's 
order."  I  then  said,  "  Mr.  Brent  told  me  you  had  that  book,  and  that  you  in 
tended  to  make  a  communication  in  writing.  If  that  is  so,  it  would  be  well  to 
leave  the  book  with  you."  He  answered,  "  I  do  not  think,  that  necessary  now, 
after  this  conversation  ;  I  will,  however,  keep  it  until  Mr.  Van  Buren  arrives, 

or,  if  it  should  be  necessary,  in  consequence  of  dispatches  received  from , 

I  will  deliver  it  up.     I  employed to  take  out  the  dispatches.     He  was 

unfortunately  detained  by  a  Quarantine  for  thirty  days."  After  this  conver 
sation  on  public  affairs  had  closed,  I  waited  for  a  few  moments  to  ascertain  if  he 
would  introduce  the  subject  of  our  recent  correspondence.  I  then  rose  and  took  my 
leave,  shaking  him  by  the  hand.  I  saw  when  I  was  about  to  leave  that  he  was 
disappointed  and  displeased.  I  therefore,  after  I  had  closed  the  outer  door,  re 
turned,  knocked,  asked  pardon  for  returning,  and  said,  "  I  came  back  to  speak 
to  you  upon  a  subject  of  an  interesting  character."  He  said,  "  Sit  down,  apology 
is  unnecessary."  I  then  told  him  what  Coleman  had  written  to  me  as  to  my 
father's  opinion  in  relation  to  the  annexation  of  Louisiana.  He  said,  "  I  un 
derstood  at  the  time  your  father  wrote  the  article  to  which  you  refer.  He, 
Mr.  King,  and  I,  were  the  only  Federalists  of  the  day  who  approved  of  that 
measure."  He  then  gave  me  a  detailed  account  of  his  course  in  the  Senate  and 
particularly  in  relation  to  the  proposed  amendment  of  the  Constitution,  in  order 
to  enable  the  President  (not  to  make  the  Treaty,  or  to  take  possession  of  the 
soil — of  his  power  to  do  that  there  was  no  doubt)  *  *  *  but  to  incorporate  the  people 
into  the  Union,  giving  them  the  same  privileges  with  the  people  of  the  United 
States,  without  the  sanction  of  the  latter  and  subjecting  the  former  to  the  rule  of 
the  United  States  without  their  consent.  However,  although  Mr.  Jefferson  en 
tertained  doubts  as  appears  from  his  letter  to  recently  published,  of  which 

doubts  I  knew  nothing  at  the  time,  I  found  he  had  taken  the  necessary  measures 
to  complete  the  annexation  regardless  of  the  Constitutional  question.  I  then 
told  him  that  I  had  been  informed  by  Mr.  Tazewell,  that  he  understood  at  the 
time  Hamilton's  opinion  as  to  the  Constitutional  power  of  the  Government  to 
complete  that  work  as  it  was  done,  had  been  communicated  to  Mr.  Jefferson  or 
Mr.  Madison,  and  had  in  a  great  measure  tended  to  remove  those  doubts.  Mr. 
Adams,  then  referring  to  our  recent  correspondence,  said,  "  I  knew  nothing  of  Mr. 
Plumer's  testimony  when  I  made  the  first  communication  to  the  Intelligencer  in 
October.  He  was  a  volunteer  choosing  to  inculpate  himself  in  order  to  afford 
his  testimony  to  the  truth.  He  wrote  to  me,  that,  seeing  I  was  to  be  called 
upon  by  the  Eastern  Federalists,  he  had  thought  proper  to  state  what  he  had 
done."  Mr.  Adams  then  repeated  to  me  the  conversation  he  had  with  Mr.  King 
in  April,  1804,  which  he  had  referred  to  in  his  letter  (above  copied).  He  added, 
"  Your  Father  had  nothing  to  do  with  the  project.  He  discountenanced  it. ' 
I  then  stated  in  confirmation  of  his  opinion  in  regard  to  my  father's  disappro 
bation  of  the  project,  that  he  had  written  a  letter  to  George  Cabot  on  the  sub 
ject,  in  which  he  expressed  his  most  decided  disapprobation  of  the  alleged  inten 

8 


114  REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES  A.  HAMILTON. 

tion  of  his  Eastern  friends.  We  shook  hands  and  parted,  on  his  part  with  evi 
dent  satisfaction,  for,  as  he  believed  he  had  done  ample  justice  (and  so  it  was, 
though  tardy)  to  my  father,  he  thought  himself  entitled  to  an  acknowledgment 
of  that  fact  from  me.  Mr.  Adams  was  an  honest  man  ;  but  he  was  a  man  of 
strong  feelings,  perhaps  I  may  justly  say  resentments. 

A  LETTER  TO  A  FRIEND. 

DEPARTMENT  OF  STATE,  March  6,  1829. 

"  I  have  been  engaged  to-day  in  receiving  the  Diplomats  who  are  in  the  city 
and  reading  their  notes.  I  am  in  good  earnest  in  the  very  heart  of  the  business  of 
the  Department.  No  part  of  it  is  half  so  laborious  as  the  applications  for  office." 

On  the  5th  of  March,  1829,  I  prepared  the  following  message  for  the 
President : 

"  GENTLEMEN  or  THE  SENATE  :  The  Offices  of  Secretary  of  State,  Secretary  of 
the  Treasury,  Secretary  of  War,  Secretary  of  the  Navy  and  Attorney-General  of  the 
United  States  being  vacant,  I  nominate  the  following  persons  for  these  offices : 
Martin  Van  Buren  of  the  State  of  New  York,  to  be  Secretary  of  State ;  Samuel  D. 
Ingliam  of  Pennsylvania,  to  be  Secretary  of  the  Treasury;  John  II.  Eaton  of  Ten 
nessee,  to  De  Secretary  of  War ;  John  Branch  of  North  Carolina,  to  be  Secretary  of 
the  Navy ;  John  MoPherson  Berrian  of  Georgia,  to  be  Attorney-General,  of  the 
United  States. 

(Signed)  ANDREW  JACKSON." 

WASHINGTON,  March  5,  1829. 

On  the  5th  of  March,  1829,  I  addressed  the  following  letter  to  the  Presi 
dent  : 

"James  A.  Hamilton  has  the  honor  respectfully  to  submit  to  the  President  of  the 
United  States,  that  a  Treaty  of  Commerce  and  Navigation  was  concluded  and  signed 
at  Washington  on  the  1st  of  May,  1828,  between  the  United  States  and  the  King  of 
Prussia,  and  laid  before  the  Senate,  who,  by  their  resolution  of  that  month,  advised 
and  consented  to  its  ratification.  That  by  the  4th  article  thereof  it  was  agreed, 
that  the  exchange  of  the  respective  ratifications  should  be  made  within  4  months 
from  the  date  of  the  Treaty. 

"  That  on  the  15th  of  January  last,  the  Charge  d' Affaires  for  Prussia  informed 
the  Secretary  of  State  that  he  had  received  the  Prussia  ratification,  and  was  ready 
to  exchange  it  for  that  of  the  United  State?.  That  the  Secretary  of  State,  on  the 
day  of  the  same  month,  apprised  the  Charge"  d' Affaires  of  Prussia  of  the  Presi 
dent's  intention  not  to  proceed  to  the  exchange  proposed  by  him,  in  consequence  of 
the  expiration  of  the  term  stipulated  for  the  exchange  by  the  terms  of  the  Treaty. 
"In  his  opinion,  it  is  most  expedient,  under  the  circumstances,  to  submit  the 
question  whether  the  proposed  exchange  should  now  be  made  to  the  Senate  for 
their  advice.  (Signed)  JAMES  A.  HAMILTON." 

DEPARTMENT  OP  STATE,  March  5,  1829. 

The  President  concurred  in  opinion  with  the  Secretary,  and  directed  him 
to  prepare  a  message  to  the  Senate,  which  was  as  follows  : 


REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON.  115 

"  GENTLEMEN  OF  THE  SENATE  :  The  Treaty  of  Commerce  and  Navigation  con 
cluded  at  Washington  on  the  1st  of  May,  1828,  between  the  United  States  and  the 

King  of  Prussia,  was  on  the  day  of  the  same  month  ratified,  and  presented 

to  your  advice  and  consent,  by  the  President  of  the  United  States.  By  the  4th 
article,  it  was  agreed  that  the  exchange  of  the  ratifications  should  be  made  within 

four  months  from  its  date.     On  the  15th  of  February  last,  being days  after  the 

time  stipulated  by  the  terms  of  the  Treaty,  the  Charge  d'Affaires  of  his  Majesty 
informed  the  Secretary  of  State  that  he  had  received  the  Prussia  ratification,  and 
was  ready  to  exchange  it  for  that  of  the  United  States.  Under  the  circumstances, 
I  have  thought  it  my  duty,  in  order  to  avert  all  future  question,  to  ask  the  advice 
and  counsel  of  the  Senate  as  to  the  proposed  exchange." 

The  Senate  advised  the  exchange,  which  was  promptly  made  by  the  Secre 
tary  in  behalf  of  the  United  States  and  Charge  d'Affaires  of  Prussia ;  the 
latter  intimating  that  he  was  prepared  to  make  the  accustomed  present  to  the 
Secretary,  to  which  the  latter  replied,  that  that  custom  was  not  recognized  by 
his  Government. 

The  following  Address  to  the  Foreign  Ministers  was  prepared  by  the  Secre 
tary,  and  delivered  by  the  President : 

"  I  am  happy  that  an  occasion  has  presented  itself  which  enables  me  to  reiterate 
to  you,  Gentlemen,  respectively,  the  sentiments  expressed  in  that  part  of  my  In 
augural  Address  relating  to  the  foreign  policy  of  this  Government,  and  to  add  that 
I  am  quite  sure  the  true  interests  of  this  country  will  be  best  promoted  by  preserv 
ing  the  relations  of  peace  with  all  nations,  so  long  as  that  can  be  done  with  a  due 
regard  to  its  own  honor ;  and  by  commercial  intercourse  founded  on  principles  of 
just  reciprocity.  I  have  entered,  Gentlemen,  upon  the  high  trusts  committed  to  me 
without  prejudice  against,  or  undue  partialities  towards  any  nation  or  people,  and 
with  personal  feelings  of  the  most  friendly  character  for  all.  Although  actuated  by 
a  determined  purpose  to  promote  the  best  interests  of  my  own  country,  I  have  no 
desire  to  impair  the  rights  or  interests  of  others,  and  will  endeavor  to  effect  that 
object  by  the  most  frank,  friendly  and  sincere- negotiation.  Where  differences  exist, 
or  may  hereafter  arise,  it  will  be  my  desire  to  settle  them  on  fair  and  honorable 
terms,  in  that  spirit  of  frankness  so  congenial  to  my  nature,  and  the  character  of 
this  people." 

The  Ministers  present  were,  Hon.  Charles  Vaughan,  British  Minister; 
Baron  Krudner,  Russian  Minister ;  Joaquim  Campino,  Chilian  Minister ;  and 
the  Charges  of  Mexico  and  Brazil. 

On  the  9th  of  March,  the  Secretary  prepared  and  sent  to  the  President  the 
following  communication  : 

"  The  Acting  Secretary  of  State  has  the  honor  respectfully  to  report  to  the  Presi 
dent  of  the  United  States,  all  the  information  in  this  Department  of  what  has  been 
done  to  carry  into  effect  the  first  article  of  the  Convention  between  the  United 
States  and  the  British  Government,  concluded  at  London  on  the  29th  of  September, 
1827,  a  printed  copy  whereof  accompanies  this  Eeport. 

"  The  ratifications  of  this  convention  were  exchanged  at  London,  on  the  2d  April, 


116  REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES  A.  HAMILTON. 

1828.  By  instruction  of  this  Government  to  Mr.  W.  B.  Lawrence,  Charge  d'Affaires 
at  the  Court  of  St.  James,  dated  February  20th,  1828,  (copy  annexed)  he  was 
required  to  proceed  to  the  fulfilment  of  the  first  article  of  the  Treaty.  In  pursuance 
of  his  instructions,  after  various  interviews  with  Lords  Dudley  and  Aberdeen,  on 
the  14th  of  June,  they  agreed  upon  the  King  of  the  Netherlands  as  the  arbiter,  and 
on  the  19th  of  the  same  month,  it  was  determined  between  Mr.  Lawrence  and  Lord 
Aberdeen,  that  the  communication  to  the  selected  Sovereign  should  be  made  by  the 
Ministers  of  the  United  States  and  Great  Britain  in  separate  notes  addressed  to  his 
Minister  of  Foreign  Affairs.  The  text  of  the  note  to  be  used  by  the  respective  gov 
ernments  in  making  that  communication  was  submitted  by  the  British  Government, 
communicated  to  this  Government,  and  in  making  that  communication,  on  our  part, 
copies  of  these  notes,  and  the  instructions  to  Mr.  Hughes,  Charge  d'Affaires  of  the 
United  States  at  the  Hague,  are  annexed. 

"  No  information  has  as  yet  been  received  at  this  Department  whether  his  Nether 
lands  Majesty  has  accepted  this  arbitrament  or  not.  By  the  instructions  referred  to, 
it  will  be  perceived  that  the  choice  fell  upon  the  last  named  Sovereign,  who  was 
least  desirable  to  this  Government  to  be  the  arbitrator.  Under  these  circumstances, 
the  course  of  this  Government,  in  my  opinion,  ought  to  be  directed  by  the  antici 
pation  that  the  King  of  the  Netherlands  will  accept  the  trust  confided  to  him  ;  and 
every  measure  on  our  part  ought  to  be  tried,  at  least,  to  secure  to  us  his  favorable 
consideration. 

"  The  King  of  the  Netherlands,  for  about  four  years  past,  has  been  represented 
near  this  Government  by  a  Minister  Plenipotentiary,  and  during  the  same  time  the 
United  States  has  been,  and  still  is,  represented  by  the  inferior  grade  of  Charge 
d'Affaires,  thus  subjecting  that  Court  to  the  mortifying  reflection  of  being  esteemed 
by  us  as  a  Secondary  Power.  Although,  as  to  the  personal  character  and  habits  of 
his  Netherlands  majesty,  we  have  a  right  to  believe  he  will  himself  examine  the 
statements  and  arguments  of  the  respective  parties,  and  the  representations  which 
may  be  made  in  regard  to  them  by  the  officers  of  his  government  who  may  be 
•charged  with  the  subject,  yet  it  may  reasonably  be  supposed  that  much  would  be 
igained  by  the  assiduity  of  a  judicious  envoy.  I  find  it  was  contemplated  by  the 
late  President  at  a  proper  time  to  send  Judge  Preble,  who  is  perfect  master  of  the 
whole  subject,  as  an  agent  of  this  Government  to  Brussels  and  to  the  Hague,  in 
order  that  he  may  give  such  explanation  as  may  be  required  by  the  arbiter  in  the 
course  of  his  examination.  Under  the  circumstances,  I  am  clearly  of  the  opinion 
•that  it  would  be  proper  to  send  a  Minister  Plenipotentiary  to  represent  the  United 
States  Government  at  that  Court. 

March  9.  My  Journal  of  this  date  states,  that  I  submitted  to  the  President 
a  report  on  the  subject  of  sending  a  minister  to  the  Netherlands,  with  the  draft 
of  a  message  to  be  sent  to  the  Senate.  This  report,  I  do  not  find  among  my 
papers.  I  concluded  by  expressing  a  very  decided  opinion  that  a  minister  ought 
to  "be  sent.  The  President  agreed  with  me  in  this  opinion  when  we  examined 
the  subject.  My  journal  proceeds  : 

«' In  the  evening,  the  President  consulted  Mr.  Tazewell,  who  has  manifested  a  dis 
approbation  of  such  a  measure  for  a  long  time,  from  some  hidden  motive.  It  is  sup 
posed  from  an  apprehension  that  Hughes  would  be  made  the  minister.  (He  is  Samuel 


REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON.  117 

Smith's  son-in-law.)  Tazewell  expressed  to  me  the  opinion  that  the  arbitrament  is  all 
a  pretence  on  the  part  of  the  British  Government  adopted  in  order  to  avoid  collision, 
and  to  protract  the  discussion  with  the  late  administration,  having  determined  not 
to  make  a  treaty  or  arrangement  with  ns  of  any  kind.  The  President  influenced  by 
Tazewell's  opinion  (he  is  chairman  of  the  committee  of  Foreign  Relations),  decided 
not  to  make  a  communication  to  the  Senate  (in  that  he  was  right,  for  reasons  which 
will  be  given  hereafter),  and  also  decided  not  to  send  a  minister. 

"March  10.  This  determination  the  President  communicated  to  me  this  day,  and 
desired  me  to  call  upon  General  Smith  in  order  to  make  his  decision  known  to  him  in 
the  least  unpleasant  manner  I  could.  I  called  at  his  lodgings.  He,  not  remembering 
me,  was  not  rude,  but  he  was  not  cordial,  until  I  told  him,  I  was  Secretary  of  State, 
and  came  to  him  by  direction  of  the  President ;  when,  supposing  I  had  intelligence 
of  a  pleasing  nature  to  communicate,  he  relaxed  into  the  utmost  complacency.  I 
then  told  him  that  his  communication  in  reference  to  Hughes  had  been  put  into  my 
hands  by  the  President;  that,  after  much  deliberation  and  advising  with  his  Cabinet, 
he  had  reluctantly,  owing  in  a  great  measure  to  his  (Gen'l  S.'s)  long  and  valuable 
service,  his  great  respect  for  an  old  and  much  esteemed  friend,  come  to  the  deter 
mination  at  present  not  to  send  a  minister  to  the  Hague.  That  his  solicitude  on  this 
subject  was  increased  by  the  favorable,  and,  he  had  no  doubt,  just  manner  in  which 
he  had  heard  the  character  and  talents  of  Mr.  Hughes  spoken  of;  but  that  it  was 
impossible  for  him  to  change  a  course  of  policy  which  he  had  deliberately  adopted 
in  order  to  yield  to  his  feelings  and  predilections. 

"  Smith  replied  at  first  with  haughtiness,  '  That  he  could  not  ask  the  President  to 
alter  his  course  from  considerations  of  regard  to  him,'  and  after  a  pause  added,  *I 
trust  that  a  gentleman  who  has  faithfully  served  his  country  for  twelve  years,  and 
in  so  doing  has  materially  impaired  his  fortune,  will  not  be  superseded.'  I  then 
repeated  that  I  was  authorized  to  say,  that  the  President  hoped  to  have  it  in  his 
power  at  some  future  day,  on  some  proper  occasion  to  manifest  the  regard  he  had 
for  him,  and  his  confidence  in  Mr.  Hughes.  Mr.  Smith  then  said,  *  I  suppose,  he 
wrill  send  him  to  Spain  ?  '  I  replied,  I  do  not  know.  Gen.  Smith  went  into  a  long 
account  of  Hughes'  services,  his  influence  with  great  personages  in  England,  and  his 
extensive  correspondence.  I  then  asked  him  merely  for  my  own  information,  and 
to  turn  the  conversation,  a  question  in  relation  to  our  trade  with  Portugal.  He 
took  it  up,  and  went  through  the  whole  subject,  and  supposing  I  had  put  the  ques 
tion  to  intimate  the  probability  of  a  mission,  said  '  I  will  go  to  Portugal.'  He  then 
related  to  me  Mr.  Munroe's  conduct  towards  him,  when  he  pushed  through  an 
appropriation  for  a  minister  to  Portugal,  in  appointing  Gen.  Dearborn  to  that  place. 
*  *  *  I  called  the  same  evening  on  the  President,  and  communicated  the  result  of 
my  interview,  which  gave  him  much  pleasure." 

The  acting  Secretary  prepared  the  following  message  to  the  Senate,  for  the 
President,  on  the  9th  of  March  : 

"  GENTLEMEN  OF  THE  SENATE.  I  transmit  to  the  Senate,  a  copy  of  the  instructions 
to  the  Charge  d' Affaires  at  London,  which  led  to  a  negotiation  between  him  and  the 
minister  of  Foreign  Affairs  of  his  Britannic  Majesty  concerning  the  reference,  provid 
ed  for  by  the  convention  between  the  United  States  and  Great  Britain  of  tha  —  day 

of }  1828,  of  the  points  of  difference  between  the  two    governments   in 

relation  to  the  North-eastern  boundary  line   of  the  United  States,  and  which  re- 


118  REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON. 

suited  in  the  designation  of  the  King  of  the  Netherlands  as  the  Sovereign 
arbiter  for  the  settlement  of  these  differences,  together  with  the  copy  of  a  dispatch 
from  Mr.  Lawrence  to  the  Department  of  State,  which,  with  its  enclosures,  will  make 
the  Senate  fully  acquainted  with  the  proceedings  referred  to  :  and  I  transmit  likewise 
to  the  Senate,  a  copy  of  the  dispatch  to  the  Charge  d'Affaires  of  the 
United  States  at  Brussels,  instructing  him  to  unite  with  the  British  repre 
sentative  at  the  same  court,  in  making  known  to  the  King  of  the  Netherlands  the 
selection  which  had  thus  been  made  of  him,  and  in  requesting  him  to  undertake  the 
proposed  mediation.  To  this  dispatch  no  answer  has  as  yet  been  received  from  Mr. 
Hughes,  and  it  is  consequently  not  known  whether  the  King  of  the  Netherlands  has 
or  has  not  consented  to  employ  his  good  offices  upon  the  occasion-  but  there  is 
reason  to  believe,  from  the  friendly  relations  in  which  he  stands  to  both  parties 
concerned,  that  he  will  have  agreed  to  their  wishes. 

"  With  this  view  of  the  circumstances  of  the  case,  I  submit  to  the  consideration  of 
the  Senate  the  whole  transaction,  particularly  in  regard  to  the  proper  reference  to 
the  King  of  the  Netherlands,  and  conclude  by  nominating  to  the  Senate,  *  *  *  *  of 
Maine,  as  Envoy  Extraordinary  and  Minister  Plenipotentiary  of  the  United  States  to 
the  King  of  the  Netherlands,  and  ******  of  *  *  *  as  Secretary 
of  Legation  to  the  same  court.1' 

REPORT  OF  THE  ACTING  SECRETARY  TO  THE  PKESIDEXT  ox  THE  TREATY  WITH 

MEXICO. 

"James  A.  Hamilton,  acting  Secretary  of  State,  has  the  honor  to  submit  to  the 
President  of  the  United  States,  That  a  Treaty  of  amity,  commerce  and  navigation 
between  the  United  States  and  Mexico,  was  concluded  at  Mexico,  on  the  14th  of 
February,  1828.  The  Senate  advised,  and  consented  by  resolution  on  the  1st  of 
May,  1828,  to  its  ratification.  But  Mr.  Poinsett  by  his  dispatch,  dated  May  21, 
1828,  informed  the  department  that  the  Mexican  Congress  had  adjourned  without 
having  ratified  the  Treaty.  No  intelligence  has  been  received  of  its  having  been 
subsequently  ratified.  That  a  Treaty  of  limit  between  the  United  States  and  Mexico 
was  concluded,  and  signed  at  Mexico,  on  the  12th  of  January,  1828  ;  received  at  this 
Department  on  the  16th  of  April,  following;  laid  before  the  Senate  of  the  United 
States.  By  their  resolution  of  the  28th  of  the  same  month,  the  Senate  advised  and 
consented  to  its  ratification.  That  this  treaty  was  ratified  by  Mexico,  on  the  25th 
of  April. 

"  That  by  the  5th  article  of  the  treaty,  it  was  agreed  that  the  ratifications  thereof 
by  the  respective  parties  should  be  exchanged  within  four  months  from  the  date 
thereof.  That  on  the  2d  of  August,  1828,  the  minister  of  Mexico  apprised  the 
Secretary  of  State,  of  his  having  received  the  Mexican  ratification,  and  of  his  readi 
ness  to  proceed  to  the  exchange.  He  was  informed  that  the  President  was  not  at 
liberty  to  proceed  to  exchange  the  ratification  after  the  expiration  of  the  period 
provided  for  the  exchange.  This  treaty  must  therefore  be  submitted  to  the  Senate 
again  for  its  advice  and  counsel. 

"  JAMES  A.  HAMILTON." 
"  DEPAETMENT  OF  STATE,  March  9,  1829." 

March  15.  The  President  desired  me  to  report  to  him,  the  course  to  be  taken 
to  check  the  horrible  piracies  of  which  accounts  were  given  in  the  newspapers 
of  the  day.  On  the  19th  of  March,  the  following  report  was  made  : 


REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES   A.  HAMILTON.  119 

"  To  TIIE  PRESIDENT  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES. — SIB  :  I  have  the  honor  to  enclose 
herewith  copies  of  the  papers  I  submitted  to  you  on  the  15th  inst.,  on  the  subject 
of  recent  piracies  committed  upon  our  commerce  near  Havana  and  Matanzas,  and 
in  doing  so,  I  take  the  liberty  most  respectfully  to  suggest  the  propriety  of  your 
sending  those  papers  to  the  Secretary  of  the  Navy,  requesting  him  to  report  to  the 
President,  the  number  and  force  of  vessels  comprising  our  squadron  in  those  seas,  and 
the  instructions  of  its  Commandant ;  and  particularly  what  additional  suitable  vessels 
could  be  most  promptly  fitted  out  for  this  service,  if  more  are  required.  It  is  due 
to  humanity,  the  interests  of  our  citizens,  and  the  honor  of  the  government,  imme 
diately  to  take  the  most  efficacious  means  to  suppress  these  atrocities.  I  would 
further  suggest  the  propriety  of  calling  upon  the  Head  of  the  same  Department  to 
prepare  with  more  deliberation  than  the  pressure  of  his  arduous  duties  will  now 
permit  him  to  do — a  system  of  measures,  which,  by  being  established,  and  continued, 
will  effectually  prevent  a  recurrence  of  these  offences.  JAMES  -A.  HAMILTON." 

"  DEPARTMENT  OF  STATE." 

Journal,  March  17th.  The  President  was  much  gratified.  Adopted  what 
I  proposed;  desired  me  to  write  a  letter  for  him  to  the  Navy  Department,  and 
is  taking  strong  measures. 

The  most  important  subject  of  negotiation,  in  which  I  had  the  good  fortune 
to  be  engaged,  during  the  short  period  I  was  charged  with  the  duties  of  the 
Department  of  State  (one  month),  was  with  the  British  Minister,  in  relation  to 
depredations  upon  the  disputed  territory,  in  regard  to  which  there  was  an  under 
standing  between  the  governments,  that  neither  party  should  exercise  acts  of 
ownership  therein,  while  the  title  remained  unsettled. 

A  letter  was  addressed  to  J.  A.  Hamilton  as  Secretary  of  State,  on  the  7th  of 
March,  1829,  by  the  British  Minister,  to  which  an  answer  was  to  be  given. 
The  Secretary  well  knew  that  during  the  recent  Presidential  canvass,  the  public 
mind  had  been  abused  by  the  representations  of  those  opposed  to  General 
Jackson,  that  should  he  be  elected,  he  would  take  the  first  occasion  that  should 
occur,  to  rush  the  United  States  into  a  war  with  Great  Britain.  This  was 
the  first  communication  received  from  that  Government,  and  the  circumstances 
were  as  follows : 

The  Governor  of  Massachusetts  had  represented  to  President  Adams,  that 
extensive  depredations  had  been  made  upon  the  disputed  territory,  by  the  inhabi 
tants  of  New  Brunswick.  This  was  very  properly  made  the  ground  of  a  complaint 
by  Mr.  Clay,  then  Secretary  of  State  (in  January,  1829),  which  the  British 
Minister  referred  to  Sir  Howard  Douglass,  who  made  a  thorough  examination, 
and  in  reply  to  Mr.  Vaughan,  he  declared  that  if  such  depredations  had  been 
committed,  they  were  without  authority.  He  added  on  the  contrary,  "  I  assure 
you  there  is  no  color  of  authority  for  such  proceedings  ;  and  that  every  caution 
has  been  adopted  to  restrain  and  prevent  them,"  and  stating  what  effective  meas 
ures  he  had  taken  "  to  insure  the  strictest  observance  of  his  instructions  to 
that  end."  When  this  communication  was  received,  the  Secretary  determined 
that  thus  was  presented  to  the  President  a  good  opportunity  to  disabuse  the 


120  REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES  A.  HAMILTON. 

public  mind  ;  and  to  give  an  assurance  of  the  spirit  in  which  his  negotiations 
with  Great  Britain  and  other  powers  would  be  conducted. 

The  acting  Secretary,  before  he  communicated  the  British  Minister's  note 
to  the  President,  prepared  the  reply  he  deemed  proper.  He  then  called  upon 
the  President,  read  the  letter  and  documents,  talked  the  matter  over  with  him 
and  read  the  reply  he  had  prepared,  which  the  President  took  up,  read  over  and 
said  :  That,  Colonel,  is  the  very  thing,  it  is  a  just  expression  of  my  purposes ; 
I  am  thankful  to  you  for  having  taken  this  opportunity  to  show  how  vilely  I 
have  been  misrepresented."  The  reply  is  as  follows  : 


To  THE  RIGHT  HONORABLE  CHARLES  RICHARD  VAUGIIAN,  M.  P.  FROM  GREAT 

BRITAIN. 

"  DEPARTMENT  OF  STATE,  WASHINGTON,  March  11,  1829. 

"  SIR  :  I  have  received  and  laid  before  the  President  of  the  United  States,  the 
note  with  its  enclosures,  which  you  did  me  the  honor  to  write  me  on  the  7th  of  this 
month;  in  answer  to  a  representation  made  to  you  by  Mr.  Clay,  on  the  9th  of 
January  last,  at  the  instance  of  the  Governor  of  Massachusetts,  concerning  depreda 
tions  complained  of  by  him,  against  inhabitants  of  the  Province  of  Xew  Brunswick, 
in  cutting  timber,  preparing  lumber  for  market,  and  erecting  mills  upon  soil  of  the 
Territory  in  dispute  between  the  United  States  and  Great  Britain ;  and  I  am  directed 
by  the  President  to  state  in  reply,  as  I  take  much  pleasure  in  doing,  that  he  derives 
great  satisfaction  from  the  information  contained  in  your  communication,  as  he  es 
pecially  perceives  in  the  energetic  and  prompt  measures  adopted  by  Sir  Howard 
Douglass,  Lieutenant  Governor  of  the  Province  in  question,  and  detailed  in  the  in- 
closures  referred  to,  a  pledge  of  the  same  disposition,  on  the  part  of  the  authori 
ties  of  that  Province,  which  animates  this  Government,  to  enforce  a  strict  observance 
of  the  understanding  between  the  two  governments,  that  the  citizens  or  subjects  of 
neither  shall  exercise  any  acts  of  ownership  in  the  disputed  Territory,  while  the 
title  to  it  remains  unsettled. 

"  I  will  lose  no  time  in  making  known  to  the  Governors  of  Massachusetts  and  Maine, 
the  measures  which  have  been  thus  adopted  by  the  Lieutenant  Governor  of  New 
Brunswick,  to  repress  and  punish  the  irregularities  complained  of  by  the  former, 
and  to  guard  against  their  re-occurrence,  and  will  at  the  same  time  inform  their  Ex 
cellencies  of  the  just  and  confident  expectation  entertained  by  the  President,  that 
the  conciliatory  understanding  or  arrangement  between  the  two  governments  of  the 
United  States  and  Great  Britain,  already  referred  to,  should  not  be  disturbed  by 
the  citizens  of  these  two  States. 

"  I  am  directed  likewise,  by  the  President,  to  use  this  first  occasion  of  an  official 
communication  with  you,  under  his  orders,  to  request  the  favor  of  you  to  make 
known  to  your  Government,  the  sincere  regret  which  he  feels  at  the  existence  of 
any  difference  or  misunderstanding  between  the  United  States  and  Great  Britain, 
upon  the  subject  matter  of  this  letter  or  any  other  whatever  ;  and  in  all  the  mea 
sures  which  may  be  adopted  on  his  part  toward  their  adjustment,  he  will  be  entirely 
actuated  and  governed  by  a  sincere  desire  to  promote  the  kindest  and  best  feelings 
on  both  sides  ;  and  to  secure  the  mutual  and  lasting  interest  of  the  parties. 


REMINISCENCES    OF   JAMES    A.  HAMILTON.  121 

"  I  pray  you,  sir,  to  accept  the  renewed  assurance  of  the  high  and  distinguished 
consideration  with  which  I  have  the  honor  to  be, 

"  Your  obedient  and  humble  servant, 

"  JAMES  A.  HAMILTON, 
u  Acting  Secretary  of  State." 

Mr.  Yaughan,  afterwards  Sir  Charles,  had  evidently  been  so  strongly 
impressed  with  the  opinion,  so  generally  entertained  by  the  Officials  of  the  late 
administration  in  Washington,  that  when  he  received  the  above  letter,  he 
called  at  the  Department  to  express  to  me,  personally,  the  gratification  my 
reply  had  given  to  him  ;  he  added — "  as  he  was  assured  it  would  give  to  his 
government." 

I  intimated  to  Mr.  Yaughan,  that  he  was  agreeably  disappointed,  inasmuch 
as  he  had  been  led  to  believe  that  a  very  different  temper  would  have  been 
manifested.  He  replied :  "  I  admit  it,  and  attribute  the  present  mood  to  you." 
I  said,  "  no  ;"  when  I  suggested  to  the  President  the  reply  that  ought  to  be 
given  to  your  note,  he  said,  "  certainly,  that  is  what  I  want  to  do."  In  conse 
quence  of  the  gratification  expressed  by  the  British  minister  with  this  letter, 
it  was  represented  very  generally  in  Maine,  that  I  had  given  up  the  whole 
boundary  question  to  Great  Britain.  Indeed,  letters  of  inquiry  on  the  subject 
were  addressed  to  the  President,  which  he  showed  me — one,  I  think,  from  Judge 
Preble.  The  answer  to  him  was  a  copy  of  the  above  letter. 

The  Hon.  Albert  Gallatin,  who,  with  Mr.  Preble  of  Maine,  was  employed 
by  the  government  to  draw  up  the  argument  on  the  part  of  the  United  States, 
came  to  Washington  and  to  the  Department  to  be  informed  as  to  what  had 
been  done.  The  acting  Secretary  had  never  before  met  this  distinguished  diplo 
matist.  The  answer  to  his  inquiry  was  given  by  putting  into  his  hand  the 
recorded  letter  to  Mr.  Yaughan.  He  read  it  with  earnestness,  and  putting 
down  the  volume  said,  "What  a  gross  perversion  !  It  is  just  the  reply  that 
should  have  been  given."  After  some  conversation  on  the  subject  of  the  arbi 
trament,  the  character  of  the  King  of  the  Netherlands,  and  the  propriety  of  our 
being  properly  represented  at  his  court,  when  the  question  to  be  decided  should 
be  submitted  to  him,  Mr.  Gallatin  (I  quote  from  my  journal)  said,  "  With 
your  permission  I  will  relate  a  circumstance  that  occurred  when  I  was  first  ap 
pointed  by  Mr.  Jefferson  as  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  which  will  interest  you." 
I,  of  course,  expressed  a  wish  to  hear  him.  Mr.  Gallatin,  "  You  know  I 
succeeded  your  father  as  Secretary  of  the  Treasury."  James  A.  Hamilton, — 
"  No  !  Mr.  Wolcott  succeeded  him."  Mr.  Gallatin, — "  True  !— Wolcott 
was  appointed  when  your  father  resigned,  to  carry  out  his  plans  un 
der  his  directions.  Shortly  after  my  appointment,  Mr.  Jefferson  said  to  me, 
1  Gallatin,  your  most  important  duty  will  be  to  examine  the  accounts,  all  the 
letters  and  records  of  your  Department,  in  order  to  discover  the  blunders  and 
frauds  of  Hamilton,  and  to  ascertain  what  changes  may  be  required  to  reform 
the  system — this  is  a  most  important  duty ;  it  will  require  all  your  industry  and 


122  REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON. 

acuteness,  and  to  do  it  thoroughly,  you  may  employ  whatever  extra  force  may 
be  required.'  You  know  well  what  the  state  of  parties  was  at  that  time,  and  I 
must  say,  I  went  to  the  work  with  good  appetite.  The  work  was  performed  most 
thoroughly,  occupying  much  time.  All  the  accounts  and  correspondence  were 
carefully  examined,  and  thus  I  became  master  of  the  whole  system  and  all  its 
details.  When  finished,  I  went  to  Mr.  Jefferson  and  said  to  him,  c  Mr.  Presi 
dent,  I  have,  as  you  directed  me  to  do,  made  a  most  thorough  examination  of 
all^ the  books,  accounts  and  correspondence  of  my  department,  from  its  com 
mencement.'  The  President,  with  some  eagerness,  interrupted  me,  saying : 
'  Well,  Gallatin,  what  have  you  found  ?  '  I  answered  him,  '  I  have  found  the 
most  perfect  system  ever  formed,  and  any  change  that  should  be  made,  would 
i/only  injure  it — Hamilton  made  no  blunders,  committed  no  frauds — he  did 
nothing  wrong.'  I  think  Mr.  Jefferson  was  disappointed.  It  affords  me  much 
pleasure  to  make  this  communication  to  the  son  of  that  illustrious  man." 

I  arose,  took  Mr.  Gallatin's  hand,  and  thanked  him  most  heartily.  This 
was  the  writer's  first  acquaintance  with  Mr.  Gallatin,  who  retired  with  the  under 
standing  that  he  would  call  upon  me  again.  He  did  so,  and  I  was  very  much 
impressed  with  the  acuteneos  and  profound  knowledge  of  European  affairs  mani 
fested  by  this  veteran  diplomatist.  The  next  day  he  addressed  the  following 
note  to  me : 

'•DEAR  SIR:  If  you  have  any  New  York  papers  that  contain  the  last  European 
accounts,  I  would  thank  you  to  seed  one  to  me.  I  feel  interested  in  the  fate  of  the 
bill  for  the  Catholic  emancipation. 

"  Respectfully  yours, 

"  ALBERT  GALLATIN." 

The  following  statement  may  be  properly  presented  here : 
Mr.  Gallatin,  in  his  first  report  to  Congress,  approvingly  referred  to  Mr. 
Hamilton's  Funding  System  thus  : 

"  That  the  actual  revenues  of  the  Union  are  sufficient  to  defray  all  the  expenses, 
civil  and  military,  of  the  Government  to  the  extent  authorized  by  existing  laws,  to 
meet  all  the  engagements  of  the  Government  of  the  United  States,  and  to  discharge 
in  fifteen  and  a  half  (150  years  the  whole  of  our  public  debt." 

This  Report  was  sent  to  Mr.  Jefferson,  then  President,  and  he  addressed  a 
letter  to  Mr.  Gallatin,  saying  : 

"I  have  read  and  considered  your  Report  on  the  operations  of  the  Sinking  Fund, 
and  entirely  approve  it  as  the  best  plan  on  which  we  can  set  out." 

Further,  Mr.  Jefferson,  in  a  letter  to  John  W.  Eppes,  June  24, 1813,  writes  : 

"It  is  a  wise  rule  and  should  be  fundamental  in  a  Government  disposed  to 
cherish  its  credit  and  at  the  same  time  to  restrain  the  use  of  it  within  the  limits  of 
its  faculties,  never  to  borrow  a  dollar  without  laying  a  tax  at  the  same  instant  for 
paying  the  interest  annually  and  the  principal  within  a  given  term,  and  to  consider 
that  tax  as  pledged  to  the  creditors  as  the  public  faith." 


REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES   A.  HAMILTON.  123 

Jefferson,  in  his  "  Ana  "  dated  February  14,  1818,  speaking  of  Hamilton's 
financial  system,  said : 

"It  had  two  objects,  1st.  '  as  a  puzzle  to  exclude  popular  understanding  and  in 
quiry  ;  2d.  *  as  a  machine  for  the  corruption  of  the  Legislature.'  " 

Mr.  Gallatin,  who  had  thoroughly  examined  this  system  with  a  good  appe 
tite  to  find  it  fraudulent,  informed  him,  who  wrote  the  above,  that  he  found  ",  the 
most  perfect  system  ever  formed,"  and  that  "  any  change  that  should  be  made 
would  only  injure  it.  Hamilton  did  nothing  wrong." 

Journal,  March  18,  1829. — The  President  by  note  requested  me  "to  make 
a  s}Tnopsis  of  our  foreign  relations  as  to  commerce,  navigation,  and  friendship," 
and,  also,  "  to  give  him  the  names  of  our  ministers  of  every  grade  ;  our  consuls 
and  commercial  agents,  and  their  places  of  residence." 

I  found  this  a  work  of  great  labor,  of  which  I  am  sure  the  President  had 
no  idea.  I  went  at  it,  and  worked  night  and  day,  being  determined  to  finish 
before  Van  Buren  should  take  office,  which  I  did.  A  copy  now  before  me,  com 
prises  one  hundred  pages  of  cap,  and  gives  a  detailed  statement  of  the  various 
treaties  between  the  United  States  and  France,  Great  Britain,  Russia,  Spain, 
Portugal,  Netherlands,  Sweden,  Denmark,  Prussia,  Naples,  Austria,  Hanseatic 
Cities,  Mexico,  Columbia,  Federation  of  the  centre  of  South  America  and 
Brazil,  Supplemental  Pteport  North- Eastern  Boundary.  (See  Appendix  A.) 

J.  A.  HAMILTON  TO  A  FRIEND  IN  NEW  YORK. 

WASHINGTON,  April  25th,  1829. 

"  Yesterday  when  I  communicated  to  Van  Buren  the  President's  decision  in  favor 
of  Swartwout  as  Collector,  and  of  Hamilton  as  District  Attorney,  he  (Van  Buren) 
was  as  much  distressed  by  the  latter  as  the  former,  or  nearly  so  at  least;  the  latter 
increased  his  deep  regret  at  the  former,  not  from  any  want  of  regard  for  Hamilton, 
or  from  a  doubt  that  he  would  ultimately  be  appointed  ;  but  because  he  feared  an 
unfavorable  political  effect.  Swartwout  was  odious  ia  New  York,  and  Hamilton 
was  a  Federalist,  and  son  of  the  leader  of  the  Federal  party.  These  two  appoint 
ments  might  induce  a  doubt  of  Van  Buren's  influence  with  his  chief.  He  anxiously 
wished  Hamilton  to  call  upon  the  President  and  state  to  him  the  bad  party  effect  of 
these  two  appointments.  This  Hamilton  declined  to  do,  for  reasons  he  gave.  It 
produced  an  interesting  conversation.  In  the  afternoon  Van  Buren  said  to  Hamil 
ton,  '  You  will  have  to  go  to  New  York  very  soon,'  and  he  wrote  to  his  son  John  to 
hasten  here  on  that  account.  In  a  letter  to  Cambreling  on  the  subject,  he  put  in  a 
P.  S.,  which  he  first  submitted  to  Hamilton  for  his  approval.  '  The  President  has 
this  day  appointed  Hamilton  District  Attorney.  This  was  done  voluntarily  by  the 
President,  without  any  conversation  with  me  on  the  subject.'  Van  Buren's  object 
was  to  prove  to  his  political  friends  that  he  was  not  at  all  responsible  and  indeed  had 
nothing  to  do  with  Hamilton's  appointment.  I  confess  I  was  greatly  surprised  at 
this.  I  knew  Van  Buren  wanted  Hamilton  here  to  assist  him.  He  first  suggested 
that  he  should  be  his  chief  clerk,  and  next  that  he  should  be  appointed  Comptroller 
in  the  Treasury  Department.  Van  Buren  was  surprised  because,  although  his  ap 
pointment  had  been  intimated  to  him  by  Lewis  long  before,  he  had  not  made  up  his 


124  REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES   A.  HAMILTON. 

mind  that  the  appointment  would  be  injurious  to  him  from  its  unpopularity,  until 
after  it  was  made.  Hamilton  replied  to  the  remark  made  by  Mr.  Van  Buren  as  to 
Hamilton's  going  to  New  York  at  once.  '  He  did  not  consider  that  necessary  imme 
diately,'  and  thus  that  was  left ;  the  remark  as  to  Hamilton  going  to  New  York,  was 
evidently  the  result  of  disappointment,  and  savored  of  ill  temper.  Hamilton  told 
the  President  this  morning  that  he  wished  to  be  permitted  to  remain  here  a  little 
longer,  because  Mr.  Van  Buren  desired  him  to  do  so.  That  it  was  best ;  this  was 
assented  to.  Thus  this  matter  stands." 


Van  Buren,  during  the  early  period  of  life,  struggled  professionally  and 
politically  with  men  who  were  decidedly  superior  to  him  by  their  social  position, 
their  education  and  talents  ;  but  very  inferior  to  him  in  uprightness  of  charac 
ter.  He  was  thus  taught  to  believe  that  he  must  husband  all  those  circum 
stances  which  would  promote  his  success.  I  knew  him  well  during  that  period, 
and  much  better  afterwards.  I  have  the  recollection  of  hearing  of  his  doing  a 
generous  action.  He  was  a  man  of  great  sagacity,  of  good  temper,  and  winning 
manners. 

The  events  here  related  prove  that  he  called  upon  me  to  serve  him,  and  that 
I  did  render  him  essential  services,  and  he  certainly  never  rendered  me  a  service 
of  any  kind  that  I  am  aware  of. 

The  following  letter,  written  by  Major  William  Lewis,  tends  to  prove  that 
he  was  not  as  mindful  of  services  rendered  to  him  or  as  true  to  his  best  friends 
as  he  ought  to  have  been : 

WILLIAM  B.  LEWIS  TO  JAMES  A.  HAMILTON. 

"  WASHINGTON",  April  10,  1839. 

"  MY  DEAR  SIR  :  Yours  of  the  past  month  was  received  several  days  ago.  As  you 
say,  I  have  no  doubt  there  is  a  strong  desire  to  get  rid  of  Campbell,  Lewis  and  some 
others  here.  But  whether  they  will  venture  upon  so  hazardous  an  experiment  as 
that  of  proscribing,  and  dismissing  from  office,  men  for  opinion  sake  merely,  is  doubt 
ful.  However,  desperate  men  become  reckless  of  consequences,  and  there  is  no  tell 
ing  what  they  may  do  in  cases  referred  to.  Having  determined  not  to  leave  my 
office  unless  I  am  superseded  by  order  of  the  President  ('  Van  Buren ')  I  shall  con 
tinue  at  my  post  without  turning  either  to  the  right  or  to  the  left.  Since  the  rumors 
to  which  you  refer  first  reached  me,  I  have  not  been  near  the  President,  nor  shall  I 
visit  him  until  I  know  his  determination,  and  even  then  it  is  doubtful  whether  I  do. 
That  will  depend  on  circumstances.  I  cannot  say  whether  he  ever  intended  to  re 
move  me,  but  I  know  that  he  allowed  such  a  proposition  to  be  made  to  him,  and  have 
reason  to  believe  he  has  had  it  under  consideration.  The  chief  magistrate  of  a  nation 
who  could  listen  even  to  such  a  proposition  in  relation  to  one  who  had  done  so  much, 
or  more  perhaps  than  any  other  person,  to  place  him  where  he  is,  has  no  right  to 
expect  either  the  friendship  or  future  support  of  that  individual.  I  repeat,  there 
fore,  that  our  future  relations  will  depend  entirely  upon  the  fact,  as  to  whether  he 
ever  encouraged  those  who  urged  my  removal  to  expect  their  importunities  would 
be  complied  with.  In  conclusion,  I  will  say  that  he  has  no  just  ground  of  complaint 
with  regard  to  me.  If  either  party  has  a  right  to  complain,  I  am  sure  you  will  ad 
mit  with  me  that  I  am  that  party,  and  not  the  President." 


REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON.  125 

The  following  letter,  from  C.  C.  Cambreling,  a  member  of  the  House  of 
Representatives,  is  suggestive  as  to  the  extent  of  the  business  of  my  office. 
It  is  without  date,  but  is  endorsed  "  April" 

"  DEAR  HAMILTON  :  I  hand  you  the  enclosed  letters,  and  ask  your  best  attention 
to  them.  I  wish  you  to  attend  to  the  following  matters  and  things : 

"1.  Look  after  Coddington's  interests. 

"  2.  W.  S.  Coe  and  Abraham  B.  King  as  Appraisers. 

"  3.  Look  at  Hinman's  letters  enclosed.     He  is  a  first-rate  Republican. 

"  4.  Hand  the  enclosed  letter  of  Coe  to  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  and  the 
memorial  to  the  General,  or  to  Mr.  Ingham,  as  you  may  think  best. 

"5.  If  our  new  Secretary  of  the  Navy  issues  any  midshipmen's  warrants,  get 
one  for  Francis  E.  Brany,  of  Bristol,  Pennsylvania.  I  have  written  to  Mr.  Branch 
about  it.  Yours,  sincerely." 

Swartwout's  appointment  was  opposed  by  the  leading  friends  of  General 
Jackson  and  Mr.  Van  Buren  in  New  York.  Mr.  Van  Buren  opposed  it  most 
earnestly  ;  and  that  he  might  be  understood  not  to  be  at  all  responsible  for  it, 
he  made  a  statement  in  writing  of  his  reasons,  which  were  of  a  personal  cha 
racter,  for  opposing  the  appointment,  and  gave  it  to  the  President  after  the 
appointment  was  made,  to  be  kept  by  him  in  memoriam.  After  a  year  or  two, 
the  President  returned  the  paper  to  Mr.  Van  Buren,  saying,  "  I  return  this 
paper  to  you  because  time  has  proved  that  your  opinion  of  Mr.  Swartwout's 
unfitness  for  the  office  was  a  mistake." 

Never  was  there  a  worse  appointment,  either  in  a  personal  or  party  view. 
I  was  anxious,  and  so  stated  to  the  President,  that  Thompson  should  be  re 
tained.  He  understood  the  duties  of  the  office,  and  performed  them,  most 
satisfactorily.  Mr.  Swartwout  had  not  a  single  quality  of  mind,  education,  or 
character,  to  entitle  him  to  the  office.  He  had  no  political  influence.  His 
brother,  General  Swartwout,  was  once  Navy  Agent,  and  had  been  removed  as  a 
defaulter. 

The  two  following  letters,  written  by  Mr.  Jesse  Hoyt,  are  given  as  specimen 
letters  to  guide  other  applicants  who  consider  themselves  as  entitled  to  the 
rewards  for  personal  services,  and  the  honor  of  public  office : 

"  NEW  YORK,  March  8,  1829. 
"  To  JAMES  A.  HAMILTON  : 

"  MY  DEAR  SIE  :  I  returned  from  Albany  a  day  or  two  since,  and  was  surprised 
to  hear  that  the  same  effort  was  on  foot  that  had  been  put  in  motion  then,  to 
save  Mr.  John  Duer  from  the  fate  that  public  expectation  considers  as  awaiting  all 
those  who  had  contributed  to  sustain  those  whom  the  people  have  thought  un 
worthy  of  confidence.  I  believe  I  am  perfectly  acquainted  with  the  situation  iu 
which  you  are  placed  on  this  subject,  and  it  is  due  to  the  regard  I  entertain  for  you 
to  apprise  you  that  I  am  a  candidate  for  the  office.  I  have  not  taken  this  step  with 
out  the  advice  of  friends  here,  and  not  without  a  perfect  conviction  that  Mr.  Doer's 
removal  is  called  for  by  the  sufferers  in  1824  (Adams  was  made  President)  as  well 


126  EEMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON. 

as  the  victors  in  1828.  "Whatever  may  be  your  partiality  for  Mr.  Duer  and  some 
of  his  friends  who  have  acted  with  you  for  the  last  few  years,  I  think  you  will 
admit  the  very  great  injustice  of  leaving  him  in  possession  of  so  valuable  an  office, 
after  all  that  has  taken  place  within  your  personal  knowledge.  Laying  out  of  view 
any  personal  considerations,  I  hazard  nothing  in  saying  that  the  policy  of  retaining 
any  of  the  old  levers  in  power  will  but  too  surely  tend  to  dampen  all  ardor  and 
energy  hereafter.  Though  this  tendency  might  not  reach  you  or  me  and  many 
others,  its  effects  could  not  but  be  felt. 

"  Yours,  very  truly,  J.  HOYT." 

FROM  THE  SAME  TO  THE  SAME. 

"  NEW  YOEK,  April  26,  1829. 

"  MY  DEAF.  SIR  :  I  am  told  that  the  President  has  offered  yon  Mr.  Duer's  place. 
I  suppose,  then,  it  is  settled  that  this  worthy  gentleman  is  to  reap  a  reward  for  his 
political  perfidy,  which  has  been  withheld  53  days  too  long,  [such  language  in 
regard  to  Mr.  Duer  was  most  atrocious ;  he  was  as  fair  and  honorable  a  man  as 
ever  breathed,]  and  that  no  political  orthodox  man  would  be  in  favor  of  Mr.  Golden. 
I  knew  of  none  but  yourself  and  myself  that  are  asking  for  it ;  [I  never  asked  or 
desired  the  office ;  it  was  thrust  upon  me,  as  I  have  before  stated:]  and  I  am  wise, 
enough  to  try  to  satisfy  you  that  you  had  better  not  take  it ;  modest  enough  to  ask 
you  to  support  me.  You  have  been  out  of  the  profession  ten  years,  and  have  made 
a  fortune.  I  have  been  in  it  almost  double  the  time,  and  have  contrived  to  keep 
poor.  You  have  a  natural  aversion  for  the  profession.  I  have  a  natural  love  for  it. 
You  can  have  something  more  dignified.  I  ask  for  nothing  higher  from  the  powers 
that  be.  I  have  other  reasons  for  asking  you  to  decline  the  office,  even  if  I  do  not 
get  it.  And  with  a  very  good  feeling  I  will  tell  you  what  it  is — If  you  should  not  be 
appointed,  I  should  be  prone  to  think  I  should  have  had  it.  Will  you  tell  me  what 
is  to  be  done  ? 

"Yours,  J.  IIoYT." 

This  man  was  a  pet  of  Van  Buren's.  I  have  understood  he  was  a  grocer, 
and  became  bankrupt.  He  was  afterwards  appointed  by  Van  Buren  Collector 
of  the  Port  of  New  York.  He  certainly  then  purloined  a  large  amount  of  the 
public  money. 

MR.  COLEMAN,  EDITOR  "  EVENING  POST,"  TO  JAMES  A.  HAMILTON. 

"NEW  YOEK,  March  18,  1829. 

"MY  DEAR  SIR:     *  I  am  pleased  at  what  you  tell  me  respecting  the 

President's  determination,  and  particularly  with  his  disposition  with  regard  to 
England.  I  am  convinced  that  if  he  brings  to  an  amicable  termination  the  points 
of  difference  with  that  country  alone,  it  will  be  more  conducive  to  the  permanent 
prosperity  of  both,  than  any  event  that  has  occurred  since  the  Treaty  of  '94,  and 
be  received  with  unbounded  applause  in  every  quarter  of  the  Union.  It  is  my 
sincere  belief,  founded  on  repeated  conversations  with  intelligent  and  well  disposed 
Englishmen,  that  we  have  nothing  to  do  but  receive  the  hand  of  good  feeling  which 
she  will  hasten  to  stretch  out  to  us.  For  God's  sake,  no  standing  upon  points  and 
ceremony  further  than  a  decent  regard  to  our  own.dignity  demands,  and  all  is  as  we 
ourselves  could  wish. 


REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON.  127 

"  David  B.  Ogden  came  fresh  from  Washington  yesterday  morning,  and  sat  with 
me  nearly  an  hour  in  familiar  and  unreserved  chat.  He  told  me  the  President  ap 
peared  so  utterly  incompetent  to  his  new  situation  that  fears  were  entertained  that 
the  Government  would  run  down  unless  Van  Buren  could  sustain  it :  that  instead 
of  that  unmanageable  self-will  that  was  apprehended,  he  was  so  unsettled,  wavering 
and  capricious  of  purpose,  that  the  last  visitor  was  sure  of  his  ear :  that  in  the 
ticklish  case  of  General  Eaton,  his  wife  had  been  to  him  with  the  story  of  her 
wrongs ;  complained  of  the  treatment  she  had  met  with  from  the  high-spirited 
dames  of  Washington,  and  obtained  from  him  a  promise,  accompanied  by  an  impre 
cation,  that  he  would  espouse  her  cause,  and  teach  the  females  of  that  place  that 
they  should  bend  in  low  submission  to  one  whose  rights  he  would  protect  and  defend, 
'  by  the  eternal  God.'  And  such,  he  said,  was  the  state  of  things  as  represented  to 
him  when  he  came  away.  Van  Buren  was  the  only  man  of  the  Cabinet  of  whom 
wise  report  spoke  well.  Berrian  was  the  most  unpopular  man  in  Georgia.  As  to 
Clay,  he  never  saw  him  so  very  much  elated.  However,  he  said,  candor  required 
him  to  confess  all  his  associations  had  been  with  the  disappointed  and  mortified 
Adams  partisans,  and  that  this  ought  undoubtedly  to  be  taken  into  consideration. 
Calhoun,  he  said,  had  already  begun  to  advance  his  pretension  to  the  next  term, 
and  had  given  a  splendid  dinner  to  the  conductors  of  the  several  presses  in  various 
parts  of  the  United  States  at  Washington,  of  whom  no  less  a  number  than  18  were 
present,  and  among  the  rest  M.  M.  Noah,  the  special  friend  and  confidant  of  Post 
master  Gouverneur,  who  is  a  Calhoun  man.  *  *  * 

"I  am  sorry,  indeed,  that  you  should  think  of  leaving  Washington  at  present. 
It  will  not  be  safe ;  rely  upon  it.  *  *  *  Mr.  M.  Livingston  mentioned  to  me 
yesterdny  that  Edward  Livingston's  wife  is  a  fine  woman,  and  now  is  at  Washington, 
and  in  the  house  with  the  General,  and  he  is  confident  her  influence  with  him  would 
preserve  him  from  such  an  embarrassing,  unfortunate  scrape  as  that  mentioned  on 
the  preceding  page ;  but  that  he  would  get  his  wife  to  write  to  him  this  day  on  that 
subject.  I  am  more  afraid  of  this  affair  than  of  any  other  whatever. 
"Adieu,  I  cannot  add  another  word." 

JAMES  A.  HAMILTON  TO  A  DISCREET  FRIENP. 

11  DEPARTMENT  OF  STATE,  March  21,  1829. 

"  MY  DEAR  SIR  :  I  believe  I  informed  you  that  during  my  first  visit  to  Adams  we 
conversed  about  '  the  project '  and  that  I  had  told  him  what  you  had  said  about  my 
father's  opinion  in  regard  to  the  annexation  of  Louisiana,  or  as  we  call  it  '  the  con 
vention  of  cession  of  Louisiana,' &c.,  &c.  I  was  required  by  the  President  to  call  up 
on  him  again  to-day,  and  after  we  had  concluded  the  business  upon  which  I  went  and 
was  about  to  depart,  he  said :  '  Mr.  Hamilton,  when  I  last  saw  you,  you  told  me  that 
you  thought  the  expression  of  your  father's  opinion  as  to  the  Constitutionality  of 
the  annexation  of  Louisiana  had  induced  Mr.  Jefferson  to  relinquish  his  Constitution 
al  scruple.'  I  replied,  '  I  did  express  such  a  belief,  and  I  will  now  state  particularly 
on  what  it  was  founded  and  all  I  know  on  the  subject.  After  the  publication  of  Mr. 
Plumer's  letter,  in  conversation  with  Mr.  Tazewell  I  stated  to  him  what  Mr.  Cole- 
man  had  written  to  me  on  that  subject,  and  Mr.  T.  in  confirmation  of  that  statement 
of  what  my  father's  views  were,  said :  '  I  received  an  impression  at  the  time,  I  think 
from  Mr.  Madison,  that  your  father  wrote  to  him  or  to  Mr.  Jefferson  on  the  question 


128  REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON. 

of  Constitutional  power,  and  that  Mr.  Jefferson's  scruples  yielded  to   his  opinion.' 
Mr.  Adams  then  added,  '  You  also  spoke  to  me  of  a  letter  written  by  your  father  to 
Mr.  Cabot.'     I  replied,  *  I  did,  but  I  think  I  was  mistaken  in  the  fact.'    The  letter  to 
which  I  referred  was  written,  I  believe,  by  Mr.  "Wolcott  to  Mr.  Cabot,  and  probably 
expressed  my  father's  views.  He  said,  '  Have  you  got  that  letter  ?'f  replied,  '  No !  We 
are  seeking  for  it.'    He  said,  'I  should  like  to  know  the  date  of  it — I  think  that  im 
portant,  and  should  be  glad  when  it  is  found  if  you  would  inform  me  of  that  fact.' 
I  have  ascertained  that  the  conversation  I  had  with   Mr.  King  was  on  the  8th  of 
April. — I  wrote  to  you  that  it  was  about  the  7th  April,  1804.  I  then  read  from  a  let 
ter  I  this  day  received  from  my  brother  John,  as  follows :  '  A  gentleman  yesterday  sent 
me  a  message  stating  that  he  had  received  a  letter  from  Governor  Wolcott  on  the  sub 
ject  of  Plumer's  letter.  It  contains  a  full  contradiction  of  the  charge.'  Mr.  Adams  said, 
'  You  suppose  by  the  charge  he  means  that  against  your  father  contained  in  Plamer's 
letter  of  his  having  consented  to  attend  a  meeting.'  I  said,   '  I  presumed  that  was  what 
he  meant.     That  I  knew  no  more  of  it  than  I  had  read  to  him.'      My  object  in  all  that 
passed  between  us  was  first  in  regard  to  my  father's  opinion  as  to  the  constitutionality 
and  expediency  of  the    annexation  of  Louisiana,  to  exchange  in  his  mind  evidence  for 
'  rumor,'  and  to  induce  a  strong  conviction  from  documentary  evidence  that  my  father 
was  averse  to  the  alleged  ' project,'  in  order  that  in  his  reply  to  the  '  appeal'  he  might  be 
induced  to  do  complete  and  entire  justice  to  my  father.      You  may  be  assured  that 
Adams  now  does  and  always  has  believed  there  was  such  a  project,  and  that  he  will 
adduce  such  proofs  of  conversations  on  the  subject  held  by  distinguished  persons  in  the 
Eastern  States  as  will  bring  conviction  to  the  public  mind.  He  is  a  zealot,  and  therefore 
a  little  m?.d  on  the  subject.     I  do  believe   at  first  he  united  in  those  opinions  then 
freely  expressed  and  extensively  entertained  among  his  friends,  and  that  when  the 
matter  became  serious  he  became  alarmed,  particularly  when  he  found  men  of  a 
higher  order  than  himself,  and  others  who  had  conversed  with  him,  did  not  unite  in 
it.     And  I  also  believe  that  he  has  now  and  did  in  1808-9  give  it  a  deeper  coloring 
than  it  deserved — but  be  assured  the  public  will  go  with  him.     He  told  me  he  had 
ascertained  that  it  had  originated  in  Connecticut,  and  at  an  earlier  day  than  he  had  at 
first  supposed,  and  that  it  was  first  occasioned  by  the  slave  representation  which  gave 
the  South  an  undue  influence.     In  reciting  our  conversation  I  ought  to  have  told 
you  in  order  to  be,  as  I  intended  to  be.  exact  in  all  respects,  that  I  told  him  my  father 
had  three  days  before  his  death  written  a  letter  to  Sedgwick  strongly  impressing  up 
on  his  mind  the  importance  of  preserving  the  Union.     That  it  was  a  substitute  for  a 
much  longer  and  more  elaborate  communication  that  he  had  proposed  to  make  on 
that  and  other  subjects  connected  with  the  welfare  of  the  country.    And  also  that  I 
asked  him  if  there  was  not  something  to  be  found  among  Mr.  King's  papers  on  this 
subject.     He  replied,  '  I  do  not  know.'    I  wrote  to  Charles  King  on  the  subject,  and 
he  replied  that  as  they  did  not  wish  their  father's  name  to  be  connected  with  the 
matter,  and  as  they  intended  to  keep  out  of  it.  they  had  not  looked  into  their  father's 
papers  to  ascertain  what  was  there,'   or  something  to  that  effect.    I  then  said  that 
we  were  at  one  time  with  the  Kings,  and  that  when  James  King  had  been  spoken 
to,  he  had  made  a  similar  reply.     He  immediately  said,    *  I,  however,  have  always 
been  on  good  terms  and  been  treated  with  kindness  by  Mr.  King  and  every  member 
of  his  family.'     If  I  see  him  again  I  will  let  him  know  the  Benson  anecdote.     Our 
negotiations  will  be  conducted  in  a  frank  and  manly  manner.     If  the  views  and  feel 
ings  of  the  President  are  fairly  represented  he  heartily  despises  the  tricks,  airs  and 


REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON.  129 

acts  of  diplomacy  which  in  truth  amount  to  nothing  after  all  but  to  make  a  display. 
When  I  spoke  of  '  the  old  man,'  &c.,  I  meant  nothing  more  than  to  use  a  term  expres 
sive  of  the  kindness  I  feel  for  him,  and  particularly  at  this  time  when  he  is  unwell, 
and  almost  worn  down.  Will  you  never  know  how  to  appreciate  what  D.  B.  O.  says  ? 
He  is  the  prince  of  gossips  and  of .  His  representations  of  the  vacillating  con 
duct  of  the  President,  and  of  Mrs.  Eaton's  interview,  is  all  a  fable.  That  Calhoun  is 
billing  and  cooing,  I  have  no  doubt,  but  when  you  tell  me  that  Noah  should  be  the 
friend  and  confidant  of  Calhoun  it  surprises  me.  I  have  always  known  that  the  latter 
was  a  Calhoun  man.  When  we  meet  I  will  let  you  know  all.  Until  then  I  pray  you 
do  not  heed  anything  you  hear.  Your  opinion  will  be  quoted,  and  you  stand  now 
in  a  position  to  be  very  useful.  I  do  not  mean  to  leave  Washington  for  some  time, 
although  I  am  tired  and  almost  sick.  Preserve  this  letter.  I  have  written  the  first 
part  of  it  as  a  memorandum  of  what  passed  with  Adams. 

"  Adieu.     Yours  sincerely,  &c. 
"  P.  S.  Lyman  dined  with  me  yesterday.     He  is  a  clever  man." 

M.  VAN  BUREN  TO  JAMES  A.  HAMILTON. 

"  ALBANY,  March,  1829. 

"  MY  DEAB  SIR  :  I  am  not  sufficiently  advised  as  to  the  talents  of  young  Duane  to 
enable  me  to  judge  of  the  fitness  of  his  appointment.  If  he  is  competent,  it  strikes  me 
that  the  selection  would  be  well  received.  If  the  General  makes  one  removal  at 
this  moment,  he  must  go  on.  Would  it  not  be  better  to  get  the  streets  of  Washing 
ton  clear  of  office-seekers  first,  in  the  way  I  proposed  ?  I  cannot,  from  my  total  want 
of  knowledge  as  to  Barry's  professional  talents,  speak  as  to  the  propriety  of  his  ap 
pointment.  Politically,  it  would  be  well,  but  I  take  it  for  granted  that,  if  desired  to 
be  done  at  this  time,  it  will  have  been  done  before  this  reaches  you.  As  to  the  publi 
cation  of  the  session-laws,  I  have  only  to  say  that  I  wish  the  contract  to  be  made, 
and  have  no  personal  wishes  upon  the  subject  of  the  individual  to  be  employed  other 
than  that  (if  the  public  can  be  as  well,  and  as  reasonably,  served)  it  should  be  one  Of 
our  friends.  If  it  has  been  usual  (as  I  take  to  be  the  course)  to  have  it  done  at  Wash 
ington  by  the  printers  to  Congress,  I  would  of  course  contract  with  Gen.  Greene. 
There  can  be  no  difficulty  in  doing  what  is  right  upon  this  subject  without  troubling 
the  President  farther  than  to  take  his  advice  as  to  the  person  to  be  employed.  As  to 
the  publication  in  the  newspapers  I  have  more  to  say.  So  far  as  depends  on  me, 
my  course  will  be,  to  restore  by  a  single  order  every  one  who  has  been  turned  out 
by  Mr.  Clay  for  political  reasons,  unless  circumstances  of  a  personal  character  have 
since  arisen  which  would  make  the  reappointment  in  any  case  improper.  To  ascer 
tain  that,  will  take  a  little  time.  There  I  would  pause.  It  would  be  perfectly 
agreeable  to  me  to  take  the  responsibility  of  that  measure  myself,  and  I  cannot  think 
that  it  can  be  necessary  to  do  anything  about  it  until  I  come  down.  If  the  present 
incumbents  should  begin  the  publication  of  the  laws  (if  that  beginning  is  necessary) 
their  work  will  be  cut  off  by  their  respective  removals,  and  the  persons  appointed 
will  take  it  up  where  they  leave  it  off.  We  are  totally  buried  in  the  snow  here,  and 
I  fear  that  the  roads  will,  for  some  days,  be  impassable.  I  await  only  the  result  of 
my  commission  or  resolution,  to  resign  and  be  off.  Remember  me  affectionately  to 

the  President,  and  believe  me  to  be 

"  Very  sincerely  your  friend." 

9 


130  REMINISCENCES    OF  JAMES   A.  HAMILTON. 

Van  Buren  was  in  Washington  on  the  22d  of  March,  1829.  He  did  not  as 
sume  the  duties  of  Secretary  until  after  the  4th  of  April.  Up  to  that  day  I  was 
charged  with  the  responsibilities  of  that  office  and  received  the  salary  for  one 
month.  At  Yan  Buren's  request,  1  remained  in  Washington  to  assist  him  in 
his  duties  until  the  latter  part  of  May. 

The  following  extracts  from  letters  written  to  a  friend  in  New  York  at  the 
moment  the  events  to  which  they  refer  occurred,  without  reference  to  their 
dates,  will  afford  glimpses  of  an  interesting  character  : 

"  April,  1829. 

"I  have  just  returned  from  dinner  at  the  President's,  where  everything  went  off 
well.  The  ladies  were  not  at  the  table.  Yan  Buren,  Kendall,  Lewis,  and  I  were  pres 
ent.  (Kendall  was  invited  at  the  instance  of  Mr.  Yan  Buren,  wrho,  the  day  before, 
said  to  me,  'Hamilton,  Kendall  is  to  be  an  influential  man.  I  wish  the  President 
would  invite  him  to  dinner,  and  if  you  have  no  objection,  as  you  are  so  intimate 
with  the  General,  I  wish  you  would  propose  to  him  to  invite  Kendall  to  meet  us 
nt  dinner  to-morrow.')  I  spoke  to  the  President,  and  Kendall  was  invited.  Yan 
Buren  was  very  attentive  to  him.'1 

Another  letter  to  the  same  : 

"  April,  1829. 

"  McLane  hesitated,  but  will  consent  by  letter  to-day  to  take  the  place  of  Attor 
ney  General.  But  as  Berrian  has  refused  the  mission  and  continues  Attorney  Gen 
eral,  that  matter  is  at  an  end ;  and  we  have  offered  the  mission  to  McLane,  who 
will,  I  have  no  doubt,  accept  it;  if  he  does  not,  the  President  has  intimated  to  me 
ithat  I  am  the  next ;  Yaughan  expressed  to  me  to-day  a  strong  desire  that  I  should 
#>.» 

Yery  shortly  after  the  Cabinet  was  formed  I  perceived  that  the  Attorney 
'General  (Berrian)  was  not  at  all  acceptable.  At  length  the  feeling  ripened 
iinto  a  determination  to  get  rid  of  him,  and  to  give  the  place  to  Louis  McLane. 
'The  latter  had  been  induced  to  neglect  his  private  affairs  for  some  years  by  the 
;  allurements  of  Congress.  His  most  intelligent  and  excellent  wife  induced  him, 
•when  his  term  of  service  in  the  House  of  Representatives  expired,  to  go  to 
"Wilmington  (Delaware)  and  practise  law.  This  being  generally  understood, 
•the  President  and  Yan  Buren  wishing  to  bring  him  into  the  Cabinet  as  Attor 
ney  General,  sent  me  to  see  McLane,  and  authorized  me  to  engage  on  their  be- 
;half  if  he  would  return  to  the  public  service,  that  when  Judge  Duval  (who  was 
very  aged  and  infirm)  should  die,  or  any  other  vacancy  should  occur  on  the 
'bench  of  the  Supreme  Court,  he  should  have  it  ;  and  to  tell  him,  if  he  assented, 
-that  he  would  be  appointed  Attorney  General  in  the  place  of  Berrian. 

I  went  on  this  important  errand  with  all  haste.  We  travelled  by  stages  at 
-that  time,  and  over  very  bad  roads.  I  arrived  at  McLane's  before  breakfast. 
-Had  an  interview  with  him  ;  talked  the  whole  matter  over,  making  a  distinct 
offer  of  the  judgeship  as  the  condition  of  his  going  into  public  service.  This 
"being  well  understood,  he  authorized  me  to  say  to  the  President  that  he  ac- 


REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES  A.   HAMILTON.  131 

ceptcd  the  offer  upon  the  condition  stated,  and  that  he  would  go  to  Washington 
in  a  few  days.  I  returned  without  delay  and  communicated  the  result  of  my 
negotiation.  Berrian  was  not  displaced,  and  McLane  was  appointed  Minister  to 
Great  Britain,  where  he  remained  until  August,  1831,  when  Van  Buren  was 
sent. 

McLane  was  afterwards  appointed  Secretary  of  the  Treasury.  He  would 
not  remove  the  deposits,  and  was  compelled  to  resign.  Duaue  was  appointed ; 
he  refused.  Then  Taney  was  appointed  Secretary  of  the  Treasury.  He  re 
moved  the  deposits,  and  consequently  when  Justice  Marshall  died,  Taney  was 
appointed  in  his  place,  whereas  McLane  should  have  been  appointed  pursuant 
to  the  engagement  made  with  him  through  me.  It  is  said  Jackson  felt  this  in 
justice  to  McLane  so  keenly  that  he  called  upon  President  Polk  and  urged  him 
to  appoint  McLane  to  a  mission ;  this  was  done.  Van  Buren  met  Mrs.  McLane 
after  the  violation  of  this  pledge,  and  addressed  her  in  his  usually  courteous 
manner.  She  repulsed  him,  saying,  "  She  could  not  recognize  a  man  as  a  gen 
tleman,  who  was  so  regardless  of  his  engagements  as  he  had  been." 

On  the  14th  April,  1829,  McLane  addressed  the  following  letter  to  me: 

"DEAR  SIE  :  You  will  see  by  the  enclosed  that  you  are  a  better  negotiator  than 
you  supposed  "  (  referring  to  the  negotiation  above  stated).  "  I  will  confess  to  you 
that  I  have  taken  this  step  reluctantly,  and  with  fearful  forebodings.  I  am  not,  how 
ever — unfortunately — in  a  situation  to  consult  all  my  feelings,  much  less  to  be  fas 
tidious,  and  for  reasons  which  we  may  talk  over  when  we  meet.  I  have  launched 
ray  bark  on  a  new  sea. 

"  Believe  me  very  truly  yours,  L.  McLANE." 

In  a  letter  of  a  subsequent  date,  on  the  death  of  Judge  Washington,  which 
I  will  give  hereafter,  he  referred  again  to  this  arrangement. 

MARTIN  VAN  BUREN  TO  PRESIDENT  JACKSON. 

"April  14,  1829. 

"  DEAR  SIR  :  I  have  no  doubt  we  shall  very  soon  receive  answers  of  acceptance 
from  McLane  and  Woodbury.  If  we  could  determine  upon  the  appointment  to  the 
Netherlands  at  the  same  time,  and  then  announce  that  of  Woodbury  and  Van  Ness 
from  New  England,  and  McLane  for  Old  England,  all  would  be  Avell  received,  being 
in  itself  very  proper.  The  importance  of  having  a  resident  minister  at  the  Nether 
lands,  acquainted  with  the  controversy,  and  able  to  enforce  our  rights  in  advance  of 
the  submission,  is  obvious.  I  cannot  doubt  Judge  Treble's  approbation,  provided  it 
is  understood  that  he  goes  afterwards  as  Envoy ;  at  all  events,  what  is  now  decided 
upon  may  be  subject  to  revision  when  he  arrives.  The  only  difficulty  in  the  way 
(and  a  serious  one  it  is)  is  the  situation  of  Mr.  Hughes.  Two  things  in  regard  to 
that  appear  to  be  certain,  viz. :  1st.  That  he  is  wholly  incompetent  to  the  discharge 
of  the  particular  and  important  duties  growing  out  of  the  Maine  contest ;  and,  2d. 
That  from  his  present  position  in  the  public  service,  and  with  an  eye  to  what  has 
taken  place,  &c.,  &c.,  we  cannot  get  him  out  of  the  way  without  giving  great  general 


132  REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES  A.  HAMILTON. 

dissatisfaction,  unless  it  be  by  promotion  of  some  sort.  There  is  no  reason  to  believe 
that  Mr.Poinsett  will  return  at  this  time,  and,  if  he  should,  Mr.  Hughes'  talents  are 
not  well  adapted  to  a  Court  in  which,  from  our  contiguity,  &c.,  we  ought  to  be  well 
represented.  There  is  no  other  and  authorized  diplomatic  mission  open  of  a  grade 
superior  to  his  own.  AVhat,  then,  can  be  done  with  him?  The  difficulty  and 
delicacy  of  our  situation  in  this  respect  has  pressed  heavily  upon  my  mind,  and 
I  have  been  able  to  hit  upon  but  one  mode  in  which  we  can  be  effectually  relieved. 
However  agreeable  and  pleasant  a  companion  Mr.  Hughes  is,  I  do  not  think  that  he 
has  the  right  talents  to  make  him  useful  to  his  country  in  the  diplomatic  service,  and 
especially  in  its  highest  walks.  It  would,  therefore,  be  a  public  advantage  to  get 
him  out  of  the  system  ;  but,  as  he  has  been  in  it  so  long,  and  owing  to  the  peculiar 
conjuncture  which  exists,  is  so  strongly  fixed,  that  cannot  be  done  without  some  cost. 
I  submit  to  your  consideration  the  propriety  of  giving  him  money  for  honors.  Can. 
we  ever  do  better  with  the  Consulate  at  Liverpool  than  to  make  it  serve  this  pur 
pose  ?  That  General  Smith  would  be  satisfied  is,  I  think,  highly  probable.  At  all 
events,  that  should  create  no  difficulty,  as  he  ought  to  be  Fatisfied.  The  obvious  fact 
that  the  office,  instead  of  being  bestowed  on  a  friend,  had  been  made  subservient  to 
the  great  interests  of  the  country  (which  all  would  understand),  would  serve  to  do 
away  all  sympathy  for  old  Mr.  Maury — who  having  been  appointed  by  General 
"Washington,  has,  on  that  account,  some  sanctity  attached  to  his  commission." 

WILLIAM  COLEMAN  TO  JAMES  A.  HAMILTON. 

"XEwYoKK,  April  loth. 

"DEAK  SIE  :  My  object  in  writing  again  to-day,  is  to  tell  you  of  a  conversation 
I  had  yesterday  with  Col.  Troup,  leaving  you  to  make  such  use  of  it  as  you  may 
judge  best.  In  the  afternoon,  he  came  to  my  house  not  a  little  agitated  to  inform 
me  that  he  suspected  that  Swartwout  had  been  exerting  himself,  and  engaging  his 
friends  to  exert  themselves,  to  induce  the  members  of  the  Cincinnati  to  take  an 
active  part  in  procuring  him  his  appointment ;  calculating  that  the  influence  of  this 
body  with  General  Jackson  would  be  paramount ;  that  Yarick  had  been  enlisted, 
and  he  feared  that  Fish  also  had  been  persuaded  to  lend  his  name  to  further  his 
views,  and  that  one  of  the  old  members  of  the  order  had  called  upon  him  for  the 
purpose  of  getting  him  to  join  with  V.  and  F.  Mr.  Troup  told  his  visitor  that  he 
would  sooner  cut  off  one  of  his  fingers  than  he  would  endeavor  to  persuade  General 
Jackson  to  do  an  act  that  must  go  near  to  ruin  him  in  the  estimation  of  his  best 
friends.  On  which  he  hastily  took  his  leave.  *  *  *  Swartwout  has  engaged  almost 
every  man  of  decent  appearance  whom  he  has  found  in  the  streets  or  elsewhere  in 
furthering  his  views,  and  at  the  same  time,  keeps  a  constant  running  about  to  and 
fro,  telling  every  one  he  meets  that  his  commission  is  on  its  way  here.  Yester 
day,  I  was  informed  that  he  had  received  a  letter  by  the  morning's  mail  from  Genl. 
Swift,  another  of  his  cronies,  telling  him  that  he  had  heard  General  Jackson  say  at 
a  public  dinner  at  the  General's  table,  that  he  had  given  orders  for  the  commission 
to  be  made  out,  and  that  it  would  be  here  by  to-day's  mail.  Troup  told  me  that  he 
had  met  Burr  a  day  or  two  since,  when  the  appointment  of  Swartwout  becoming 
the  subject  of  conversation,  Burr,  very  much  to  the  surprise  of  To,  said  that  if  the 
President  did  make  it,  he  would  do  the  most  outrageous  thing  that  had  yet  been 
done  in  any  part  of  the  United  States.  From  which  it  would  clearly  appear  that 


REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES  A.  HAMILTON.  133 

Burr  and  Swartwout  have  ceased  to  be  friends.  Col.  Troup  said  he  had  intended 
to  write  at  length  to  Mr.  Van  Buren,  and  exert  whatever  influence  he  might  possess 
to  prevent  the  President  from  doing  an  act  that  must  prove  deeply  and  lastingly 
injurious,  but  that  he  had  been  dissuaded  from  doing  so  by  his  son,  who  thought  it 
would  expose  him  to  the  lasting  and  inveterate  resentment  of  Swartwout  and  his 
friends.  Troup  in  a  whisper  said,  Lenox  declared  that  Swartwout  would  certainly 
be  appointed.  He  (Swartwout),  having  stated  to  Lenox  that  the  President  would  keep 
his  promise  to  him,  because  he  (Jackson)  well  knew  that  if  he  did  not,  he  (Swart 
wout)  would  publish  to  the  world,  Jackson's  participation  with  Burr  in  his  attempt 
to  sever  the  States,  and  establish  a  Government  in  a  Nation  to  be  formed  of  a  part  of 
Mexico,  and  of  the  western  part  of  the  United  States.  But,  why  not  put  this 
vexatious  and  highly  irritating  question  at  re-t  at  once  and  forever,  by  appointing 
John  Ferguson  to  the  place  of  Collector,  and  Swartwout  Naval  Officer,  if  it  is  not 
too  good  a  situation  for  him  ?  Respecting  the  former,  I  have  no  scruple  in  saying 
the  appointment  would  give  universal  satisfaction  to  every  man  whose  good  opinion 
is  worth  having  either  here  or  elsewhere.  Such  is  the  result  of  my  inquiries  among 
our  merchants.  He  is  a  man  of  legal  acquirements,  a  good  belles-lettres  scholar,  and 
of  an  unblemished  private  character.  His  long  experience  in  the  Custom-House  has 
made  him  conversant  with  all  the  statutes  relating  to  the  revenue,  and  their  various 
readings  and  constructions :  for  he  has  been  the  mentor  to  whom  Thompson  has 
always  been  in  the  habit  of  having  recourse,  and  upon  whom  he  has  always 
implicitly  relied,  in  every  difficulty.  His  promotion  at  this  time,  I  am  sure, 
would  be  hailed  by  the  merchants  of  New  York  with  heartfelt  pleasure.  I  had 
made  up  my  mind  this  morning  to  dismiss  all  scruples  from  my  mind,  and  approach 
the  President  himself  in  the  form  of  a  letter  which  should  contain  a  fair,  impartial, 
and  disinterested  statement  of  the  agitation  and  anxiety  that  prevail  in  this  city  at 
this  moment,  concerning  the  pending  appointment  of  Collector.  Perhaps  I  may 
prepare  such  a  letter,  and  envelope  it  to  you  by  an  early  mail  unsealed,  which  I  shall 
beg  you  to  read  carefully,  and  then  hand  to  Mr.  Van  Buren  for  his  perusal  also ; 
after  which  it  is  to  be  delivered,  or  not,  according  as  you  and  he  shall  judge  meet. 
I  have  just  this  moment  been  told  by  Mr.  Burnham,  with  marks  of  horror  on  his 
countenance,  that  Henry  Post,  concerning  whom  I  spoke  to  you  in  my  letter  of 
yesterday,  has  been  appointed  an  appraiser  at  the  Custom-llouse — God  forbid  ! 

JAMES  A.  HAMILTON  TO  WILLIAM  COLEMAN. 

"WASHINGTON,  Ap  ril  16,  1829. 

"  DEAR  SIR  :  I  would  immediately  communicate  your  letter  to  the  President,  but 
that  you  have  mentioned  Charles  King  as  opposed  to  Swartwout.  If  you  had  said 
a  gentleman  of  respectability,  or  in  any  other  manner  described  Charles  King  without 
naming  him,  it  would  have  done  well ;  but,  with  that  name  in  your  letter,  it  would  be 
wholly  inoperative.  You  must,  therefore,  in  the  same  temper  write  another  letter 
of  the  same  tenor,  omitting  that  name ;  and,  if  you  can,  I  pray  you  write  directly  to 
Ingham  or  the  President,  and  for  this  reason  say  all  you  have  said  in  your  letter, 
which  I  return  to  you  for  that  purpose,  omitting  that  name,  but  do  not  delay,  and 
let  all  your  friends  write.  A  vast  many  letters  have  been  sent  here  from  all  quarters, 
and  they  must  be  counteracted  by  others." 


134  REMINISCENCES    OF  JAMES  A.  HAMILTON. 

JAMES  A.  HAMILTON  TO  WILLIAM  COLEMAX. 

"WASHINGTON,  April  23,  1829. 

"  DEAR  SIR  :  To-day,  it  is  believed  the  appointments  for  your  city  will  be  made. 
J.  Thompson,  Collector,  will  be  removed,  but  who  will  get  his  place,  I  cannot  say. 
I  have  no  doubt  Coddington  will  be  appointed  Surveyor,  and  Cos,  one  of  the  ap 
praisers.  Who  will  be  the  other,  is  uncertain.  The  District  Attorney  will  be  a 
friend  of  yours,  beyond  all  doubt.  The  President  said  to  me,  to-day,  1 1  am  anxious 
to  make  appointments  for  New  York,  that  I  may  have  the  pleasure  of  giving  you  a 
reward  approaching  in  some  measure  to  the  degree  of  services  you  have  rendered 
to  me.'  Yours,  in  haste." 

A  letter  to  a  Judicious  Friend,  dated  April  22,  is  given,  as  confirming  what 
I  have  before  stated,  in  regard  to  the  want  of  knowledge  of  the  history  of  our 
Country,  of  men  in  high  position.  It  is  as  follows  : 

"In  order  to  preserve  the  evidence  of  passing  events  which  may  afford  some 
thing  for  history,  I  relate  an  incident  of  to-day.  The  President,  Eaton,  Donelson 
and  Lewis,  present.  Eaton,  as  Secretary  of  "War,  had  prepared  a  '  talk '  in  reply 
to  a  remonstrance  of  the  Cherokee  Nation  of  Indians  against  what  they  deemed 
a  usurpation  by  Georgia  ;  that  State  having  determined,  unless  they  removed  before 
the  10th  June,  1830,  to  drive  them  out  of  her  territories.  The  Indians  having  formed 
a  Constitution  for  their  government,  are  disposed  to  place  themselves  in  an  indepen 
dent  position  as  to  the  State  Government. 

"  The  object  of  the  communication  to  the  Indians  is,  First :  to  show  them  that 
they  have  not  the  rights  they  claim,  and.  Second  :  that  the  Government  of  the 
United  States  has  not  a  Constitutional  power  to  sustain  them  against  Georgia.  This 
paper  was  carefully  prepared,  copied,  signed  by  Eaton,  and  ready  to  be  delivered. 
The  President  thought  proper  to  submit  it  to  Van  Buren  for  his  opinion  as  to  the 
constitutional  question,  and  to  that  end,  he  gave  it  to  me  this  morning;  directing  me 
to  read  it,  and  requesting  Van  Buren  to  give  him  his  opinion  by  2  o'clock.  I  read  it 
over  before  I  delivered  it  to  Van  Buren,  and  found  a  gross  inaccuracy  (which  I  will 
hereafter  explain)  repeated  twics.  I  gave  the  paper  to  Van  Buren.  lie  went  over 
it.  He  suggested  alterations,  but  the  faults  I  had  observed,  did  not  occur  to  him. 
He  came  to  the  Department  with  the  paper,  and  desired  me  to  examine  it  with  him. 
We  did  so.  He  read  it,  paragraph  by  paragraph,  and  sentence  by  sentence,  sug 
gesting  such  alterations  in  the  phraseology  as  occurred  to  him,  but  passing  over  those 
defects  without  observing  them.  He  then  took  it  to  the  President.  It  was  then 
examined  by  him,  the  President,  and  Eaton,  and  settled.  When  he  came  to  dinner 
(\ve  were  living  together)  I  asked  him  what  had  been  done.  lie  replied  that  all  or 
most  of  his  suggestions  had  been  adopted.  I  then  asked  him,  '  if  it  had  occurred  to 
him  (I  had  been  thinking  of  it,  and  had  come  to  a  decided  opinion),  that  there  was 
an  error  of  a  most  serious  nature  in  stating  that  "  By  the  Treaty  of  1783,  and  by  the 
acknowledgment  of  an  Independence  thereby  the  United  States  acquired  Sovereignty," 
&c.  Whereas  the  true  position  was,  and  it  was  that  which  we  had  always  insisted 
upon,  that  our  Sovereignty  was  acquired  by  our  Declaration  of  Independence  and 
our  successful  war,  and  not  by  the  acknowledgment  of  Great  Britain  or  by  the 
Treaty.  Before  the  negotiation  of  that  treaty,  our  commissioners  insisted  that  the 
United  States  must  be  recognized  as  a  Nation.  The  Treaty  was  essentially  a  settle 
ment  of  boundaries  between  independent  nations,  &c.,  &c.,  &c. 


REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES  A.  HAMILTON.  135 

"  I  urged  that  the  position  taken  in  this  very  important  State  paper  was  inac 
curate,  and  might  be  injurious  to  us  in  the  controversy  in  regard  to  the  Eastern 
boundary  line ;  for,  if  that  treaty  was  to  be  considered  as  a  grant  of  Sovereignty  over 
our  Territory,  it  would  be  urged  that  such  a  grant  ought  to  be  construed  most 
strictly  against  us,  and  thus  that  the  Maine  question  might  be  affected,  and  that  it 
was  historically  a  blunder ;  that  our  Commissioners,  under  the  urgent  advice  of  Mr. 
Jay,  refused  to  enter  upon  the  negotiation  of  that  treaty  unless  we  met  the  British 
Government  as  an  independent  nation;  in  addition,  that  it  distinctly  yields  a 
position  we  had  forever  asserted,  and  sustained  against  the  British  as  to  our  fisheries, 
&c.,  &c. 

"  Mr.  Van  Buren  readily  yielded  to  my  remarks,  only  interrupting  me  to  ask  how 
it  would  interfere  with  the  boundary  question.  I  again  explained,  in  the  manner  I 
have  stated.  He  sat  down  and  wrote  a  letter  to  Eaton,  which  he  read  to  me,  point 
ing  out  the  error.  The  letter  was  sent.  In  an  hour,  Eaton  came  with  Donelson 
(Lewis  having  come  before)  to  our  room.  Van  Buren  asked  him  if  he  had  received 
his  note.  lie  had  not.  Van  Buren  then  explained  to  him  the  error,  and  added, 
'Hamilton's  keen  intelligence  first  pointed  it  out! — the  paper  must  be  altered.' 
Eaton  produced  it.  I  took  it,  and  referred  to  the  two  places.  All  acquiesced  in  the 
propriety  of  a  change.  This  is  a  very  important  paper,  and  will  be  much  scrutinized. 
If  it  had  gone  forth  as  it  was,  it  would  have  disgraced  its  authors,  and  must  have 
excited  great  distrust  of  the  fitness  of  the  two  Secretaries  to  manage  the  affairs  of 
this  great  Country; — a  distrust  which,  with  all  my  regard  for  the  President,  I  cannot 
help  indulging. 

"  How  many  other  gross  faults  it  may  have,  I  know  not.  I  did  not  examine  it 
with  that  care  always  required  to  make  such  a  paper  what  it  ought  to  be.  These 
faults  were  too  glaring  to  have  escaped  a  tyro  in  our  affairs,  and  I  assure  you  it 
makes  me  tremble,  when  I  reflect  how  unconscious  we  all  are  of  our  needs ;  and 
how  indifferent  some  of  our  public  men  are  to  reading,  and  making  themselves 
masters  of  principles,  and  familiar  with  the  striking  facts  in  the  history  of  our 
country.  If  we  get  through  without  calamity,  it  will  be  by  good  fortune,  by  the 
force  and  simplicity  of  our  machine,  and  the  sincerity  of  our  relations." 

At  this  day,  when  referring  to  this  singular  event,  I  am  more  and  more 
surprised  that  the  Secretary  of  State  and  the  Secretary  of  War  should  have 
been  so  ignorant  of  the  interesting  events  which  occurred  in  Paris,  preliminarily 
to  the  negotiation  of  the  Treaty  of  Peace,  when  Mr.  Jay  so  wisely  and  firmly 
resisted  the  advice  of  Vergennes,  the  French  minister,  to  whom  he  made  this 
memorable  declaration  :  "  That  he  did  not  consider  American  independence  as 
requiring  any  aid  or  validity  from  British  Acts.  If  Great  Britain  treated  with 
them  as  with  any  other  nation,  on  a  footing  of  equality,  that  would  be  suf 
ficient."  And  the  remarkable  declaration  of  George  III.  to  Lord  Shelburne : 
"  The  point  next  my  heart,  and  which  I  am  determined,  be  the  consequence 
what  it  may,  never  to  relinquish  but  with  my  crown  and  life,  is  to  prevent  a 
total  unequivocal  recognition  of  the  independence  of  America." 

Mr.  Jay's  frank  and  manly  firmness  overcame  all  this  obstinacy ;    and  Mr 
Oswald,  on  the  21st  September,  1782,  received  a  second  commission  author- 


136  REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES  A.  HAMILTON. 

izing  him  to  treat  and  conclude  with  any  commissioners  vested  -with  equal 
powers,  "  by  and  on  the  part  of  the  Thirteen  United  States  of  America,  a  peace 
or  truce  with  the  United  States. "  That  this  epoch  of  our  history,  so  remark 
ably  manifesting  the  tenacity  of  George  III.,  the  want  of  fidelity  on  the  part  of 
France  or  her  minister  Vergennes,  and  so  honorable  to  the  American  Com 
missioners,  was  not  reached  by  the  studies  of  the  Secretary  of  State  or  the 
Secretary  of  War  of  the  United  States,  is  perhaps  as  remarkable  as  any  other 
event  in  the  history  of  the  high  officials  of  our  Government  up  to  that  period. 

To  A  DISCREET  FRIEND. 

"  WASHINGTON,  April  23,  1829. 

"  MY  DEAR  SIR  :  Last  evening,  after  I  returned  from  a  party  at  Carrie  Patterson's, 
I  wrote  to  you  a  letter  of  four  sheets  upon  a  matter  of  public  importance  ;  indeed, 
so  much  so  that  I  dared  not  trust  it  to  the  mail.  Should  a  very  good  private  con 
veyance  offer,  I  will  avail  myself  of  it.  I  will  only  add,  lest  you  should  be  excited 
by  the  hesitancy,  that  as  it  regards  myself,  it  is  creditable  to  me,  and  tends  greatly 
to  induce  a  wish  to  keep  me  here.  I  am  to-day  to  dine  with  Yaughan,  to  celebrate 
the  King's  birthday.  I  will,  when  I  return,  unless  my  loyalty  should  induce  me  to 
drink  too  deep,  give  you  an  account  of  the  feast  and  all  that  occurs  worthy  of  remark. 
To-day  the  appointments  will  be  made  for  New  York.  The  President  said  to  me : 
'  I  am  anxious  to  do  that  work  in  order  to  have  the  pleasure  of  rendering  to  you  a 
service  in  some  measure  approaching  to  those  you  have  rendered  to  rne.'  I  thanked 
him  most  heartily. 

"  I  am  very  tired  of  being  here,  among  other  reasons  because  I  am  cruelly 
disappointed  at  the  manner  in  which,  and  to  the  extent  removals  and  appointments 
are  made." 

To  THE  SAME. 

"April  29,  1829. 

"  McLane  is  quite  alarmed  lest  he  should  be  unable  to  do  anything  in  England. 
He  has  presented  all  sorts  of  advantages  to  me  to  induce  me  to  go  with  him ;  and 
at  length  proposes  that  there  should  be  a  special  mission,  and  that  I  should  be  a 
commissioner  with  him  ;  which  would  make  me  Envoy  Extraordinary  and  Minister 
Plenipotentiary  ;  and  after  a  treaty  is  formed,  that  I  should  remain  with  that  title 
and  as  a  resident  minister.  To  that  I  would  consent;  and  he  is  determined  to 
exert  himself  in  the  matter  with  all  his  power.  I  do  not  think  it  can  be  brought 
about :  but,  if  it  should  be,  I  do  not  think  I  could  refuse.  I  told  him  it  would  be  a 
great  sacrifice.  He  replied  that  I  could  get  the  same,  or  as  good  an  office  as  that  I 
now  have  (District-Attorney)  on  my  return." 

To  THE  SAME. 

"WASHINGTON,  April  24,  1829. 

"The  President  has  sent  an  order  for  my  appointment  as  District- Attorney. 
The  rest  of  the  news  you  will  hear  soon  enough.  The  appointment  of  Swartwout 
has  quite  annoyed  Yan  Buren,  who  yesterday  sent  a  strong  argument  to  the  President 
against  Swartwout's  appointment.  It  is  well,  if  it  were  to  be,  that  it  is  done  ;  and 
now  I  dismiss  it  as  a  painful  subject  from  my  mind,  and  I  hope  the  Secretary  will, 
as  I  have  advised  him,  do  the  same." 


EEMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON.  137 

FROM  JAMES  A.  HAMILTON  TO  A  DISCREET  FRIEND. 

"  WASHINGTON,  May,  1829. 

"  To-day,  Van  Buren  received  a  letter  from  Butler,  declining  his  last  and  most  pres 
sing  request  to  come  here.  This  absolutely  cut  him  down  ;  and  as  a  mark  of  his  regard 
for  me,  I  repeat  what  passed  when  he  read  the  letter.  He  turned  to  me  and  said : 
'  What  shall  I  do ;  how  much  I  regret  to  lose  you.  However,  that  cannot  be  helped ; 
you  must  not  leave  me  until  we  get  through  with  the  instructions  to  England  and 
France.'  I  referred  him  to  the  middle  of  the  month  as  the  period  of  my  departure. 
He  replied,  '  Oh,  my  dear  friend,  what  shall  I  do  without  you ;  but  stop,  say  no 
more  of  that  at  present ;  let  us  go  to  our  work.'  I  declare  to  you,  his  friendship 
for,  and  apparent  dependence  upon  me,  for  his  comfort  (if  nothing  more),  is  so  great 
as  to  make  me  almost  sad  when  I  think  of  leaving  him,  and  particularly  believing, 
as  I  do,  how  useful  I  am  to  him." 

"  WASHINGTON,  May  12, 1829. 

"As  the  time  for  my  departure  approaches,  Van  Bnren  draws  closer  to  me ;  I 
feel  real  regret  at  leaving  him  ;  more,  indeed,  than  I  could  have  supposed.  He  often 
says,  '  When  you  are  gone,  what  shall  I  do  for  a  companion !  We  could  live  cheer 
fully  and  happily  together  for  ever,  could  we  not? '  His  inquiries  after  my  health, 
and  advice  to  remain  in-doors  and  take  care  of  myself,  are  of  the  most  winning 
character;  never  did  there  exist  more  entire  confidence  between  two  men  than 
there  is  between  us.  I  am  just  now  preparing  instructions  for  the  ministers  to 
France  and  England,  and  for  Lee  as  Consul-General  to  the  Barbary  Powers." 

JAMES  A.  HAMILTON  TO  WILLIAM  COLEMAN. 

"  WASHINGTON,  May  6,  1829. 

"DEAR  SIR:  Your  letter  of  the  4th  inst.  is  received,  and  I  reply  to  all  its 
points.  In  the  first  place,  I  cannot  leave  this  city  until  the  15th  inst.,  and  perhaps 
not  quite  as  soon  as  that,  although  I  am  as  anxious  as  you  can  possibly  conceive  to 
get  home.  My  detention  is  caused  by  my  having  been  engaged  in  some  public 
matters  which  I  have  not  completed,  and  to  throw  up  which,  and  thus  commit  them 
to  new  hands,  would  produce  very  inconvenient  delay.  In  addition,  I  am  disposed, 
although  at  a  sacrifice  of  my  personal  convenience,  to  give  myself  the  advantage  of 
completing  these  works.  So  much  for  that.  *  *  *  As  to  the  displeasure  of  Duer  and 
Bunner,  to  which  you  refer,  it  is  certainly  causeless.  The  President's  mind  was 
made  up  at  an  early  day  on  that  subject,  and  nothing  could  have  changed  him. 
A  letter  was  written  by  some  person  in  New  York  informing  him  of  the  intimacy 
between  King  and  Duer,  and  saying,  as  the  President  told  me,  that  unless  Duer 
was  removed  all  the  declarations  as  to  reform  would  be  considered  as  illusory  and 
deceptive.  He  told  me  this  with  a  tone  and  energy  which  seemed  to  have  its 
origin  in  some  matter  of  deep  feelings.  More  of  all  this  when  we  meet. 

"  Your  letter  to  the  President  must  not  be  published,  as  much  has  already  been 
said  on  the  subject  of  Swartwout's  appointment.  It  stands  well  as  you  placed  it  in 
the  paper  of  Monday.  *  *  *  The  appointment  to  which  the  President  referred  was 
that  of  Swartwout  as  Collector." 


138  REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON. 

The  Minister  to  France.  The  President,  shortly  after  his  inauguration,  offer 
ed  this  mission  to  his  friend  the  Hon.  Edward  Livingston,  then  a  Senator  of 
the  United  States.  His  delay  in  accepting  or  declining  the  office  em 
barrassed  and  indeed  displeased  the  President.  However,  about  the  7th  of  May, 
a  letter  was  received  at  the  Department  from  that  gentleman  declining  the  place. 

I  relate  the  following  to  show  from  what  slight  causes  honors  are  sometimes 
conferred. 

"When  Livingston's  letter  was  received,  I  suggested  to  Van  Buren  that  it 
would  be  well  to  select  another  person  immediately,  in  order  to  avoid  the  pres 
sure  of  applicants ;  that  William  C.  Rives  was  a  fit  man  for  the  place ;  that 
his  appointment  would  gratify  Virginia,  and  thus  you  will  have  an  opportunity 
to  prove  that  you  "  know  how  to  keep  as  well  as  to  make  friends."  He  assent 
ed,  and  asked  me  to  go  to  the  President  and  urge  his  appointment.  I  took 
Livingston's  letter.  The  President  said,  "  Well,  I  am  glad  he  has  decided  at 
last."  I  suggested  that  it  was  important  to  make  an  immediate  selection,  and 
that  Rives  was  a  proper  man.  He  said,  "  Do  you  know  him — is  he  competent — 
what  does  Van  Buren  say  ?"  I  replied,  he  thinks  the  selection  will  be  a  good 
one.  "  Well,  I  am  satisfied ;  but  before  the  place  is  offered,  do  you  write  to 
him  to  know  whether  he  will  accept.  I  will  not  have  these  things  hanging  so 
long."  I  wrote  to  Rives  immediately,  who  replied  as  follows,  on  the  14th  of 
May,  when  the  appointment  was  made. 

"I  had  the  pleasure  of  receiving  by  the  last  mail  your  very  acceptable  letter  of 
the  7th  inst.  enclosing  one  to  Mrs.  Rives"  (she  it  was  who  had  said  to  me  that '  Van 
Buren  knew  how  to  make  friends,  but  not  how  to  keep  them.1)  *'  *  *  "  Permit  me, 
my  dear  sir,  to  return  you  my  own  thanks  for  the  friendly  interest  you  have  been  so 
good  as  to  take  in  my  fortunes ;  and  to  assure  you  that  the  cordial  sanction  of  such 
minds  as  yours  to  the  act  of  my  selection  for  an  important  and  delicate  service 
materially  enhances  the  gratification  arising  from  it  to  my  own  feelings.  A  letter  I 
had  the  honor  to  address  a  few  days  ago  to  our  distinguished  friend  the  Secre 
tary  of  State,  has  no  doubt  put  you  in  possession  of  my  decision  on  the  offer  made  to 
me." 

A  LETTER  TO  A  FRIEND. 

"  May,  1829. 

"  Mr.  Livingston  came  on  here  in  great  haste.  lie  d'ned  with  us  (Van  Buren 
and  J.  A.  II.)  I  verily  believe  his  object  was  to  ascertain  whether  lie  could  not  still 
take  the  mission  to  France.  That  was  out  of  the  question,  inasmuch  as  it  had  been 
offered  to  Mr.  Rives.  He  DO\V  wishes  John  Tillotson  to  be  appointed  consul  at 
Havre,  and  Davesac,  his  brother-in-law,  to  get  a  place.  All  is  getting  on  well.  I 
am  very  busy." 

JAMES  A.  HAMILTON  TO  A  DISCREET  FRIEND. 

"  May  10,  1829. 

"  Van  Buren  and  I  are  invited  to  dine  to-morrow  with  the  President  to  meet  the 
Danish  Governor  Von  Scholten. 


REMINISCENCES  OP  JAMES  A.  HAMILTON.         139 

"During  the  last  two  days  I  have  devoted  myself  to  the  examination  of  French  and 
English  correspondence ;  and  to  make  notes  of  instructions  to  he  forwarded  to  our  new 
ministers  at  those  Courts.  When  this  is  done,  I  have  done.  I  have,  however,  found 
much  further  and  other  employment,  which  will  keep  me  in  Washington  until  June. 

"  This  city  is  in  an  uproar  of  excitement  owing  to  removals  from  office.  That 
operation  comes  home  to  the  interests  and  social  arrangements  of  many  in  this 
communit}1-,  and  makes  all  who  hold  office,  tremble.  Van  Buren  is  still  harping 
upon  keeping  me  here.  He  has  determined,  and  the  President  acquiesces,  that>in 
the  first  message  it  he  recommended  that  instead  of  a  Home  Department  an  under 
Secretary  of  State  he  appointed  (salary  $3,500)  with  a  chief  and  other  clerks ;  and 
this  office  he  says  I  must  take — having  then  enjoyed  the  District  Attorney's  office 
one  year.  So,  you  see,  he  is  bent  upon  having  me  here." 


CHAPTER    VI. 

FROM  APRIL  23,  1829— DECEMBER  16,  1830. 

Mr.  Hamilton  appointed  District  Attorney  for  the  Southern  District  of  New  York — 
Difficulties  of  the  Position — Judgment  against  Edward  Livingston — Its  Settle 
ment — Letters  from  Martin  Van  Buren — Instructions  to  Ministers  Paves  and 
McLane — Mr.  Rhind's  Negotiations  with  the  Porte — Mr.  Van  Buren  on  the 
Newspapers — The  Eaton  Affair  considered  in  the  Cabinet — A  Long  Account 
by  Mr.  Van  Buren — General  Jackson's  Message — The  National  Bank — General 
Jackson  and  Congress — Memorial  on  the  German  Trade. 

THE  office  of  District  Attorney  of  the  United   States  for  the    Southern 

District  of  New  York  was  conferred  upon  me  by  President  Jackson  on  the 

_  23d  of  April,   1829.     Having  remained  in  Washington,  assisting  Mr.  Van 

Buren,  Secretary  of  State,  during  April  and  May,  1829,  on  the  8th  of  June, 

1829,  I  left  Washington  to  enter  upon  the  arduous  duties  of  that  office. 

The  evening  of  the  day  before  I  left  Washington,  I  went  to  take  leave  of 
the  President.  He  said  to  ine  :  "  Go  to  the  duties  of  your  office,  and  make 
as  much  money  as  you  can ;  but  remember,  you  are  to  be  always  at  my  com 
mand.  Branch  (Secretary  of  the  Navy)  will  not  hold  that  office  long,  and 
when  he  retires,  you  will  be  called  upon  to  take  his  place.  I  want  you  to  be 
near  me." 

Having  essentially  withdrawn  from  the  practice  of  the  law  for  over  six 
years,  and  never  having  been  a  proficient  even  in  the  ordinary  course  of  the 
profession,  I  was  now  called  upon  to  renew  a  profession,  the  difficulties  of  which 
were  increased  by  the  fact  that  they  involved  an  accurate  knowledge  of  the 
laws  of  the  United  States ;  of  the  course  of  commercial  affairs ;  of  the  laws 
particularly  applicable  thereto  ;  and  also  of  the  criminal  law. 

In  addition  to  the  ordinary  cases  of  suits  on  duty,  bonds,  prosecutions  for 
forfeitures,  of  which  there  were  many,  I  found  several  long  pending  suits 
against  defaulting  public  officers. 

The  following  incident  will  show  how  ignorantly  or  loosely  the  affairs  of 
the  Treasury  Department  were  conducted.  My  friend,  Edward  Livingston, 


REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON.  141 

was  indebted  to  the  United  States  to  a  large  amount,  for  which  there  was  a 
judgment  on  record  against  him  in  the  United  States  Court  in  New  York. 
He  came  to  my  office  in  New  York  with  a  letter  dated  20th  August,  1829, 
addressed  to  me  officially,  signed  by  S.  Pleasanton,  an  agent  of  the  Treasury,  by 
which  I  was  informed  that  a  satisfactory  arrangement  having  been  made  by  the 
attorney  of  the  United  States  at  New  Orleans,  for  the  payment  of  the  balance 
of  the  judgment  standing  against  Edward  Livingston  in  my  district,  which 
balance  was  stated  to  be  $9,511.47,  I  was  directed  to  enter  satisfaction  on 
that  judgment.  As  the  letter  was  handed  to  me  and  read,  (having  been  in 
formed  by  a  letter  addressed  to  me  by  Mr.  Livingston,  dated  June  16,  1829, 
that  "  the  debt  was  to  be  paid  by  the  assignment  of  property  in  New  Orleans,") 
I  told  him  I  could  not  enter  satisfaction  of  that  judgment  on  that  letter,  as  no 
officer  of  the  Government  had  a  right  (unless  authorized  by  an  act  of  Congress 
to  do  so)  to  receive  anything  but  money  in  payment  of  a  debt  to  the  Govern 
ment,  and  that  his  letter  of  June  16  had  conveyed  to  me  the  knowledge  of  the 
fact  that  the  judgment  was  not  thus  paid.  He  earnestly  urged  me  to  obey  the 
order  of  the  agent,  insisting  that  it  was  not  my  duty  to  look  into  the  kind  of 
settlement  which  was  made  with  the  attorney  at  New  Orleans.  I,  however, 
entertained  a  different  opinion  ;  and  although  very  much  disposed  to  serve  him, 
I  persisted  in  declining  to  discharge  the  judgment.  He  returned  to  Washing 
ton,  and  shortly  afterwards  I  received  a  letter  from  the  Solicitor  of  the  Trea 
sury  directing  me  to  enter  satisfaction  of  the  judgment  in  favor  of  the  United 
States  agent,  Edward  Livingston,  the  debt  having  been  paid.  This  being  im 
perative,  I  drew  a  satisfaction  of  the  judgment  in  the  usual  form  on  the  back 
of  the  letter,  filed  the  same,  and  thus  the  judgment  was  cancelled. 

Subsequently,  Mr.  Ogden  Hoffman,  District  Attorney,  examining  the 
records  in  relation  to  that  indebtedness,  and  finding  the  satisfaction  piece  thus 
written,  asked  me  why  I  used  the  Solicitor's  note  for  that  purpose.  I  replied 
that  I  did  so  because  I  intended  that  the  authority  under  which  I  had  entered 
satisfaction  of  that  judgment  should  always  go  along  with  that  fact,  believing, 
as  I  did,  that  this  was  an  official  means  of  getting  over  a  difficulty,  and  thus 
doing  a  favor  to  a  gentleman  who  was  a  personal  friend  of  the  President,  and 
who  could  not  receive  the  salary  of  office  so  long  as  that  judgment  was  in  force. 
It  was  a  piece  of  jugglery  with  which  I  did  not  choose  to  be  supposed  to  be 
connected. 

MARTIN  VAN  BUREN  TO  J.  A.  HAMILTON. 

"  WASHINGTON,  July  13,  1829. 

"MyDEAH  HAMILTON:  I  last  evening  put  the  last  sentence  to  Mr.  Eives'  in 
structions.  They  are  now  in  the  hands  of  the  copyist,  and  will  be  ready  for  submis 
sion  to  the  President  when  he  returns  on  Wednesday.  I  assure  you  I  am  very 
happy  in  having  gotten  through  these  works.  I  hoped  to  have  made  Mr.  Rives' 
shorter,  but  by  a  singular  result,  they  will  not  vary  three  pages.  I  found  it  indis- 


142  REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES  A.  HAMILTON. 

pensably  necessary  to  throw  the  whole  French  affair  in  a  new  form.  I  shall  go  up 
to  McLane's  in  a  few  days,  and  have  some  idea  of  accompanying  him  to  the  ship  at 
the  mouth  of  the  Delaware,  but  thai?  is  uncertain.  If  I  send  Mr.  Elves'  instruc 
tions  to  him  at  New  York,  you  have  my  permission  to  ask  him  to  show  them  to 
you,  and  the  same  with  McLane.  The  latter  gentleman  was  much  pleased  with  his, 
and  evidently  felt  that  his  business  was  much  simplified,  and  of  course  went  imme 
diately  to  worrying  himself  about  his  passage,  and  in  regard  to  which  lie  has 
suffered  Mr.  E.  to  put  him  in  the  wrong.  For  a  truly  great  man,  he  has  more  little 
ness  about  him  than  usual.  I  found  the  subject  of  particular  directions  to  Mr.  E.. 
in  regard  to  the  claims,  very  embarrassing.  I  trust  you  will  think  I  have  got  over 
it  very  well.  I  mean  to  write  to  the  claimants  to  appoint  a  committee  with  full 
power  to  commit  them  by  their  opinion  and  advice,  with  whom  I  will  consult,  if  it 
should  become  necessary.  I  know  these  people  well.  Get  for  them  what  you  may, 
and  they  will  grumble  just  as  much  for  the  residue  as  if  they  had  received  nothing, 
•whilst,  in  advance,  they  would  be  satisfied  with  much  less.  But  I  do  not  wish  to 
give  publicity  to  this.  I  am  amused  with  the  rabid  virulence  of  Charles  King.  His 
last  display  of  little  malice  is  evinced  in  the  republication  of  toasts  which  John 
McLane  got  some  canal  contractors  at  Georgetown  to  father,  to  revenge  himself  on 
our  ministers  for  refusing  to  take  him  as  Secretary.  *  *  * 

"  The  General  grows  upon  me  every  day.  I  can  fairly  say  that  I  have  become 
quite  enamored  with  him.  Write  me  often.  I  was  much  pleased  with  your  inter 
view  with  Mr.  Gallatin.  His  remarks  were  very  important  to  sustain  me  in  case  of 
misfortune  in  a  course  I  had  determined  to  pursue,  because  it  was  plainly  unavoid 
able.  But  you  will  see  that  I  have  looked  at  it  in  both  aspects  without  materially 
weakening  either.  What  a  farrago  of  matters  here ! 

"  Yours  truly." 

"P.  S. — Mr.  Calvert  visits  me  often.  lie  damns  us  up  hill  and  down  for  re 
ducing  the  value  of  real  estate  in  Washington.  He  says,  that  if  we  were  to  put  it 
to  the  vote  in  the  district,  we  would  not  get  more  votes  than  Mr.  Owen  did  in  his 
contest  with  Campbell." 

PRESIDENT  JACKSON  TO  JAMES  A.  HAMILTON. 

"  WASHINGTON,  July  15,  1829. 

"  DEAR  SIE:  Your  letter  of  July  10,  marked  confidential,  I  received  on  my  re 
turn  from  Point  Comfort,  for  which  I  thank  you.  I  have  this  moment  enclosed  it 
to  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  for  his  guide.  With  the  compliments  of  myself 
and  family  to  you  and  yours,  I  remain,  dear  sir,  your  friend,  &c." 

MR.  VAN  BUREN  TO  J.  A.  HAMILTON. 

WASHINGTON,  July  18,  1829. 

MY  DEAR  SIR  :  Thank  Mr.  Huygens  for  his  suggestions.  It  is  easy  to  say  that  it 
will  not  do  for  us  to  let  any  other  power  occupy  Cuba;  but,  my  dear  sir,  who  is  to 
take  the  responsibility  of  preventing  it,  should  the  attempt  be  made?  Surely,  not  the 
President.  He  can  only  remonstrate.  To  this  end  I  shall,  after  my  return,  write  a 
letter  to  McLane,  Eives,  and  Everett,  or  Van  Ness,  directing  them  what  to  say  upon 
the  subject  to  the  Powers  to  which  they  are  accredited.  My  hope  and  belief  is,  that 


REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON.  143 

the  expedition  against  Mexico  will  altogether  fail,  and  that  Mexico  will  not  feel  her 
self  strong  enough  to  attempt  Cuba,  with  a  full  knowledge  that  she  could  not  be  al 
lowed  to  possess  it  long  if  she  succeeded  in  conquering  it  in  the  first  instance,  and  with 
reason  to  believe  that  it  would  be  the  means  of  involving  herself  with  other  Powers. 
I  am  well  satisfied  with  my  instructions,  but  you  will  now  see  them  and  judge  for 
yourself. 

''•  You  will  see  by  the  articles  which  have  already  appeared  upon  the  subject  of  the 
negotiation  of  a  tariff,  how  much  sensibility  there  is  in  the  public  mind  upon  that  sub 
ject.  A  very  ridiculous  article  was  inserted  in  the  Telegraph  by  one  of  the  individ 
uals  left  by  General  Green  in  charge  of  the  paper,  upon  which  Gales  has  seized  with 
much  address.  It  will  be  corrected  in  to-day's  Telegraph.  I  shall  leave  here  for 
McLane's  on  Wednesday  morning.  AY  ill  stay  there  a  day  or  two  and  return  to  Wash 
ington  by  Cape  May.  I  wrote  to  Cambreling,  advising  him  and  you  to  meet  me  at 
Delaware,  and  to  take  a  trip  to  the  Cape  with  me.  If  you  do  not  apprehend  that  a 
meeting  with  the  anti-tariff  champion  at  such  a  place  would,  in  connection  with  what 
has  already  been  said,  furnish  food  for  newspaper  speculation,  I  should  like  to  have 
you  come. 

"  Cam.  would  turn  up  his'nose  at  this  in  great  contempt,  but  there  is  more  in. 
small  matters  than  he  is  always  aware  of,  although  he  is  really  a  sensible  and  useful 
man.  *  *  *  * 

"  In  haste,  yours  truly." 

MARTIN  VAN  BUREN  TO  JAMES  A.  HAMILTON. 

"  WASHINGTON,  August  13,  1829. 

"  MY  DEAR  Sm :  Baron  Krudner  left  here  this  morning,  in  all  respects  well  satis 
fied.  He  made  no  complaints,  nor  had  he  cause  for  any.  There  is  a  Mr.  Khind  here, 
whom  we  have  appointed  Consul  at  Odessa.  He  has  been  very  strongly  recommended 
— appears  to  be  a  very  sensible,  worthy,  man,  and,  between  us,  I  have  it  in  contem 
plation  to  associate  with  him  OiSey  to  renew  the  negotiation  with  the  Porte.  I  am 
persuaded  I  can  succeed.  Krudner  is  anxious  that  he  should.  Enquire  about  Rhind, 
and  let  me  know.  The  President  is  much  better,  and  keeps  us  hard  at  work.  He  is 
determined  to  do  all  the  good  he  can.  We  are  trying  to  get  him  off  to  the  Rip-Raps 
for  a  few  weeks,  and  shall  succeed.  Why  is  it  that  the  Courier  and  Post  are  so  in 
cessant  in  their  attacks  upon  Don  Miguel  ?  Mr.  Brent's  dispatches  in -regard  to  him 
are  much  more  favorable.  He  says  (and  there  is  no  doubt  of  it),  that  the  publications 
of  that  character  in  the  English  papers  are  the  result  of  combined  efforts  from  the 
opposition  at  home.  Mr.  Torlarde  becomes  very  uneasynand  his  feelings  are  the  more 
excited  by  the  circumstance  of  the  arrival  and  presentation  of  the  new  Charge  from 
Brazil.  We  shall  soon  have  to  decide.  I  fear,  my  dear  sir,  I  shall  give  you  too  much 
trouble  about  my  affairs. 

u  In  haste,  yours,  &c. 

"  P.  S.  Ask  our  good  friends  the  Huygenses  when  they  are  coming  home,  and 
what  I  can  do  for  them.  Tell  them  Washington  is  the  healthiest  place  in  the  known 
world— at  least  so  I 'try  to  make  myself  think." 

"WASHINGTON,  Septembers,  1829. 

"  The  credulity  of  the  public  in  regard  to  the  numerous  dissensions  in  the  present 
Cabinet  is  amusing,  and  so  far  as  it  relates  to  our  friends  mortifying.  You  are  able 


144  REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES  A.  HAMILTON. 

to  appreciate  the  means  I  possess  to  form  an  accurate  judgment  upon  the  matter, 
and  if  you  think  my  statements  entitled  to  confidence,  and  are  disposed,  as  I  have  no 
doubt  you  will  be,  to  check  silly  desires  of  the  enemy,  I  beg  you  to  say,  as  in  truth 
you  may,  that  there  is  not  a  particle  of  truth  in  any  of  those  inventions  of  a  despair 
ing  and  discredited  faction.  There  has  been  no  question  decided  by  the  Govern 
ment  since  the  4th  of  March  upon  which  the  slightest  diversity  of  opinion  has  exist 
ed  between  the  different  members  of  the  Cabinet  ;  between  the  President  and  them 
collectively,  and  between  them  individually,  the  utmost  harmony  and  the  kindest 
feelings  exist,  and  they  are  all  sedulously  engaged,  each  in  his  respective  sphere,  in 
laboring  to  deserve  the  approbation  of  those  by  whom  they  have  been  selected  to 
serve.  No  ground  for  your  apprehensions,  if  the  strictness  of  my  principles  did  not 
of  itself  afford  sufficient  security. 

"  The  President  spoke  very  affectionately  of  you  to-day,  as  did  Mr.  Vaughan, 
whom  I  begin  to  like  more  and  more. 

"  Remember  me  kindly  to  the  ladies.  Keep  a  good  look-out  upon  John,  that  he 
does  not  spend  too  much  money.  lie  has  risen  a  good  deal  in  my  estimation  by  the 
manner  in  which  he  has  attended  to  his  business  at  Oswego.  Truly  yours, 

';M.  VAN  BUREN. 

"JAS.  A.  HAMILTON,  Esq." 

PRESIDENT  JACKSON  TO  JAMES  A.  HAMILTON. 

"  WASHINGTON,  September  11,  1829. 

"  DEAE  SIR  :  It  gives  me  pleasure  to  acknowledge  the  receipt  of  your  favor  of  the 
3d  instant,  and  to  thank  you  for  the  friendly  concern  which  you  have  expressed  for 
my  health. 

"  It  is  my  steady  object  to  administer  the  Government  according  to  the  laics  ;  and 
to  advance  the  good  of  the  country  by  a  faithful  discharge  of  my  duty.  And  should 
Providence  enable  me  to  succeed,  or,  rather,  to  terminate  my  course  far  short  of 
your  favorable  anticipations,  I  shall  be  amply  rewarded  for  the  cares  and  labors 
which  it  imposes  upon  me. 

"  Your  friend  and  obedient  servant." 

M.  VAN  BUREN  TO  J.  A.  HAMILTON. 

"WASHINGTON,  September  11,  1829. 

"DEAR  SIR:  Mr.  B.  Trist  (whom  I  take  pleasure  in  introducing  to  your  kind 
attention)  will  deliver  you  the  papers  for  Mr.  Ehind.  Do  me  the  favor  to  send  for 
him  and  deliver  them  to  him.  It  cannot  be  necessary  to  urge  upon  you  nor  to  ask 
you  to  impress  upon  Mr.  Ehind  the  importance  of  keeping  the  whole  matter  an 
entire  secret.  He  will  not,  I  trust,  make  the  slightest  exception  to  this.  It  is  also 
important  that  he  should  be  off  as  soon  as  possible.  It  has  not  been  thought  neces 
sary  to  make  Mr.  Ehind  an  advance  towards  his  expenses,  as  provision  is  made  fur 
them,  when  he  arrives,  and  as  he  was  going  out  independent  of  his  appointment. 

"In  haste,  your  friend." 

M.  VAN  BUREN  TO  J.  A.  HAMILTON. 

"  WASHINGTON,  September  21,  1829. 
"Mr  DEAR  SIR:  You  are  right  in  respect  to  my  wishes  as  to  Mr.  Pvhind's  de- 


REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES   A.  HAMILTON.  145 

parture.     I  wish  him,  by  all  means,  to  go  as  soon  as  he  can.     The  publication  of  his 
appointment  as  Consul  to  Odessa  will  furnish  a  cover.     ***** 

"Yours,  in  haste." 

M.  VAN  BUREN  TO  J.  A.  HAMILTON. 

"WASHINGTON,  September,  1829. 

"  MY  DEAE  SIR  :  It  cannot  be  necessary  to  trouble  the  President  with  this  affair. 
I  will  answer  for  Worth's  fidelity  to  his  engagements. 

"  What  is  to  be  done  with  the  indiscretion  of  our  Editors  ?  The  last  article  in  the 
Courier  and  Enquirer  is  abominable.  First,  they  abuse  Don  Miguel  incessantly,  and 
without  discretion,  and  when  we  are  upon  the  point  of  acting,  they  endeavor  to 
create  the  impression  that  what  we  may  do  will  be  done  to  annoy  England,  and  that, 
at  a  moment  when  we  are  about  commencing  the  most  delicate  and  important 
negotiations  with  her.  I  told  Mr.  Rhind  that  if  he  hinted  to  Major  Noah  the  sub 
ject  entrusted  to  him,  I  should  see  it  in  the  papers.  The  idle  vanity  of  being  thought 
to  be  in  the  secret  in  relation  to  public  affairs  has  always  been  too  strong  for  any 
considerations  of  discretion,  with  Noah.  Although  he  has  endeavored  to  draw 
public  attention  to  the  subject,  I  am  confident  Mr.  Khind  cannot  have  disregarded 
my  injunctions.  Baron  Krudner  complains  bitterly  of  the  marked  partiality  of  the 
Courier  and  Enquirer,  and  Evening  Post  in  the  publication  of  news  from  the  East, 
and  of  their  severe  denunciations  of  Russia.  Whence  the  necessity  for  this  ?  Russia 
has  always  been  the  friend  of  the  United  States,  and  wishes  now  to  cultivate  the 
best  relations  with  us,  and  may  in  a  possible,  not  to  say  probable,  result  of  the  war 
in  the  East,  be  highly  useful  to  us.  I  told  him  that  we  had  nothing  to  do  with  the 
papers,  could  not  control  them  if  we  would,  and  must  not  be  held  responsible  for 
their  acts;  and  I  am  strongly  tempted  to  cause  such  a  declaration  to  be  made  in  the 
Telegraph.  It  is  difficult  to  make  any  but  the  English  understand  the  character  of 
the  Press  in  this  Country,  and  its  relation  to  the  Government. 

"I  wish  you  would  speak  to  Bennett,  from  whose  prudence  I  expect  much; — 
beg  him  to  discard  the  miserable  vanity  of  speculating  in  advance  upon  the  special 
movements  of  the  Government  for  the  purpose  of  being  supposed  to  be  advised  of 
them — to  state  foreign  news  fairly  and  frankly,  without  embarking  in  foreign  feel 
ings;  doing  justice  to  all  and  remarking  with  calmness  and  impartiality  upon  the 
credit  that  is  due  to  the  different  accounts  and  probable  results,  without  embarking 
on  the  side  of  either !  We  have  friendly  relations  with  all,  and  desire  to  maintain 
them. 

"Although  it  is  wiser  to  avoid  following  the  account  of  English  papers,  there  is 
no  necessity  for  avowing,  as  was  done  in  the  Enquirer,  ****** 

"  The  President  never  was  better.  lie  wants  more  and  better  pens,  and  the 
price  of  them,  so  that  he  can  pay,  which,  you  know,  is  an  affair  of  principle  with  him. 

"  Try  a  gold  one — such  were  Mr.  Jefferson's. 

"  Yours,  cordially." 

M.  VAN  BUREN  TO  J.  A.  HAMILTON. 

"  September  24,  1829. 

"My  DEAR  HAMILTON:  I  have  been  a  little  indisposed  for  a  few  days,  but  con 
stantly  at  work,  and  am  now  ready  for  Van  Ness,  whom  I  expect  here  in  a  day  or 
10 


146  REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON. 

two.  I  am  obliged  by  your  suggestions  in  relation  to  the  expressions  in  the  docu 
ment  submitted  to  your  inspection.  It  was  looked  into  at  the  time  by  Mr.  Brent, 
Mr.  N.  Trist,  and  myself,  and  we  concluded  that  either  expression  was  allowable, 
and  that  such  appeared  to  be  the  sense  of  others.  Although  no  great  judge  in  such 
matters,  I  like  to  see  things  right.  Eaton  has  a  mode  of  expression  peculiar  to  him 
self,  but  I  understand  is  generally  found  strictly  correct  when  looked  into.  I  have 
found  it  so,  when  I  quarrelled  with  him  for  his  peculiarities. 

"  I  have  the  greatest  confidence  in  our  friend  Huygens  in  all  respects,  but  he  is 
wrong  in  this  case.  Brent,  at  Lisbon,  was  instructed  to  establish  an  intercourse 
with  the  government  in  fact,  however  constituted.  All  that  I  had  to  do,  was  to  be 
well  advised  of  the  facts, — that  was  done  by  writing  to  Brent,  whose  report  repels 
all  idea  of  a  change,  and  shows  that  the  reports  about  Don  Miguel  are  in  a  great 
degree  the  result  of  combination  and  design  on  the  part  of  his  opponents.  If  you 
look  at  the  English  papers,  you  will  find  that  they  are  evidently  preparing  the  public 
mind  for  his  resignation.  They  say  we  have  no  right  to  interfere  with  him.  No 
oiher  Power  has  shown  a  disposition  to  do  so,  and  Portugal  is  quiet.  "What  then 
are  we  to  do  ?  We  must  have  intercourse  with  his  government,  and  are  we  to  act 
like  children,  pouting  and  saying,  '  You  have  behaved  naughty,  and  therefore  we 
won't  speak  to  you,  except  so  far  as  is  actually  necessary.'  Mr.  Torlarde  received 
instructions  from  his  government  to  come  home  if,  contrary  to  our  known  principles, 
his  recognition  was  longer  delayed — but  he  has  behaved  extremely  well.  The  only 
grounds  upon  which  we  could  further  refrain  must  be  the  legitimacy  of  his  title  or 
.his  overthrow  of  the  Constitution.  The  first  would  be  madness,  and,  acting  upon 
the  last,  we  ought  for  the  same  reason  to  refuse  diplomatic  relations  with  Spain  and 
France.  I  have  told  him  I  would  settle  the  question  early  next  week. 

"  You  are  right  as  to  the  inexpediency  of  publishing  Mr.  Rhind's  appointment. 
.It  was  done  by  mistake,  but  without  much  fault, — but  I  believe  it  will  do  no  harm. 
They  will  talk  about  it  a  week  or  two,  and  then  they  will  forget  it.  Everything 
will  depend  upon  the  State  of  the  "War  when  he  reaches  there.  If  the  Eussians  are 
successful,  our  success  is  certain. 

"lam  much  embarrassed  about  Poinsett. — My  last  accounts  from  Vera  Cruz 
:say  that  liis  house  is  protected  by  Mexican  troops,  and  bring  a  very  spirited  and 
able  address  of  his  in  replying  to  the  resolution  of  the  Mexican  State  Government 
instructing  their  members  in  Congress  to  move  his  expulsion.  The  vote  in  Congress 
was  23  to  19,  which  appears  to  be  the  state  of  parties  in  the  popular  branch.  In 
•the  Senate  the  opposition  have  the  majority,  the  time  of  their  election  not  having 
expired." 

THE  EATON  AFFAIR  IN  THE  CABINET. 

"  I  would  rather  pull  a  tooth  than  say  a  word  to  you  upon  the  other  subject, 
Although  you  look  at  it  with  higher  views.  I  think  you  have  a  little  of  McLane's 
fondness  for  gossip.  Now,  I  have  so  strong  an  aversion  to  it,  and  that  is  so  well 
known,  that  there  is  perhaps  no  one  in  the  city  who  is  not  better  advised  upon  the 
point  than  I  am.  I  will  state  a  few  general  facts :  It  appears  that  before  the  appoint 
ment  of  the  Cabinet,  General  Jackson  had  been  informed  by  his  friend  Dr.  Ely,  that 
he  had  been  told  by  a  Presbyterian  clergyman  of  standing,  that  Mrs.  Eaton  had  had 
.an  abortion  produced  of  a  child,  of  which  Eaton  was  the  father.  This  was  pressed 


REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES  A.  HAMILTON.  147 

upon  him  through  various  confidential  channels,  and  he  was  so  much  paralyzed  by  it 
that  he  suffered  it  to  come  to  Eaton's  knowledge.  Mrs.  Eaton  immediately  went  to 
Philadelphia  and  demanded  the  author,  which  was  promised  to  be  given  in  due 
time.  After  the  President's  return  to  Washington  from  the  Rip-Raps,  his  clergy 
man,  Dr.  Campbell,  called  upon  him,  and  told  him  that  he  was  the  Presbyterian 
clergyman  referred  to,  and  then  told  him  a  story  that  he  said  had  been  told  him  by 
a  Dr.  Somebody,  who  is  now  dead,  which  contained  a  relation  of  his  having  been 
sent  for,  the  child  being  born  before  he  arrived,  &c.,  &c. — an  extremely  improbable 
tale — which,  ho  said,  he  had  communicated  to  Dr.  Ely  for  good  and  pious  purposes, 
and  from  friendly  motives  to  General  Jackson.  The  General,  with  his  characteristic 
sagacity  and  promptness,  urged  him  to  give  him  the  time  when  that  took  place,  say 
ing  that  this  was  the  first  specific  allegation  that  had  been  made  to  him,  and  that 
although  he  could  not  see  why  the  disclosure  had  been  made  to  him,  he  was  disposed, 
since  such  had  been  the  case,  to  look  into  it ;  and  with  him,  you  know,  to  undertake 
is  to  do. 

"He  found  that  Timberlake  had  been  a  merchant  here,  and  obtained  his  books, 
and  found  by  them  that  he  had  been  in  Washington  during  the  whole  of  the  year 
1821  (the  period,  he  says,  positively  fixed  upon  by  Mr.  Campbell),  and  that  of 
course  there  could  Lave  been  no  inducement  for  such  a  step,  and  the  story  was  conse 
quently  false.  He  then  sent  for  Mr.  Campbell  and  told  him  he  would  satisfy  him  that 
he  had  done  the  woman  injustice,  and  would  then  expect  that,  as  a  minister  of  the 
gospel,  he  would  make  her  all  the  reparation  in  his  power.  It  was  not  controverted 
but  that  his  facts  made  it  out,  that  such  a  thing  could  not  have  happened  in  1821, 
but  Campbell  said  the  President  had  not  understood  him  correctly — that  it  was  in 
'22  or  '23,  I  forget  which.  The  President  denied  this,  and  said  he  could  not  be 
mistaken,  for  he  had  taken  a  memorandum  of  the  date  at  the  time.  The  conduct 
of  Mr.  Campbell  excited  him  considerably,  but  not  so  as  to  induce  him  to  say 
anything  at  which  exception  could  be  taken.  There  were  two  other  allegations, 
viz.,  that  Timberlake  had  cut  his  throat  in  consequence  of  suspicion  of  Eaton,  and 

that  Mrs.  E.  paid  her board  in  New  York  at  Mrs.  Keese's.      Letters  were 

furnished  him  from  several  officers  who  were  with  Timberlake,  which  repelled  the 
idea  that  he  had  any  such  impressions,  and  he  himself  had  received  a  letter  from 
him  on  his  last  cruise,  presenting  him  (General  Jackson)  with  a  Turkish  pipe, 
which  he  (T.)  said  in  his  letter  he  sent  through  his  (Timberlake's)  friend,  Major 
Eaton.  This  was  a  short  time  before  his  death.  Dr.  Ely  had  been  to  New  York, 
and  reported  that  that  story  was  without  foundation.  In  the  meantime,  Dr. 
Campbell  addressed  a  letter  to  the  General,  which  held  out  the  idea  that  the 
General  might  bring  his  official  influence  to  bear  upon  the  matter  to  crush  him,  and 
requested  its  forbearance.  This  led  to  a  correspondence  between  them,  in  which 
the  General  as  usual  got  decidedly  the  advantage.  Thus  things  stood  when  I  received 
a  summons  to  attend  at  his  house  in  the  evening  on  business,  where  I  found  the 
whole  Cabinet  (except  Major  Eaton),  Dr.  Ely  and  Campbell.  The  old  gentleman 
then,  through  Major  Donelson,  read,  first,  his  correspondence  with  Mr.  Campbell, 
second,  a  protocol  of  the  conversation  between  Major  Donelson  (to  whom  Campbell 
had  made  the  first  communication)  and  Campbell — the  letters  from  the  officers,  &c. 
Dr.  Ely  made  a  full  statement  of  his  agency  in  the  matter,  and  expressed  his  con 
viction  of  the  falsity  of  the  New  York  story,  and  testified  loudly  and  emphatically 
to  the  purity  and  exemplary  fairness  of  the  General's  conduct  in  the  whole  business. 


148  REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON. 

The  General  wound  the  matter  up  by  one  of  his  eloquent  speeches,  in  which  he 
stated  the  manner  in  which  he  had  been  persecuted  by  confidential  communications  ; 
the  injustice  he  had  done  Major  Eaton  by  writing  to  him  ;  the  refusal  on  the  part 
of  all  those  who  had  communications  with  him  to  stand  forward  and  justify  what 
they  had  said  ;  his  long  acquaintance  with  Major  Eaton  ;  the  ardor  of  his  friendship 
for  him,  and  his  unlimited  confidence  in  his  honor  and  integrity  ;  Ins  entire  con 
viction  that  Mrs.  Eaton  was  a  virtuous  and  persecuted  woman;  —  declaring  that  his 
object  in  sending  for  us  was  to  repel  the  insinuation  that  he  wished  to  give  the 
subject  a  political  consequence  ;  announcing  his  determination  to  wash  his  hands  of 
it,  and  closing  with  a  tolerably  emphatic  denunciation  against  any  confidential  com 
munications  upon  the  subject  for  the  future.  He  said,  that  if  any  person  had  come 
forward  and  established,  as  he  had  asked  them  to  do,  anything  dishonest  against 
Eaton,  he  would  have  instantly  cast  him  off,  if  he  had  been  the  last  friend  he 
had  in  the  world;  but  that  all  the  world  knew,  and,  if  they  did  not,  they  should, 
that  he  never  abandoned  his  friends  except  for  causes  well  established,  &c.  ;  and 
so,  we  broke  up. 

"He  quit  Mr.  Campbell's  church  because  he  said  he  had  not  acted  like  a  Christian, 
and  his  preaching  would  be  lost  upon  him.  He  now  goes  to  Dr.  Post's,  and  the 
gossips  say  that  he  has  been  driven  from  pillar  to  post,  regarding  Campbell  (of 
whom  I  think  very  lightly)  as  a  pillar  in  the  church.  A  quarrel  between  Eaton 
and  Branch,  from  a  supposition  on  the  part  of  the  former  that  B.  had  not  used  Mr. 
E.  properly,  was  threatened.  All  the  agency  I  have  taken  in  the  matter  has  been 
to  prevent  violence  in  that,  and  one  other,  respect.  It  has  given  rise  to  strong 
feelings  in  that  quarter,  which  may  or  may  not  pass  over.  The  President  has,  since 
that  time,  talked  freely  and  confidentially  with  me  upon  the  subject.  He  feels 
deeply  for  Eaton,  but  is  in  better  health  and  spirits  than  I  ever  knew  him  —  more 
bright,  by  far,  than  when  you  were  here,  and  will  not  do  a  weak  or  imprudent 
thing  of  any  description.  Removals  of  Towson  and  others,  sometimes  reaching 
higher,  are  talked  about  ;  but  you  need  have  no  apprehension  that  the  wheels  of 
Government  will  stop  in  consequence  of  it.  It  has  had  a  tendency  to  check  the 
intermeddling  spirit  of  some,  and,  so  far,  has  done  good. 

"  Now  you  have  the  whole  story. 

"  Your  friend." 

CHARLES  RIIIND  TO  JAMES  A.  HAMILTON. 


YORK,  October  14,  1829. 

"DEAR  SIR:  I  beg  you  to  accept  my  grateful  acknowledgements  for  the  very 
friendly  manner  in  which  you  have  been  pleased  to  introduce  me  to  Commodore 
Biddle. 

"I  shall  send  Mr.  Offley's  letter  to  Mr.  Van  Buren  by  the  mail  of  to-morrow, 
and  if  you  will  do  me  the  favor  to  indorse  the  Bond  (as  Consul),  and  bring  it  with 
you  to  your  office  to-morrow  morning,  I  will  send  both  in  one  enclosure. 

"I  also  ask  the  favor  of  you  to  address  a  note  to  Commodore  Biddle  quoting  Mr. 
Van  Buren's  letter  so  far  as  regards  my  expenses.  I  leave  my  own  private  affairs 
untou2hed,  and  shall  proceed  on  my  mission  with  the  sole  view  of  accomplishing  it, 
leaving  my  commercial  arrangements  entirely  out  of  the  question.  As  Mr.  Van  Buren 
observes,  my  expenses  only  are  to  be  paid,  and  thic  I  wish  the  Commodore  to  under 
stand.  The  remuneration  for  services,  I  leave  entirely  to  the  President  and  Mr.  Van 


REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON.  .       149 

Buren,  and  that  is  a  matter  of  no  importance  in  my  view  of  the  subject, — my  aim 
being  entirely  to  obtain  the  vast  commerce  which  will  afford  life  and  vigor  to  the 
shipping  interest  now  so  much  depressed.  The  immense  importance  of  this  trade 
is  not  known,  but  if  we  succeed  in  making  a  treaty  (of  which  I  have  no  doubt),  I 
venture  to  assert  that  no  administration  since  the  days  of  Washington  will  have 
effected  an  object  of  such  vast  importance;  when  developed,  it  cannot  fail  to  draw 
applause  from  every  quarter  of  the  Union. 

"  I  indulge  the  fond  hope  that  before  Congress  adjourns,  I  shall  return  with  a 
satisfactory  treaty,  opening  to  us  this  immense  field  for  the  enterprise  of  our  citizens ; 
and  I  assure  you,  it  will  be  one  of  the  most  gratifying  circumstances  in  my  whole 
life,  to  be  an  humble  instrument  in  effecting  it.  I  shall  not  return  without  a  treaty 
or  permission  to  open  the  commerce  of  that  sea — and  as  /  must  return  to  make  my 
commercial  arrangements,  and  arrange  my  private  affairs,  I  shall  use  every  effort 
to  be  here  early  in  the  spring. 

"  With  great  respect  and  esteem,  I  am,  dear  sir,  your  obedient  servant. 

"  P.  S.  With  the  exception  of  my  son  and  yourself,  no  one  is  aware  of  my  move 
ments.  I  shall  not  even  take  leave  of  my  family,  but  embark  silently." 

M.  VAN  BUREN  TO  JAMES  A.  HAMILTON. 

"WASHINGTON,  October  15,  1829. 

"DEAR  SIR:  I  hate  to  plague  you,  but  you  may  as  well  die  for  an  old  sheep  as  a 
lamb,  and  I  do  not  know  where  that  reprobate  son  of  mine  is,  but  take  it  for  granted 
he  is  on  his  way.  If  not,  I  wish  you  would  give  him  a  sound  flogging  for  not  writing 
to  me.  Now  for  business. 

"  I  have  just  finished  a  despatch  for  Madrid,  which  I  would  give  a  crown  to  be  able 
to  show  to  you.  Lewis,  whom  I  begin  to  like  very  well,  is  coming  to  New  York. 
For  God's  sake,  enable  him  to  distinguish  the  honest  men  from  the  rogues. 

"How  is  Eliza?  She  is  a  bad  girl  that  she  won't  write  me.  The  President's 
health  really  was  never  better,  nor  mine.  *  *  *  I  have  dined  with  Vaughan 
about  seven  times  this  winter.  He  behaves  extremely  well.  My  business,  though 
unfinished,  has  become  very  easy  and  agreeable,  and  I  am  spending  my  time  very 
pleasantly. 

"Kemember  me  to  Mrs.  IL,  and  don't  forget  to  let  Eliza  spend  the  winter  here. 

"  Yours  truly, 

"  M.  VAN  BUREN. 

"  JAMES  A.  HAMILTON." 

PRESIDENT  JACKSON'S  MESSAGE,  1829. 

In  November,  1829,  Van  Buren,  Lewis,  and  other  friends  of  the  President 
being  embarrassed  in  relation  to  some  parts  of  the  proposed  Message,  and  parti 
cularly  such  parts  as  related  to  the  Bank  of  the  United  States,  urged  me  to  go 
to  "Washington  in  the  hope  that  I  might  be  useful. 

From  a  letter  now  before  me,  addressed  to  a  friend,  written  at  the  Presi 
dent's  house,  Washington,  Nov.  28,  1829,  I  quote  : 

On  my  arrival,  yesterday,  at  half  past  3  o'clock,  I  went  to  Van  Buren's, 


150  REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON. 

and  received  a  most  pleasing  reception;  after  dinner,  I  came  to  the  President's 
house,  where  I  had  a  little  conversation  with  him.  and  an  invitation  to  break 
fast  this  morning;  after  breakfast  the  President  entered  upon  all  his  matters; 
told  me  he  wanted  my  time,  and  in  order  that  I  might  give  it  to  him  with 
greater  facility,  desired  me  to  stay  with  him,  and  designated  a  room  which  I 
am  now  occupying  amid  scraps  and  drafts  of  all  kinds.  I  found  that  the  draft 
of  the  message  was  the  work  of  different  hands.  That  which  referred  to  the 
Indians,  extended  over  several  pages.  The  Bank  of  the  United  States  was 
attacked  at  great  length  in  a  loose,  newspaper,  slashing  style.  I  was  at  work 
until  about  four  o'clock  in  the  morning ;  during  the  night  the  President,  who 
slept  in  an  adjoining  room,  being  awakened  by  my  repairing  my  fire,  came  into 
my  room  in  his  night  gown,  and  said,  "  My  dear  Colonel,  Why  are  you  up  so 
late  ?  "  I  replied,  "  I  am  at  my  work  which  I  mean  to  finish  before  I  sleep." 
He  then  called  his  mulatto  servant,  who  slept  on  a  rug  in  his  room,  to  come 
and  remain  in  my  room  to  keep  the  fire  going.  I  went  to  bed  at  five  o'clock, 
and  at  eight,  having  dressed  myself,  I  went  into  his  room  to  inform  him  that 
the  work  was  finished.  He  asked,  "  What  have  you  said  about  the  Bank  ?  "  I 
replied,  "  Very  little."  I  then  read  what  I  had  written.  "The  charter  of  the 
Bank  of  the  United  States  expires  in  1836,  and  its  stockholders  will  most 
probably  apply  for  a  renewal  of  their  privileges.  In  order  to  avoid  the  evils 
resulting  from  precipitancy  in  a  measure  involving  such  important  principles, 
such  deep  pecuniary  interests,  I  feel  I  cannot  do  justice  to  the  parties  interested 
too  soon,  to  present  it  to  the  deliberate  consideration  of  the  legislature  and  the 
people.  Both  the  constitutionality  and  the  expediency  of  the  law  creating  the 
bank  are  well  questioned  by  a  large  portion  of  our  fellow-citizens ;  and  it  must 
be  admitted  by  all  that  it  has  failed  in  the  great  end  of  establishing  a  uniform 
and  sound  currency."  Wrhen  I  stopped  here,  he  said,  "  Do  you  think  that  is 
all  I  ought  to  say  ?  "  I  answered, "  I  think  you  ought  to  say  nothing  at  present 
about  the  bank." 

He  replied,  "  Oh !  My  friend,  I  am  pledged  against  the  bank,  but  if  you 
think  that  is  enough,  so  let  it  be."  Giving  him  the  message  as  I  had  arranged 
its  various  parts,  and  copied  it,  I  left  it  with  him,  and  returned  to  my  room? 
dressed  myself,  and  went  over  to  Van  Buren's  to  breakfast,  taking  with  me  the 
draft  of  what  I  had  written  in  regard  to  the  bank.  When  I  came  in,  Van 
Buren  said,  "  Well,  Hamilton,  what  is  done  ?  "  I  replied,  "the  work  is  finished. 
I  could  not  induce  him  to  let  me  omit  everything  as  to  the  bank,  and  here  is 
what  he  agrees  to."  I  then  read  the  above  paragraph,  and  said  to  him  :  "  Van 
Buren,  you  are  against  the  bank  on  the  ground  of  its  unconstitutionally."  He 
said,  "Oh  !  no,  I  believe  with  Mr.  Madison  that  the  contemporaneous  recognition 
of  the  constitutional  power  to  establish  a  bank  by  all  the  departments  of  the 
government,  and  with  the  concurrence  of  the  people,  has  settled  that  question  in 
favor  of  the  power."  See  Mr.  Madison's  message  of  the  30th  of  January,  1815. 

A  letter  to  a  friend,  dated,  President's  house,  Monday  evening,  Nov.  30, 
1829,  says  : 


KEMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.HAMILTON.  151 

"I  have  only  time  after  a  long  day's  work  to  write  :  I  am  almost  well ;  and  in 
order  to  be  quite  so,  I  abstain  from  all  wine  and  nearly  all  food. 

"  The  President's  message  now  entirely  engrosses  us,  and  you  will  say  it  must 
have  great  interest,  when  you  learn  that  I  was  at  work  until  12  o'clock  last  night, 
and,  again,  at  7  this  morning,  and  from  that  time  to  this,  without  more  interruption 
than  breakfast  and  dinner.  It  will  be  quite  interesting. 

"J.  A.  HAMILTON." 

I  quote  from  a  letter  to  a  discreet  friend : 

PRESIDENT'S  HOUSE,  3  o'clock  P.  M.,  Dec.  3,  1829. 

"  I  gave  the  President  the  hour  for  a  confidential  conversation  which  he  requested 
last  night,  and  I  now  relate  to  yeu  what  occurred,  in  order  that  it  may  be  preserved 
in  this  form.  After  talking  about  the  message,  the  revision  of  which  I  supposed  I 
had  completed,  which  occupied  me  from  10  to  4  o'clock  in  the  morning,  and  also 
touching  upon  the  difficulties  in  the  cabinet,  growing  out  of  a  certain  delicate  matter, 
he  said,  '  Col.  Hamilton,  I  named  to  you  that  I  wished  to  have  a  confidential  con 
versation  with  you :  what  I  am  now  going  to  say,  I  never  breathed  to  any  human 
being.  You  must  know  that  the  public  mind  is  turned  to  Van  Buren  as  the  Presi 
dent  of  the  United  States,  and  I  am  afraid  that  his  being  Secretary  of  State  will  be 
an  objection  to  him,  for  everything  will  be  done  against  him  by  Calhoun.  Now 
when  he  leaves  the  Cabinet,  which  cannot  be  very  soon,  I  have  determined  you  shall 
(if  you  will)  take  his  place.  It  cannot  be  very  soon,  but  will  be  so.'  I  replied, 
'  General,  in  answer  to  your  suggestion,  I  can  only  say  that  there  is  no  situation 
in  which  you  can  place  me  that  I  am  not  willing  to  serve  you.'  *  Very  well,'  said 
he,  *  so  let  it  rest  until  the  time  arrives.'  "We  then  conversed  upon  sundry  other 
matters.  At  present,  I  make  no  comment  on  this  unexpected  and  singular  sugges 
tion,  but  I  believe  I  understand  it." 

PRESIDENT  JACKSON  TO  JAMES  A.  HAMILTON 

"  WASHINGTON,  December  19,  1829. 

"  MY  DEAR  SIR  :  It  is  a  source  of  much  gratification  to  me  that  the  message  has 
been  so  generally  well  received  both  by  my  friends  and  a  great  portion  of  my  political 
enemies.  I  have  received  from  Virginia,  North  Carolina,  Pennsylvania,  New  York, 
and  Ohio,  very  flattering  congratulations  on  this  subject.  I  was  aware  the  bank 
question  would  be  disapproved  by  all  the  sordid  and  interested  who  prize  self- 
interest  more  than  the  perpetuity  of  our  liberty,  and  the  blessings  of  a  free  republican 
government.  *  *  *  The  confidence  reposed  by  my  country  dictated  to  my  con 
science  that  now  was  the  proper  time,  and,  although  I  disliked  to  act  contrary  to 
the  opinion  of  so  great  a  majority  of  my  cabinet,  I  could  not  shrink  from  a  duty  so 
imperious  to  the  safety  and  purity  of  our  free  institutions  as  I  considered  this  to  be. 
I  have  brought  it  before  the  people,  and  I  have  confidence  that  they  will  do  their 
duty. 

"  I  will  thank  you  for  your  ideas  on  the  details  of  my  proposed  National  Bank. 
First,  as  a  bank  of  deposit  for  the  facility  of  the  transfer  of  public  moneys  and  the 
establishment  of  a  sound  and  uniform  currency,  making,  if  you  please,  the  Custom 
house  a  branch  to  this  National  Bank,  and  attaching  it  to  the  Treasury  Department. 


152  REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON. 

The  other  of  a  mixed  character  which  may  fulfil  all  the  purposes  of  a  bank,  and  he 
free  from  the  infringement  of  State  rights  and  our  Constitution.  So  soon  as  your 
leisure  will  permit,  I  will  thank  you  for  your  views  upon  this  important  subject,  that 
I  may  use  them  when  it  may  become  necessary  in  the  way  you  have  suggested.  I 
am  happy  to  hear  that  on  your  return  you  found  your  amiable  family  well,  to  whom 
I  pray  you  to  present  me  most  respectfully. 

"  Sincerely  your  friend, 

"ANDREW  JACKSON." 

JAMES  A.  HAMILTON  TO  DUFF  GREEN,  ESQ. 

"NEW  YORK,  December  19,  1829,  3  o'clock  p.  M. 

"  DEAR  SIR:  Your  letter  of  the  16th  instant  is  this  moment  received.  The  inti 
mation  that  /  am  to  fie  charged  with  a  speculation,  &c.,  surprises  me ;  as  much 
because  I  have  not  heard  of  or  seen  the  article  or  paper  to  which  you  refer,  as  from 
its  being  wholly  groundless.  I  never  have  been  connected  with  the  Bank  in  any 
way  or  manner  whatever,  and  never  made  a  purchase  or  engaged  in  a  speculation  in 
its  stock,  directly  or  through  the  intervention  of  any  other  persons. 

"I  arrived  in  this  city  late  Tuesday  evening,  and  the  message  was  received  early 
the  next  morning,  and  since  my  return  I  have  been  continually  unwell  and  engaged 
in  Court,  which  must  be  my  excuse  for  not  having  attended  to  your  particular  busi 
ness.  As  the  Court  adjourned  to-day,  I  am  now  relieved,  and  will,  as  far  as  my 
health  will  permit,  endeavor  to  ascertain  whether  the  money  can  be  borrowed  or 
not.  In  haste,  yours,  &c." 

JAMES  A.  HAMILTON  TO  PRESIDENT  ANDREW   JACKSON. 

"  NEW  YORK,  December  22,  1829. 

"My  DEAR  SIR  :  I  enclose  a  letter  received  by  me  from  our  friend  General  Green, 
and  beg  leave  to  call  your  attention  to  the  last  paragraph.  This  letter  was  received 
late  on  Saturday  or  Monday.  I  called  upon  the  Editor  of  the  Daily  Advertiser  to 
examine  his  files  (for  I  had  not  heard  of  the  paragraph  referred  to).  I  did  so,  and 
inquired  of  the  Editor  whether  any  allusion  was  intended  to  be  made  to  me.  Ho 
assured  me  unhesitatingly  that  he  had  no  such  intention,  that  I  had  not  been  men 
tioned  or  referred  to  as  in  the  remotest  degree  connected  with  the  speculations  com 
mented  upon,  and  this  he  repeated  to  a  friend  of  mine  who  interrogated  him  on  the 
subject.  Indeed  the  paragraph  itself  does  not  allude  to  any  person  whatever.  In 
addition  to  this,  I  think  it  due  to  myself  to  declare  in  the  most  emphatic  manner 
that  I  never  had  any  connection  with  the  Bank  of  the  United  States ;  that  I  never 
bought  or  sold  or  speculated  in  its  stock  directly  or  indirectly ;  and  that  I  never 
afforded  any  information  of  any  kind  to  any  person  whatever,  in  relation  to  the 
Bank  with  a  view  to  speculate  in  the  stock.  I  feel  that  it  is  due  to  myself  thus  to 
meet  and  put  down  the  slightest  intimation  of  such  an  abuse  of  the  confidence  you 
have  honored  me  with  in  relation  to  this  subject." 

DUFF  GREEN  TO  JAMES  A.  HAMILTON. 

"  WASHINGTON,  December  31,  1829. 
"  DEAR  SIR  :  Yours  of  the  27th  instant  is  before  me.     I,  on  the  day  before  yes- 


REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.HAMILTON.  153 

terday,  had  a  conversation  with  the  President  and  explained  to  him  the  whole  mat 
ter.  As  I  wrote  to  you  a  few  days  since,  I  coupled  the  fact  that  on  the  same  day 
that  the  article  from  the  Daily  appeared  in  the  Journal,  I  heard  that  a  report 
was  current  in  the  streets  that  you  had  come  here  for  the  purpose  of  writing  the 
President's  message.  I  am  glad  to  hear  that  the  charge  has  not  been  made  against 
you,  and  if  you  suspect  any  one  else  it  is  due  to  all  others  that  I  should  say  that  the 
suspicion  that  the  article  was  intended  for  you  originated  as  1  have  stated. 

"Yours,  &c." 

JAMES  A.  HAMILTON  TO  MONS.  LE  BARON  DE  SACKEN,  &c.,  &c. 

"WASHINGTON,  November  25,  1830. 

"  DEAR  SIR  :  I  thank  you  for  the  service  you  have  rendered  me  by  permitting 
me  to  be  correctly  informed  by  the  perusal  of  the  instructions,  &c.,  themselves,  of  the 
principles  which  govern  the  allied  Sovereigns.  I  regret,  however,  that  the  restric 
tions  under  which  I  received  that  knowledge  do  not  allow  me  so  to  use  it  as  to  ena 
ble  me  to  disabuse  the  public  mind  here  on  so  interesting  a  subject.  You  may  have 
remarked  that  notwithstanding  the  frequent  avowals  of  the  Executive  of  the  United 
States  of  his  confidence  in  the  friendship  of  the  Imperial  Government — the  repeated 
manifestations  that  the  people  of  the  United  States  have  received  of  that  friendship, 
the  public  sentiment  here  is  poisoned  by  the  belief  that  his  Imperial  Majesty  and 
his  Allies  are  engaged  in  a  crusade  against  all  representative  governments. 
"  With  very  great  respect  and  regard,  I  remain,  dear  sir, 

"  Your  obedient  servant,  &c." 

ANDREW  J.  DONELSOX,  President's  Private  Secretary,  TO  JAMES  A.  HAMILTON. 

"  WASHINGTON  CITY,  November  28,  1831. 

"  DEAR  SIR  :  Allow  me  to  tender  to  you  and  Mrs.  Hamilton  my  thanks  for  the 
hospitable  attention  extended  to  Mrs.  Donelson  and  her  party  during  her  recent 
visit  to  your  city.  It  would  have  afforded  me  much  pleasure  to  have  shared  them, 
but  as  I  could  not  without  neglecting  my  business  here,  I  trust  that  you  will  not 
allow  my  account  as,  your  debtor  to  be  at  all  diminished.  You  may  have  heard 
before  this  reaches  you  of  the  illness  of  the  President.  lie  has  been  attacked  with 
the  common  intermittent  fever  of  this  place,  and  has  been  obliged  to  submit  to  the 
ordinary  remedies.  They  have  not  yet  entirely  broken  the  fever,  but  it  is  so  much 
moderated  that  we  look  upon  the  patient  as  convalescent.  The  alarm  of  some  of  our 
friends  may  have  prepared  you  for  a  less  favorable  account  of  this  attack  than  this. 
Our  family  is  otherwise  in  good  health.  Major  Lewis  and  myself  have  both  had 
attacks  similar  to  those  of  the  President,  but  less  violent. 

"  With  my  best  wishes,  &c.,  I  am,  with  great  respect,  yours." 

The  President,  on  1st  January,  1830,  addressed  to  James  A.  Hamilton  the 
following  letter : 

"  MY  DEAR  SIR  :  Your  letter  of  the  22d  ultimo  was  received  in  due  course  of 
mail,  and  in  reply  I  have  to  observe  that  I  regret  you  should  have  thought  it  neces 
sary  to  declare  to  me  that  you  had  no  agency  in  speculating  in  the  bank  stock  or 
making  advantage  of  your  knowledge  of  my  opposition  to  a  rechartering  of  the  Bank 


154  REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON. 

of  the  United  States.  You  are  surely  aware  of  my  exalted  opinion  of  your  virtue 
and  honesty,  and  this  must  convince  you  that  I  think  you  incapable  of  any  thing 
dishonorable,  dishonest  or  unfair. 

"  The  last  paragraph  of  Gen.  Green's  letter  surprised  me,  and  I  sought  an  inter 
view  with  him  to  be  informed  on  what  he  rested  the  assertion  of  Mr.  Biddle's  decla 
ration  with  regard  to  me  and  my  Cabinet  being  friendly  to  the  recharter  of  the  Bank. 
He  gave  me  the  name  of  his  informant  and  reasons  for  his  belief  that  it  was  true  ; 
for  myself  I  cannot  believe  it ;  for  Major  Biddle  acknowledged  my  frankness  to  him 
on  this  subject  to  Major  Lewis  and  others.  I  can  scarcely  believe  that  he,  for  the 
sake  of  vile  speculation,  would  state  what  he  knew  to  be  false.  But  the  longer  we 
live  the  more  we  will  learn  of  mankind,  and  I  fear  its  morale  is  not  improving  as 
fast  as  I  could  wish  it.  Believe  me  your  friend. 

"  ANDREW  JACKSON." 

COL.  WILLIAM  B.  LEWIS  TO  JAMES  A.  HAMILTON. 

"WASHINGTON,  January  4,  1830. 

"  MY  DEAR  SIR  :  Mr.  Van  Buren,  I  think,  has  much  more  to  fear  from  his  own  than 
the  friends  of  Mr.  Calhoun.  The  publication  in  the  New  York  Courier  putting  forth 
the  claims  of  Mr.  Van  Buren  as  the  successor  of  General  Jackson,  has  produced  a 
good  deal  of  excitement  here  among  a  certain  description  of  politicians,  and  I  fear 
will  do  Mr.  Van  Buren  no  good.  The  editorial  article  alluded  to,  was  certainly  very 
indiscreet  and  ill-timed.  It  will  be  supposed  by  some  of  the  General's  real  friends, 
who  do  not  understand  the  present  state  of  things,  that  it  evidences  a  disposition,  OD 
the  part  of  Mr.  Van  Buren,  to  cut  loose  from  him,  and  set  up  for  himself. 

"Your  friend,  &c." 

JAMES  A.  HAMILTON  TO  ANDREW  JACKSON. 

"  3SEW  YORK,  January  4,  1830. 

"  MY  DEAR  SIR  :  I  have  the  pleasure  to  enclose  a  few  hints  on  the  subject  of 
Banks  or  Offices  of  Deposit,  to  assist  the  fiscal  operations  of  the  Treasury,  and  to 
establish  a  uniform  currency.  It  is  not  expected  that  such  an  adjunct  to  the  Treas 
ury  Department  will  perform  all  the  functions  of  a  Bank,  in  its  general  acceptation. 
Indeed  the  principal  end  of  such  an  institution,  which  is,  by  means  of  its  credit,  to 
extend  the  circulating  medium  of  the  country  to  the  limit  which  the  laws  of  com 
merce  assign  to  it,  is  expressly  denied  to  the  managers  of  these  Banks  or  Offices  of 
Deposit.  The  issue  of  notes  is  confined  to  the  actual  deposits  of  Gold  or  Silver,  or 
Bank-notes  convertible  into  Gold  or  Silver,  and  at  the  standard  value  of  those 
metals ;  whereas  a  Bank  of  discount  limits  or  ought  to  limit  its  issues,  not  by  the 
amount  of  its  specie  capital  and  deposits,  but  by  the  amount  of  circulation  which  the 
commercial  operations  of  the  community  can  absorb ;  and  this  can  always  be  done 
without,  or  with  a  very  small  specie  capital ;  provided  the  business  of  the  Bank  is 
confined,  as  it  ought  invariably  to  be,  to  discounting  business  paper,  or  in  other 
words,  notes  or  bills  of  exchange,  created  by  commercial  interchanges.  The  pro 
posed  Banks  or  Offices  of  Deposit,  consequently,  will  not  have  the  power  of  assisting 
the  Government  or  individuals  by  loans  or  advances  in  any  emergency,"  a  defect 
which  may  be  seriously  felt  by  both,  should  the  country  be  exposed  to  war,  but 
which  is  incident  to  their  organization,  and  cannot  be  avoided  without  running  the 


REMINISCENCES    OP    JAMES  A.  HAMILTON.  155 

risk  of  far  greater  evils.  For  it  will  be  admitted  that  it  would  be  highly  indiscreet 
to  intrust  the  funds  and  the  credit  of  the  Government  to  the  management  of  indi 
viduals,  unless  their  industry,  vigilance  and  caution  should  be  called  into  action  by 
motives  of  strong  personal  and  pecuniary  interest;  such  an  interest  as  the  Directors 
of  a  Bank,  who  are  stockholders,  are  supposed  always  to  have  in  the  institutions 
committed  to  their  management. 

"  As  I  do  not  mean  to  extend  this  letter  to  a  dissertation  upon  Banking,  I  must 
return  to  the  matter  in  hand.  I  have  by  marginal  notes  explained  the  reasons  for 
the  different  provisions  of  the  project  I  have  formed,  and  shall  be  happy  if  what  I 
have  done,  or  any  part  of  it,  can  be  in  the  slightest  degree  useful  to  you  in  building 
upon  it  a  better  plan.  I  intend  to  send  you  shortly  a  plan  of  a  Bank  of  Discount  as 
well  as  Deposit;  which  will  not  be  obnoxious  to  any  constitutional  objection,  be 
cause  it  will  be,  like  any  other  of  its  offices,  exclusively  under  the  direction  and 
control  of  the  Government.  With  truest  attachment 

"I  remain  your  friend." 

I.— A  PROJECT  TO  CREATE  OFFICES  OF  DEPOSIT  IN"  AID  OF  THE  FIS 
CAL  OPERATIONS  OF  THE  GOVERNMENT,  AND  TO  ESTABLISH 
A  UNIFORM  CURRENCY.  N 

"  1st.  Offices  of  Deposit  shall  be  established  in  the  several  places  following,  viz. : 
New  York,  Philadelphia,  &c.,  &c.  (selecting  such  places  on  the  seaboard  and  the 
interior,  as  are  most  convenient  for  receiving  the  public  revenues,  and  such  other 
places  as  Congress  may  from  time  to  time  direct). 

u  2d.  These  Offices  shall  be  under  the  direction  of  five  Commissioners  (one  of 
whom  is  to  be  designated  as  President),  to  be  appointed  as  Congress  may  direct  for 
one  year,  and  not  to  be  appointed  longer  than  for  three  years  in  succession. 

"  3d.  The  respective  Commissioners  for  the  time  being  shall  have  power  to  ap 
point,  with  the  approbation  of  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  a  Cashier  and  such 
other  officers,  clerks  and  servants  under  them,  as  shall  be  necessary  for  executing 
the  business  of  their  said  office,  and  to  allow  them,  with  the  assent  of  the  Secretary 
of  the  Treasury,  such  compensation  as  shall  be  reasonable,  for  their  respective  ser 
vices.  And  the  Commissioners  shall  exercise  such  other  powers  for  the  well-govern 
ing  and  ordering  of  the  said  officers  as  shall  be  prescribed,  fixed,  and  determined  by 
the  laws,  regulations  and  ordinances  of  the  said  Office  of  Deposit. 

"4th.  The  revenues  of  the  Government  of  the  United  States  shall  be  deposited 
in  the  said  offices,  and  be  held  by  the  said  Commissioners  in  trust  for  the  said  Gov 
ernment,  or  passed  from  time  to  time  to  the  credit  of  the  Treasurer  of  the  United 
States,  or  such  other  officer  as  Congress  may  direct. 

"  5th.  The  said  Commissioners  of  the  said  offices  respectively  shall  furnish  the 
Secretary  of  the  Treasury  from  time  to  time,  as  often  as  he  may  require,  not  exceed 
ing  once  a  week,  with  statements  of  the  amount  of  deposits  made  in  their  several 
offices,  and  also  the  amount  of  notes  issued  by  them  respectively ;  distinguishing  the 
amount  of  deposits  on  public  and  private  account?,  and  the  amount  of  specie  and 
public -stocks  on  hand:  and  the  said  Secretary  shall  have  a  right  to  inspect  such 
general  accounts  of  the  books  of  the  said  office  as  shall  relate  to  such  statements, 
provided  that  this  shall  not  be  construed  into  a  right  in  the  Commissioners  to  give 
the  names  or  amounts  of  individual  deposits,  or  in  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  to 
inspect  the  accounts  of  any  private  individual  or  individuals  with  the  said  office. 


156  REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON. 

"  6th.  The  said  Commissioners  shall  receive  in  deposit  and  hold  in  trust  to  the 
use  of  the  person  who  may  deposit  the  same,  any  sum  of  money  of  any  individual, 
or  individuals,  or  body  corporate,  and  give  the  depositor  credit  for  the  same. 

"  7th.  The  said  Commissioners  of  the  respective  offices  shall  at  the  said  office  re- 
deliver  to  the  depositor,  upon  his  check,  the  amount  of  such  deposit  in  gold  or  sil 
ver  coin,  or  in  the  notes  of  the  said  office  payable  on  demand  in  like  coin  ;  deduct 
ing  from  the  amount  of  said  deposit  ^  of  one  per  cent,  for  the  safe  keeping  of  the 
same. 

"  8th.  Each  depositor  may,  upon  giving  notice  of  his  intention  to  leave  in  de 
posit  the  money  deposited  as  aforesaid  in  the  said  office  for  the  term  of  ninety  days, 
receive  a  note  payable  at  the  end  of  that  time,  with  interest  at  the  rate  of  (3$)  three 
per  cent,  per  annum  ;  and  if  the  said  note  shall  be  presented  for  payment  and  paid, 
before  it  shall  have  become  due,  the  interest  thereon  shall  not,  nor  shall  any  part 
thereof  be  paid.  The  Commissioners  shall  be  at  liberty,  upon  the  presentation  of 
any  such  post  note  before  it  shall  fall  due,  to  pay  the  same  or  not  as  the  interest  or 
convenience  of  the  said  office  may  dictate.  If  any  post  note  shall  not  be  presented 
at  the  office  where  from  it  was  issued,  when  it  falls  due  or  within  three  days  after, 
the  interest  on  said  note  when  thereafter  the  same  shall  be  paid,  shall  not  be  com 
puted  for  a  longer  time  than  up  to  the  date  it  became  payable. 

"  9th.  The  said  Commissioners  may  issue  notes  upon  deposit,  payable  on  demand 
or  payable  at  the  end  of  ninety  days  on  interest  as  is  above  stated  ;  but  no  note  shall 
be  issued  for  a  sum  less  than  five  dollars.  All  notes  issued  by  the  Commissioners  of 
said  offices  respectively,  shall  be  signed  by  the  President  and  Cashier  of  such  office, 
and  shall  be  payable  to  the  bearer  at  their  offices  respectively,  in  gold  or  silver  coin ; 
and  the  good  faith  and  the  property  of  the  United  States  is  hereby  pledged  for  the 
due,  punctual  and  true  payment  of  the  notes  of  said  offices,  and  the  repayment  of  all 
deposits  made  therein. 

"  The  Commissioners  of  said  offices  respectively  may,  from  time  to  time,  under 
the  direction,  and  with  the  assent,  of  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  invest  in  the  pub 
lic  stocks  of  the  United  States,  or  of  the  several  States,  not  more  than  (  )  per 
cent,  of  the  gross  amount  of  the  deposits  made  in  the  respective  offices.  The  said 
stock  to  be  held  by  the  said  Commissioners  in  trust  to  pay  the  amount  of  the  said 
deposits ;  the  notes  issued  thereon  ;  and  the  interest  to  accrue  on  such  notes  as  may 
be  at  interest,  as  is  hereinbefore  stated  :  and  they  shall  receive  the  interest  on  divi 
dends  on  said  stock  and  reinvest  the  same  in  the  public  stocks,  which  stocks  shall 
be  held  by  the  said  Commissioners  in  trust  as  aforesaid. 

"llth.  The  notes  or  bills  of  the  said  Commissioners,  originally  made  payable  on 
demand,  or  which  shall  be  past  due,  and  payable  on  demand,  shall  be  receivable 
in  all  payments  to  the  United  States  unless  otherwise  directed  by  Congress. 

"  12th.  The  said  Commissioners,  when  required  by  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury, 
shall  give  the  necessary  facilities  for  transferring  the  public  funds  from  place  to 
place  within  the  United  States  or  the  Territories  thereof,  and  for  distributing  the 
same  in  payment  of  the  public  creditors  ;  and  shall  also  do  and  perform  the  several 
and  respective  duties  of  the  Commissioners  of  loans  for  the  several  States,  or  any 
one  or  more  of  them,  when  required  by  law. 

"13th.  As  to  counterfeiting  notes,  and  as  to  frauds,  adopt  the  18th  and  19th 
sections  of  Act  to  incorporate  the  subscribers  to  the  Bank  of  the  United  States, 
passed  April  10th,  1826  (see  Ingersoll's  Digest,  edition  of  1821,  page  93),  altering 
them  so  as  to  make  them  conform  to  this  project. 


REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON.  157 

II.— COLLECTION"  OF  THE  PUBLIC  KEVENUE. 

"  1st.  All  bonds,  contracts  or  other  agreements  for  the  payment  of  money  to  the 
United  States,  as  well  as  all  money  received  by  any  of  its  officers  or  other  persons, 
belonging  to  the  United  States,  shall  forthwith  and  without  delay  be  deposited  for 
collection  or  safe  keeping  in  such  one  of  the  said  offices  as  shall  be  most  convenient 
to  the  said  officer  or  other  person  who  may  take  the  said  bonds,  &c.,  or  collect  and 
receive  the  said  moneys,  and  as  may  be  designated  for  that  purpose  by  the  Secretary 
of  the  Treasury,  the  Postmaster-General,  the  Commissioners  of  the  Land  Office,  or 
the  agent  of  the  Treasury. 

"  2d.  The  Collectors  of  the  several  ports  of  the  United  States  shall  daily  and 
every  day,  as  bonds  are  executed  to  secure  the  payment  of  duties  of  the  United 
States,  deposit  the  said  bonds  for  collection  in  such  one  of  the  said  offices  of  deposit 
as  may  be  most  convenient  to  the  Custom  House  of  said  port,  and  shall  be  desig 
nated  by  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  and  the  said  Collector  so  depositing  the  said 
bonds  shall  be  charged  with  the  amount  of  the  same,  and  the  said  Collector  shall 
also  daily,  and  every  day,  deposit  in  the  said  office  all  sums  of  money  received  by 
him  in  payment  of  duties,  or  in  deposit  to  secure  the  payment  of  duties ;  and  the 
amount  of  all  sums  of  money  received  by  him  for  fees,  fines,  penalties,  forfeitures  or 
otherwise,  and  he  shall  be  charged  with  the  amount  of  the  same. 

;'  3d.  The  said  Collector  who  shall  be  so  charged  with  the  said  bonds,  or  with 
the  amount  of  money  deposited  by  him,  shall  be  discharged  from  the  amount  of  such 
of  the  said  bonds  as  shall  be  paid,  whenever  he  shall  transfer  the  amount  paid 
thereon  to  the  credit  of  the  Treasurer  of  the  United  States,  and  also  from  the  amount 
of  such  of  the  said  bonds  as  are  not  paid,  whenever  they  are  transferred  to  the  ac 
count  of  the  District  Attorney  of  the  United  States  in  manner  hereinafter  mentioned : 
and  the  said  Collector  shall  be  also  discharged  from  the  amount  of  such  of  the  said 
sums  of  money  so  deposited  by  and  charged  to  him,  as  he  shall  disburse  in  the  course 
of  business  or  expenses  of  his  office,  in  the  manner  hereinafter  mentioned,  or  as  he 
shall  transfer  to  the  credit  of  the  Treasurer  of  the  United  States. 

"  4th.  All  payments  by  the  said  Collector  shall  be  made  upon  his  check,  counter 
signed  by  the  Cashier,  and  made  payable  to  the  order  of  the  person  receiving  the 
same ;  and  the  said  check  shall  on  the  back  thereof  contain  a  brief  statement  of  the 
account  for  which  the  said  check  is  given ;  whether  for  a  return  of  deposit,  or  for 
payment  of  salaries,  or  other  expenses,  and  upon  all  payments  so  made,  except  for 
a  return  of  deposit;  the  said  Collector  shall  take  receipts  in  manner  and  form  as  is 
now  required  by  the  regulations  of  his  office. 

"  5th.  "Whenever  any  such  bond,  or  bonds,  shall  remain  unpaid  on  the  day  it  falls 
due,  it  shall  be  the  duty  of  the  said  Commissioner,  immediately  after  the  said  office 
shall  be  closed,  to  cause  a  copy  of  said  bond  or  bonds  to  be  sent  to  the  office  of  the 
District  Attorney  of  the  United  States  for  the  said  district,  and  to  charge  him  with 
the  same  in  account  with  the  said  office,  and  the  said  District  Attorney  shall  forth 
with  put  the  said  bond  in  suit,  and  prosecute  the  same  with  effect ;  and  the  said  Dis 
trict  Attorney  shall  be  discharged  from  the  amount  of  the  said  bonds  so  charged 
against  him,  or  such  part  thereof  as  shall  be  paid  ;  and  he  shall  be  discharged  from 
such  other  part  as  shall  not  be  paid,  whenever  he  shall  deposit  in  the  said  bank  a 
certificate  of  the  Clerk  of  the  District  Court  in  the  district  to  which  he  is  appointed, 
stating  that  a  judgment  has  been  recovered  on  such  bonds,  and  that  an  execution  has 


158  REMINISCENCES    OF   JAMES    A.  HAMILTON. 

been  issued  thereon  against  the  property  of  the  defendant  or  defendants  against  whom 
the  said  judgment  is  entered,  together  with  the  certificate  of  the  Marshal  of  the  said 
or  any  other  district  that  he  has  received  such  execution  from  the  said  Attorney; 
or  whenever  a  suit  is  instituted  upon  any  of  the  said  bonds,  and  the  parties  to  said 
bonds,  or  their  legal  representatives,  cannot  be  found,  which  shall  be  proved  by  a 
return  of  the  Marshal  of  non  est  inxentus  to  those  writs  of  Capias  issued  three  suc 
cessive  terms  against  the  parties  to  the  said  bonds  or  to  the  legal  representative  of 
such  of  the  said  parties  as  are  then  dead ;  and  when  the  certificate  of  the  clerk  of 
the  said  court  to  that  effect  is  produced  and  deposited  in  the  said  office,  the  said  Dis 
trict  Attorney  shall  be  paid  by  the  Collector  from  whence  the  said  bond  was  re 
ceived,  his  costs  in  said  suit,  to  be  taxed  by  the  Judge  of  the  Court  in  which  the 
same  was  instituted,  whenever  the  said  District  Attorney  shall  be  discharged  from 
the  amount  of  any  bonds  so  charged  to  him,  provided  the  said  costs  have  not  been 
paid  by  the  defendants  in  the  said  suits. 

"  6th.  The  Marshal,  who  shall  receive  the  said  execution  from  the  District  At 
torney,  shall  be  charged  with  the  amount  directed  to  be  levied  thereupon,  and  shall 
be  discharged  from  the  same  by  payment  into  the  said  office  of  deposit  the  amount 
collected  by  him  on  the  said  execution  or  upon  depositing  in  the  said  office  of  de 
posit,  a  certificate  of  the  Clerk  of  the  said  court,  and  of  the  said  District  Attorney 
that  the  said  executions  have  been  returned  unsatisfied. 

"  7th.  All  further  proceedings  for  the  purpose  of  recovering  the  amount  due  upon 
the  said  bond  or  judgments  must  be  instituted  upon  a  case  submitted  to  the  Agent 
of  the  Treasury  and  by  his  direction. 

"  8th.  The  receiver  of  moneys  for  the  sale  of  lands  must  be  required  to  make  de 
posits,  &c.,  &c.  (not  being  sufficiently  acquainted  with  the  course  of  these  proceed 
ings,  I  cannot  make  any  provisions  in  regard  to  them.  The  same  in  regard  to  post 
masters)." 

III.— DISBURSEMENT  OF  PUBLIC  MONEY. 

"  1st.  The  regulations  of  the  Treasury  now  existing  in  regard  to  the  deposits,  to 
the  credit  of  the  Treasurer,  and  of  the  several  Post  Offices  in  regard  to  deposits  to 
the  credit  of  the  Postmaster-General,  may  be  adopted  and  sanctioned  by  law,  with 
such  alterations  as  may  be  deemed  salutary. 

"  2d.  All  moneys  appropriated  to  the  Treasury,  and  which  may  be  drawn  from  it 
for  the  payment  of  the  civil,  miscellaneous,  and  diplomatic  expenses,  the  Military 
Establishment,  the  Naval  Establishment,  and  the  Public  Debt,  shall,  as  the  same  or 
parts  thereof  may  required,  be  carried  in  the  respective  offices  of  deposit  most  con 
venient  to  the  places  of  such  expenditure,  when  the  same  is  within  the  United  States, 
to  the  credit  of  the  person  or  persons  whose  duty  it  may  be  to  expend  the  same,  and 
the  said  person  or  persons  shall  be  charged  with  the  several  amounts  so  carried  to 
their  credit  respectively. 

"  3d.  The  said  person  or  persons  shall  not,  on  any  pretence  whatever,  draw  the 
said  moneys  from  the  said  offices  except  when  the  same  are  required  to  be  expended 
in  the  manner  and  for  the  purposes  for  which  they  have  been  carried  to  their  credit, 
as  aforesaid. 

"  4th.  The  said  moneys  shall  only  be  drawn  from  the  said  offices,  upon  checks 
to  the  order  of  the  person  or  persons  entitled  to  receive  the  same,  or  his  or  their 


REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON.  159 

agents,  and  upon  the  back  of  the  said  check  there  shall  be  a  brief  statement  of  the 
object  to  which  the  amount  for  which  the  said  checks  is  drawn  is  applied.  The 
form  of  the  said  checks  shall  be  devised  by  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  and  fur 
nished  to  the  several  disbursing  officers  of  the  Government  at  the  respective  offices 
of  deposit  in  which  they  shall  receive  the  credit  aforesaid,  and  the  said  several  sums 
so  carried  to  their  credit  in  the  said  office,  and  with  which  they  are  charged  in  account 
with  the  United  States  by  the  amount  drawn  on  such  checks,  from  the  said  office  : 
provided,  always,  and  it  is  here  expressly  declared,  that  the  said  disbursing  officers 
and>  several  Collectors  of  the  Customs  shall  be  held  responsible,  as  they  now  are 
under  the  several  Acts  of  Congress,  for  that  purpose  now  in  force,  or  which  may  be 
hereafter  enacted,  until  their  several  accounts  shall  be  audited  and  settled  at  the 
Department  of  the  Treasury,  in  the  same  manner  that  they  are  now  required  and 
directed  by  law  to  be  credited  and  settled,  and  to  that  end  they  shall  be  required  to 
take  and  furnish  to  the  accounting  officers  of  the  Treasury,  their  accounts  and 
vouchers  at  the  time,  and  in  the  manner  and  form  required  by  law,  and  the  regula 
tions  now  in  force  or  which  may  hereafter  be  adopted  to  that  end.  The  Commis 
sioners  of  said  offices  shall  not  be  allowed,  as  such  Commissioners,  to  purchase  or 
hold  real  estate,  except  such  as  shall  be  requisite  for  their  immediate  accommodation 
in  the  transaction  of  business,  and  such  only  by  and  with  the  advice  and  consent  of 
the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury.  Nor  shall  they  be  allowed,  directly  or  indirectly,  to 
purchase  or  hold  in  their  official  or  individual  characters  any  stock  of  the  United 
States,  or  either  of  the  States,  except  as  is  hereinbefore  directed ;  nor  shall  the  said 
Commissioners  or  any  person  or  persons  employed  in  their  service  deal  or  trade  in 
Foreign  Bills  of  Exchange,  in  buying  and  selling  goods,  wares,  or  merchandises  or 
any  commodities  whatever,  except  Gold  and  Silver  Coin  and  Bullion,  and  all  or  any 
person  or  persons  by  whom  any  order  or  direction  for  so  dealing  or  trading  shall 
have  been  given,  and  all  and  any  person  or  persons  as  shall  have  been  concerned  as 
parties  or  agents  therein,  shall  forfeit  and  lose  treble  the  value  of  the  goods,  wares, 
merchandises  and  commodities  in  which  such  dealing  and  trading  shall  have  been 
carried  on,  one  half  thereof  to  the  use  of  the  informer,  and  the  other  half  to  the 
use  of  the  United  States. 

"J.  A.  UAMILTOX." 

JAMES  A,  HAMILTON  TO  MARTIN  VAN  BUREN. 

"  XEW  YORK,  January  18,  1830. 

"  MY  DEAR  SIR  :  Having  understood,  from  various  sources,  that  our  commerce  to 
the  Black  Sea  and  all  other  places  that  are  supposed  to  be  open  to  us  by  the  Treaty 
of  Adrianople,  is  very  rapidly  increasing,  it  has  occurred  to  me  to  suggest  to  you 
the  propriety  of  your  reviewing  your  determination  as  to  leaving  a  Commercial 
Treaty  to  be  formed  in  St.  Petersburg.  Much  time,  perhaps  a  year,  will  elapse  be 
fore  anything  can  be  done  there,  and  the  negotiation  on  the  part  of  Russia  may  then 
be  committed  to  a  person  not  entertaining  the  liberal  and  modern  views  on  these 
subjects  now  entertained  by  Krudner  ;  but,  above  all,  it  is  much  to  be  feared  that  if  our 
Yankee  enterprise  has  time  to  show  itself  and  to  enter  into  competition  with  the 
Kussian  navigators,  such  will  be  our  superior  success  as  to  beget  on  their  parts  a  dis 
position  by  protection-privileges  to  overcome  us,  and  when  that  appetite  is  once 
indulged,  you  know  it  is  never  satisfied.  Krudner,  it  is  said,  intends  to  obtain  leave 


160  REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON. 

of  absence  to  return  home.  If  this  is  so,  he  would  very  promptly  settle  -with  you  a 
Treaty  of  the  most  liberal  character,  in  order  to  take  it  with  him ;  and  you  would 
thus  avoid  the  danger  of  the  many  slips  there  are  between  the  cup  and  the  lip.  If 
Russia  pushes  down  to  the  south  of  Europe,  as  she  seems  to  be  disposed  to  do,  and 
if,  as  it  is  said,  she  has  the  best  relations  with  China,  she  will  inevitably  become  a 
first-rate  commercial  power.  It  thus  becomes  of  the  utmost  importance  to  us,  as 
well  as  to  the  rest  of  the  commercial  world,  that  her  policy  in  the  outset  should  be 
founded  on  sound  principles,  and  in  no  way  could  that  be  so  well  secured,  as  by  in 
ducing  her  now,  while  she  is  in  her  very  infancy  in  commerce,  to  proclaim  in  a  Treaty 
with  us  such  liberal  and  enlightened  views  as  we  are  disposed  to  act  upon  with  all 
the  world.  I  have  reflected  much  on  this  subject,  and  am  anxious  that  you  should 
avail  yourself  of  the  advantages  which  must  result  from  such  an  event.  It  would 
give  me  pleasure  to  hear  from  you  whenever  you  have  leisure  to  write  to  me. 

"  Yours,  &c." 

MARTIN  VAN  BUREN  TO  JAMES  A.  HAMILTON. 

"  WASHINGTON,  February  2,  1830. 

"  MY  DEAR  SIR  :  I  thank  you  for  your  suggestions  in  regard  to  Russia.  They 
shall  not  be  lost  sight  of;  but  Krudner  has  as  yet  no  instructions.  We  have  had 
severe  times  here  in  relation  to  the  old  affair,  and  at  one  time  I  thought  the  official 
catastrophe  would  have  been  very  striking.  Appearances  now  indicate  that  things 
will  soon  wear  a  more  placid  aspect.  I  cannot  be  more  particular,  but  will  have 
much  to  say  to  you  when  I  see  you,  which  will,  I  hope,  be  soon. 

"  Believe  me  to  be  very  truly  yours,  &c." 

Louis  McLANE  TO  JAMES  A.  HAMILTON. 

"LONDON,  February  4,  1830. 

"  MY  DEAR  SIR  :  I  received  only  on  the  10th  instant  your  letter  of  the  loth  De 
cember,  which  you  had  doomed  to  a  most  unnecessarily  circuitous  route.  I  feel  very 
grateful  to  the  President  for  his  kind  intentions  toward  me  ;  but  I  did  not  expect  and 
could  not  have  desired  him  in  the  instance  you  allude  to,  to  go  out  of  the  circuit  for 
a  successor  to  the  late  Judge  Washington.  Ruinous  as  my  stay  here,  upon  my  pres 
ent  salary,  must  be,  I  could  not  ask  my  removal  at  such  a  sacrifice,  and  I  am  quite 
content  to  look  forward  to  the  event  in  which  you  think  a  proper  provision  will  be 
certain.  I  certainly  think  that  in  that  event  my  State,  which  has  never  had  a  judge, 
would  present  a  reasonable  claim  independently  of  the  favorable  view  in  which  my 
friends  are  pleased  to  regard  me  personally.  On  that  event  I  trust  Van  Buren  will 
keep  his  eye.  I  am  sorry  I  cannot  give  you  some  satisfactory  account  of  my  pro 
gress  here,  which  is,  however,  assailed  by  too  many  difficulties  to  be  rapid  or  flatter 
ing.  I  have  already  informed  you  of  the  expectations  originally  entertained  with 
respect  to  the  tariff;  but  I  knew  very  well  from  the  beginning  that  they  could  not 
be  realized  and  might  prove  injurious.  I  early  placed  all  that  matter  truly,  fairly, 
and  unreservedly  on  its  proper  ground,  and  I  no  longer  feel  any  serious  concern  on 
that  account  as  it  respects  the  ministry.  Our  danger  is  (and  which  is  made  particu 
larly  imminent  by  Mallory's  report)  that  the  general  opposition  to  the  ministry  may 
dexterously  employ  this  as  a  means  of  assault,  and  so  intimidate  the  ministry,  and 


REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES  A.  HAMILTON.  161 

prevent  any  arrangement  with  us.     There  can  be  no  doubt  that  the  spirit  of  opposi 
tion  to  the  Duke's  administration  would  as  readily  seize  upon  any  measure  in  our 
favor  as  they  would  upon  any  thing  else.     I  do  not  doubt,  myself,  that  the  present 
Ministry  will  continue,  but  at  present  their  power  is  scarcely  sufficient,  at  least  in 
their  own  opinion,  to  permit  them  to  make  any  serious  change  in  their  foreign  rela 
tions.     My  negotiation  is  a  subject  of  great  and  constant  excitement,  and  you  would 
be  surprised  at  the  interest  with  which  every  conference  I  hold  with  Ministers  is 
watched.     The  difficulty  I  most  apprehend,  grows  out  of  the  state  of  the  British 
Northern  Possessions,  and  in  that  there  is  great  plausibility,  if  not  force.     It  is  not 
expected  to  continue  them  merely  the  carriers  of  our  produce  to  the  British  West 
India  Islands.     That  was  undoubtedly  Mr.  Canning's  object,  but  they  now  allege 
that  the  present  state  of  things  has  developed  greater  resources  and  demonstrated  the 
capacity  of  the  Canadas  themselves  to  supply  the  Islands — that  they  do  so  already,  with 
slight  aid  from  their  European  voyages,  and  in  two  years  more  will  do  so  altogether. 
Unfortunately,  our  commercial  tables  (which  are  palpably  false,  and  ought  never 
to  be  made  to  Congress  again)  give  considerable  encouragement  to  these  expectations, 
by  showing  that  our  exports  are  short  to  all  these  places,  to  the  amount  of  our  pre 
vious  exports  to  the  British  West  India  Islands.     Now,  what  Ministers  fear  is,  to  go 
into  Parliament,  and,  after  an  arrangement  with  us,  encounter  the  opposition  in  the 
face  of  such  a  state  of  things.    And  strange  as  it  may  seem,  at  the  head  of  the  oppo 
sition  on  this  particular  topic  would  stand  Mr.  ITuskisson — notwithstanding  the  other 
parts  of  his  colonial  system,  which  he  gave  as  the  consideration  of  a  direct  trade 
between  the  West  India  Islands  and  the  United  States,  are  in  full  operation,  while 
that  trade  has  been  accidentally  lost.     We  are  now,  however,  in  full  and  earnest 
discussion  on  all  these  points,  and  it  will  be  no  fault  of  mine  if  we  fail.     The  Message 
lias  produced  an  immense  effect  here.    It  has  elevated  the  country,  and  placed  the  Presi 
dent  and  Secretary  of  State  especially  in  the  very  highest  rank  in  Europe  of  American 
statesmen.     In  its  tone  towards  this  country,  it  has  practised  a  manly  generosity, 
which  it  would  be  unpardonable  folly  in  Ministers  not  to  sustain ;  and,  as  I  have 
taken  care  to  intimate  to  them,  by  some  practical  measure  which  would  be  no  more 
than  equivalent  to  the  independence  of  our  executive.     God  knows  I  always  antici 
pated  enough  from  certain  collisions  ;  and  my  apprehensions  have  by  no  means  sub 
sided.     They  will  furnish  the  Vice-President  a  pretence  for  doing  what  he  would 
not  otherwise  dare  attempt.     The  Marquis  Wellesley  is  not  among  the  Premier's 
advisers  (when  at  Washington,  you  thought  he  was),  even  remotely.    For  the  pres 
ent,  take  this  short  letter.     I  will  write  again  by  the  next  packet. 
"  Meantime,  believe  me,  &c.,  &c., 

"L.McLANE." 

JAMES  A.  HAMILTON  TO  PRESIDENT  ANDREW  JACKSON. 

"  NEW  YORK,  March  16,  1830. 

"  MY  DEAR  SIR  :  We  have  news  from  London  as  late  as  the  10th  February,  em 
bracing  the  King's  Speech  and  the  debates  thereon,  a  part  of  which,  together  with 
the  former,  I  have  the  pleasure  to  enclose  to  you,  as  also  the  following  extract  on 
the  subject  of  your  Message  from  a  private  letter  written  by  Messrs.  Daniel  Crom- 
melin  &  Co.,  the  bankers  in  Amsterdam  who  made  the  late  loan  to  the  Ohio  Canal, 
addressed  to  Mr.  T.  W.  Ludlow  of  this  city.  These  gentlemen  deservedly  rank 
11 


162  REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON. 

first  among  their  countrymen  as  to  wealth  and  intelligence.  '  The  President's  Mes 
sage  seems  generally  to  have  made  a  good  impression  on  the  European  public,  and 
it  certainly  is  able,  correct,  and  manly,  and  cannot  but  create  cordial  good-will  with 
all  that  are  well-disposed  towards  a  country  and  a  government  whose  first  Magis 
trate  comes  forward  with  such  sentiments.  The  Message  is  indicative  also  of  the 
general  prosperity  of  the  country.  We  hope  to  see  the  Message  during  many  years 
fraught,  on  the  whole,  in  the  spirit  of  the  present  one.  We  duly  observe  what  you 
mention  on  the  subject  of  the  United  States  Bank.  If  that  establishment  should  be 
dissolved,  we  suppose  Government  will  have  to  make  some  arrangement  to  carry  on 
its  concerns.  The  Government  evidently  wants  some  such  financial  agent  for  mani 
fold  purposes.'  These  are  the  opinions  of  men  uninfluenced  by  political  considera 
tions,  and  are  therefore  the  more  to  be  valued  as  evidence  of  the  views  of  the  hon 
est  and  intelligent  portion  of  mankind  who  have  the  deepest  interest  in  good  govern 
ment. 

"  It  is  a  singular  thing  to  see  Mr.  Peel,  in  the  House  of  Commons,  quoting  the  opin 
ions  of  an  American  President  in  order  to  sustain  himself  and  his  party  with  his 
own  countrymen.  You  will  observe  that  Wellington  admits  that  their  deep  and  gen 
eral  distress  in  some  measure  results  from  foreign  competition — a  most  extraordinary 
admission  of  the  effect  of  our  Tariff  System  ;  and  you  will  further  observe  that  the 
King  invokes  his  Parliament  not  to  forget  what  is  due  to  the  inviolability  of  the 
public  credit.  Thie  latter,  and  last  paragraph  of  the  speech  proves  that  there  is  an 
-extensive  and  growing  disposition  on  the  part  of  the  people  to  relieve  themselves 
from  the  public  burthens,  either  by  reducing  the  interest  upon  the  debt  or  otherwise 
tampering  with  the  public  faith.  I  have  intended  to  write  to  you  at  large  in  relation 
to  the  state  of  things  across  the  water,  which  I  consider  as  uncommonly  interesting 
to  us  in  very  many  ways,  and  indeed  so  much  so  that  the  attention  of  an  American 
statesman  cannot  be  diverted  from  them  for  a  moment ;  but  my  fear  of  trespassing 
upon  your  time  has  deterred  me.  The  excitement  in  France  from  plethora,  and  a 
spirit  of  liberty,  and  in  England  from  starvation,  cannot  fail  to  produce  important 
results.  The  Crown  of  Greece  is  the  apple  of  discord  between  these  Powers  and 
the  great  Northern  Bear. 

"  With  the  truest  attachment,  your  friend,  &c." 

Louis  McLANE  TO  JAMES  A.  HAMILTON. 

"  1  ONDOX,  March  22,  1830. 

"  MY  DEAR  SIR  :  I  received  yesterday  your  letter  sent  through  Mr.  Ogden.  I  can 
•desire  no  safer  mode  of  correspondence  than  that.  My  letters  from  him  do  not 
come  through  the  mail,  and  I  commit  my  most  confidential  communications  to  that 
•channel.  The  difficulties  in  Washington  do  not  surprise  me.  I  predicted  them  to 
you  early,  and  my  wonder  is  that  they  are  not  more  serious.  I  always  felt  that  Gen 
eral  Jackson  had  thrown  away  a  vast  portion  of  moral  weight  which  he  might  have 
secured,  and  though  I  believed  his  unsullied  patriotism,  unquestionably  good  inten 
tions,  and  his  strong  popularity,  would  stand  the  loss,  I  trembled  for  the  future  as  it 
regarded  his  administration  and  his  party.  I  am  too  remote  to  say  how  it  can  be 
cured,  or  whether  there  be  any  other  remedy  than  the  natural  course  of  the  disease. 
My  great  and  secure  confidence  is  in  the  sagacity  of  Van  Buren  in  unison  with  the 
President.  I  believe  the  most  probable  combination  or  coalition  of  parties  will  be 


REMINISCENCES    OP    JAMES    A.   HAMILTON.  163 

that  of  Calhoun,  McLean,  and  Webster.  Clay  must  be  Jiors  de  combat.  Such  a  co 
alition  is  in  many  respects  natural  and  easy.  A  provision  for  the  respective  leaders 
will  be  the  only  difficulty ;  but  that  will  not  be  insuperable,  if  indeed  it  be  greater 
than  similar  difficulties  in  any  possible  direction.  Col.  Hayne  will  not  perceive  his 
defeat  is  as  great  as  accounts  would  make  it.  Imagining  himself  equal  at  least  to 
Webster,  he  will  not  refuse  to  act,  under  other  circumstances,  on  the  same  side,  and 
there  is  nothing  in  the  principles  of  the  former  that  will  be  likely  to  keep  them 
asunder.  If  I  may  venture  to  hazard  an  opinion  at  so  great  a  distance  from  the 
scene,  on  a  subject  in  which  I  feel  so  deep  an  interest,  it  would  be  to  oblige  the 
President  to  stand  his  hand  once  more;  and  seasonably,  without  further  delay,  to 
devise  some  means  of  concert  for  the  future  action  and  preservation  of  the  party. 
Would  to  God  I  had  remained  in  the  Senate,  and  suffered  some  other  man  to  pine 
and  starve  at  this  court  in  the  midst  of  pomp  and  splendor  ! 

"  I  am  still  ignorant  of  the  fate  of  my  negotiation.  They  will  act  badly,  and 
without  possible  excuse,  if,  after  so  much  delay,  they  decide  against  us.  I  adopted 
the  suggestion  of  Ministers,  and  committed  to  paper  some  general  considerations 
connected  with  the  present  state  of  the  negotiations.  I  threw  it  in  the  form  of  a 
note,  requiring  an  answer  without  longer  delay,  and  I  am  now  waiting  their  answer. 
I  have  abandoned  all  the  abstract  points  of  previous  negotiations,  and  endeavored 
to  meet  practically  the  real  objections  thrown  in  my  way.  I  feel  that  I  have  not 
been  wanting  in  zeal  and  fidelity  in  the  negotiation,  and  the  pain  I  have  endured 
under  this  responsibility  will  be  very  apt  to  secure  me,  in  the  end,  the  approbation 
of  my  own  conscience,  at  least. 

"  In  consequence  of  a  letter  I  received  yesterday  from  Washington,  I  had  intended, 
when  I  commenced  this  letter,  to  write  you  frankly  about  our  own  affairs.  My  sheet 
is  out,  however  ;  and  this  being  my  despatch  day,  I  postpone  it  till  the  next  packet. 

"Meantime,  believe  me  yours,  &c. 

"P.  S.  You  will,  I  hope,  excuse  the  slovenliness  of  this  scrawl." 

Memorandum.  March  29,  1830.— I  left  New  York  early  to-day  for  Wash 
ington,  and  arrived  there,  and  at  Mr.  Van  Buren's  house,  where  I  stopped,  on 
the  31st,  at  about  3  o'clock  P.  M.  I  visited  the  President  (Jackson)  in  the 
evening,  who  received  me  with  the  warmest  cordiality.  We  passed  an  hour 
alone.  During  the  time  he  related  to  me  a  variety  of  incidents  connected  with 
the  course  of  Congress,  and  among  others,  speaking  of  the  delay  which  had  oc 
curred  in  the  Senate  in  passing  upon  his  nominations,  he  told  me  that  he  had 
been  advised  to  call  his  Cabinet  together,  and  urge  its  members  to  use  their  in 
fluence  with  the  members  of  the  Senate  to  induce  them  to  take  up  and  confirm 
the  nominations — to  which  I  replied.  He  said  :  "  No,  never.  I  have  done  my 
duty,  let  the  Senate  do  its  duty ;  it  shall  never  be  said  that  I  attempted  by  any 
measures  to  influence  the  deliberations  of  Congress;  if  they  do  not  do  their 
duty,  the  people  must  pass  between  us.  The  various  measures  recommended 
in  my  Message  have  been  neglected.  We  shall  see,  my  friend,  more  of  this 
hereafter."  I  replied  that  it  was  to  be  feared  the  course  of  Congress  had  been 
influenced  by  considerations  connected  with  the  next  election,  and  that  to  secure 
to  himself  a  successful  administration  during  four  years  he  must  consent  to 


164  REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON. 

serve  one  other  term  ;  in  that  way  alone  will  the  anticipated  divisions  between 
his  friends  be  prevented.  He  replied  that  he  had  much  to  say  to  me  on  that 
subject  on  a  future  occasion — that  it  was  a  subject  of  great  difficulty;  he  had 
determined  to  ascertain  who  were  his  friends. 

We  then  conversed  about  the  rejection  of  Lee  and  Decatur's  nominations- 
Hs  to  the  former,  he  said  :  "  I  deeply  regret  it  on  his  account.  He  is  in  abso 
lute  want.  He  has  talents  and  information  sufficient  for  any  station,  and  as  to 
his  former  highly  objectionable  conduct,  I  reprobate  it  as  much  as  any  man,  but 
still  I  am  willing  to  believe,  and  have  no  doubt,  that  the  man  has  repented;  and 
are  we  called  upon  to  punish  forever  ?  Is  there  nothing  due  to  repentance  ? 
There  is  a  vindictive  spirit  in  that  course,  which  I  cannot  believe  is  justifiable. 
As  to  Decatur,  I  have  been  requested  to  give  him  some  other  place  of  less  im 
portance,  which  would  not  require  the  approval  of  the  Senate,  but  that  I  have 
flatly  refused ;  if  he  is  unworthy,  I  cannot  well  do  for  him  more  than  I  have  al 
ready  done."  (The  person  here  referred  to  was  John  P.  Decatur.) 

I  then  mentioned  to  him  that  Van  Buren  was  in  the  other  room  with  the 
ladies,  and  proposed  that  we  should  join  him.  He  acquiesced,  saying,  "  You 
have  come  to  quarter  with  me  ?"  I  said,  "No,  I  am  with  Van  Buren."  He 
replied,  "  Then  let  me  see  as  much  of  you  as  I  can."  We  then  joined  the  ladies. 

PRESIDENT  JACKSON  TO  JAMES  A.  HAMILTON. 

"  WASHINGTON,  May  3,  1830. 

"  MY  DEAR  SIR  :  Your  letter  of  the  29th  ultimo,  marked  private,  reached  me  this 
morning ;  I  hasten  to  answer  it.  Mr.  Forsyth  has  made  no  communication  to  me  as 
yet ;  should  he,  you  shall  at  an  early  day  be  apprised  thereof  and  with  its  contents. 
"I  find  from  your  letter  that  you  have  not  seen  Mr.  MeDuffie's  Report  upon  the 
U.  S.  Bank.  I  herewith  send  it  to  you ;  I  presume  it  to  be,  a  joint  effort,  and  the 
best  that  c;in  be  made  in  its  support,  and  it  is  feeble.  This  is  intended,  no  doubt, 
as  the  first  shot ;  it  will  pass  without  moving  me. 

"I   will  thank  you   for  your  ideas  on  this  report  when  leisure  will  permit. 
Although  intended  to  wound  me,  it  will  not  injure  me,  but  it  will  not  go  un 
answered  when  a  proper  time  arrives.     Let  me  hear  from  you  soon,  and 
"  Believe  me  your  friend, 

"  ANDREW  JACKSON." 

Louis  McLANE  TO  JAMES  A.   HAMILTON. 

u  LONDON,  May  27,  1830. 

"My  DEAR  SIR:  I  received  only  Monday  last  your  letter  of  the  16th  ultimo,  for 
which  I  make  you  my  thanks. 

"  I  need  the  approbation  and  confidence— which,  in  my  heart,  I  feel  that  I 
deserve — of  the  President,  in  relation  to  my 'conduct  here,  to  console  me  for  the 
bad  behavior  with  which  I  fear  this  Government  will  be  ultimately  chargeable.  1 
have  found  my  efforts  wholly  unavailable  to  force  an  answer  to  my  proposition. 


REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON.  165 

They  constantly  deny  all  unworthy  motive,  and  I  believe  Lord  Aberdeen  is  a  man 
of  truth  and  honor.  But  &till  they  have  allowed  one  session  of  Congress  to  pass 
over,  and  in  this  way  have  deprived  us — unless  Congress  shall  have  acted  provision 
ally — of  the  opportunity  of  countervailing  measures  (if  they  reject  our  overtures) 
until  next  winter.  I  trust  Congress  will  have  acted.  I  early  expressed  to  Mr.  Van 
Buren  the  necessity  of  doing  so,  and  sent  him  my  exposition  of  the  question  for  the 
purpose  of  apprizing  Congress  of  the  real  state  of  the  case.  I  prepared  that  paper, 
on  an  official  suggestion,  to  place  my  reasoning  in  the  way  of  more  ready  and  certain 
reference ;  and  I  framed  it  as  containing  an  argument  by  which  the  Ministry  might 
sustain  an  arrangement  against  the  opposition  in  Parliament,  and  especially  against  Mr. 
Huskisson.  They  admit  it  to  be  able,  and,  themselves,  found  it  as  difficult  of  an 
answer  as  the  opposition  would  do.  Nevertheless,  the  tenor  of  the  opposition 
remains,  and  the  Canadian  interests  maintain  their  ground.  I  consider  Mr.  Iluskis- 
son  one  of  our  worst  enemies,  and  as  probably  at  the  head  of  a  class  of  politicians 
respectable  in  numbers  and  talent  and  influence,  who  are  certainly  jealous  of  our 
prosperity. 

"Iluskisson  is  unworthy  the  reputation  he  has  as  the  advocate  of  free  trade. 
He  is  the  infatuated  advocate  of  British  Navigation,  and  he  would  to-morrow 
sink  ours  to  the  bottom  of  the  ocean,  if  he  could.  I  believe  he  thought  the 
scale  of  duty  imposed  by  the  British  Act  of  1825  would  indirectly,  but  effectually, 
exclude  us  from  the  direct  trade  with  the  West  Indies;  and  finding  this  expectation 
disappointed  in  the  short  time  the  Act  was  in  force,  he  urged  the  order  in 
council  of  1826,  and  is  now  bitterly  opposed  to  any  adjustment.  They  never 
intended  the  Act  of  1825  to  le  beneficial  to  us.  They  mean  to  raise  up  the 
Canadas  as  our  rivals.  They  have  the  double  motive  of  profiting  by  their  pros 
perity,  and,  by  cherishing  their  jealousy  of  us,  of  precluding  the  possibility  of  their 
foiling  into  our  hands.  It  is  in  vain  to  deny  the  jealousy  and  apprehension  of  our 
power  and  prosperity,  of  many  classes  (and  some  of  them  of  talent  and  power  and 
influence)  of  the  English  population.  When  we  have  inspired  the  Government 
with  respect,  and  a  friendly  disposition  towards  us,  we  have  only  put  a  smooth 
covering  over  the  mouth  of  the  volcano.  The  elements  of  eruption  are  beyond  our 
reach,  and  continue  to  give  out  threatenings  enough  to  awe  the  Ministry  from  any 
decisive  and  friendly  course ;  if,  indeed,  they  do  not  ere  long  burst  forth.  I  long  ago 
suggested  the  idea  of  a  Charge  d'Affaires  to  Mr.  Van  Buren.  Every  day  persuades 
me  of  the  propriety  of  that  suggestion,  and  I  could,  if  I  had  space,  advert  to  many 
considerations  not  to  be  disregarded.  I  hope  I  am  incapable  from  interested  motives 
of  attaching  too  much  importance  to  the  personal  consideration  of  its  enabling  the 
President  to  withdraw  me  without  incurring  the  charge  of  an  additional  outfit. 
But  I  am  fast  approaching  insolvency  here,  in  the  midst  of  discomfort,  and  without 
having  it  in  my  power  to  benefit  my  country,  and  shall  be  really  unhappy  when  the 
negotiation  shall  be  closed  unfavorably,  as  there  is  too  much  reason  to  believe  it 
will  be.  This  Government  will  not  touch  any  other  point  in  our  relations.  The 
past  Administration  refused  to  do  so;  and  the  present  are  shamefully  afraid  of  tread 
ing  in  a  new  path.  I  could  be  of  infinitely  more  service  to  Van  Buren,  the  Presi 
dent,  and  the  country,  if  I  were  at  home.  Events  will  necessarily  force  Van  Buren 
to  rely  on  the  strength  of  the  administration.  Calhoun's  impatience  and  resentful 
temper  will  do  this,  and  therefore  it  is  the  more  necessary  to  give  the  administration 
weight — I  mean  moral  and  intellectual  weight,  the  only  securities  for  public  confi- 


166  REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES  A.  HAMILTON. 

dence.  Without  these,  it  will  invite  opposition  from  all  quarters,  and  become^absolutely 
injurious.  Besides,  it  is  absolutely  necessary  that  the  next  winter  should  open  with 
a  system  of  measures  and  policy  founded  on  the  principles  of  Van  Burerfs  toast, 
calculated  to  tranquilize  and  unite  the  public  mind,  and  hush  the  voice  of  faction 
and  sectional  disaffection.  In  this  way  General  Jackson  may  yet  acquire  a  renown 
equal  to  his  best  expectations,  and,  while  he  renders  so  patriotic  a  service  to  his 
country,  will  give  strength  and  success  to  his  party. 

"  If  Calhoun  and  McLean  coalesce,  Webster  will,  nay  must,  be  of  the  firm.  lie 
is  not  wider  asunder  from  loth  of  them  on  grounds  of  public  policy  than  they  are 
from  each  other.  Besides,  McLean  must  bring  the  East  and  West  both  into  alliance 
with  some  of  the  South.  This  will  be  necessary  to  success,  and  they  will  not  object 
to  Calhoun  if  he  can  add  a  portion  of  the  South,  especially  if  the  East  can  be  cajoled 
with  the  hope  of  Protection.  Where  can  Webster  make  as  good  terms?  But, 
at  any  rate,  they  will  all  be  opposed  to  the  Administration,  and  this  is  a  new  motive 
barely  to  recommend  that  to  the  sound  public  opinion  of  the  country.  I  think  the 
Senate  have  acted  unpardonably  towards  the  President,  and  the  party  and  the 
nation.  I  have  been  confounded  at  their  course,  and  have  regretted  most  deeply 
that  I  ever  quit  my  seat.  I  might  at  least  have  prevented  that  evil.  It  is  impossi 
ble  that  some  evil  spirit  is  not  at  work  in  that  body,  otherwise  the  reckless  course  of 
the  opposition  must  have  united  the  majority  in  spite  of  all  men's  dislike  ;  but  I  con 
fess  I  want  the  clue  to  some  of  the  rejections. 

"  You  would  be  amused  to  see  how  this  Government  writhes  under  the  proposi 
tion  that  our  trade,  direct  or  indirect,  is  necessary  to  the  West  Indies ;  and  that 
therefore  to  that  extent  we  are  entitled  to  have  it  direct  in  common  with  other 
nations.  They  are  now  in  great  commotion  at  the  abdication  of  Leopold.  I  am  not 
sure  that  this  has  not  been  induced  by  the  expectation  of  the  King's  death,  and 
Leopold's  influence  in  that  event.  It  may  be  a  rally  ing-point  with  the  opposition. 
The  King's  death,  however,  is  an  affair  of  weeks  only ;  but  no  change  will  better  us — 
rely  on  it,  we  are  destined  to  no  favors.  But.  adieu,  and  pardon  this  hasty  letter:" 

MARTIN  VAN  BUKEN  TO  JAMES  A.  HAMILTON. 

"May  31,  1830. 

"  MY  DEAR  SIR  :  McLane  has  not  yet  got  his  answer,  but  I  am  confident  he  will 
succeed.  If  Lynch,  on  his  return,  complains  of  him,  let  me  know,  and  I  will  explain 
the  cause.  I  have  despatches  to-day  from  Rives  and  Ehind.  Expect  good  things  in 
all  quarters,  but  say  nothing.  What  think  you  of  the  President's  Veto  Message? 
We  have  had  severe  times  for  a  few  days,  but  the  session  closed  very  auspiciously. 
The  President  will  go  to  the  Hermitage  about  the  middle  of  the  month.  I  shall  be 
detained  again  by  my  ministers  until  July.  Randolph  is  to  sail  on  the  15th  July. 

"  My  last  letter  from  McLane  is  the  22d  April.  Lord  Aberdeen  said  that  the 
Ministry  might  be  considered  as  upon  the  point  of  a  decision. 

"Very  truly,  yours,  &c." 

JAMES  A.  HAMILTON  TO  PRESIDENT  ANDREW  JACKSON.     (Private). 

"  NEW  YORK,  June  3,  1830.     Midnight. 

"  MY  DEAR  SIR  :  I  have  just  completed  the  whole  subject,  except  that  which 
will  treat  of  the  first  point  mado  in  the  Report ;  and  upon  that  I  shall  be  very  brief, 


REMINISCENCES    OP    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON.  1C7 

combating  merely  some  of  the  arguments  put  forth  in  the  Report,*  and  referring  to 
those  in  opposition  to  the  power  which  has  heretofore  been  urged,  and  then  I  have 
done.  I  fear  I  have  been  already  too  diffusive  and  too  caustic.  The  subject  grew 
upon  rne  as  I  advanced,  and  iny  feelings  of  disapprobation  of  the  authors  of  the 
flimsy  and  unfair  Report  became  more  excited  as  those  characteristics  became  more 
apparent.  You  will,  having  the  whole  before  you,  temper  and  expunge  such  parts 
as  may  require  either. 

"Mr.  Van  Buren  informs  me,  by  a  letter  I  received  to-day,  that  you  would  set 
out  for  the  Hermitage  in  the  course  of  this  month.  I  trust  you  intend  to  take  New 
York  in  your  way.  If  you  should  not  so  intend,  I  should  like  to  know  when  you 
leave  Washington,  in  order  that,  if  I  can  find  time,  I  may  run  away  to  Washington 
to  pass  a  single  day  and  night  with  you.  So  many  events  of  deep  interest  have 
occurred  since  I  left  you,  that  I  feel  the  strongest  desire  to  converse  with  you  in  the 
unreserved  manner  I  have  heretofore  been  permitted  to  do.  With  my  most  earnest 
prayers  for  your  continued  health  and  happiness,  I  remain  your  sincere  friend,  &c." 

PRESIDENT  ANDREW  JACKSON  TO  COL.  JAMES  A.  HAMILTON.  (Private.) 

"  WASHINGTON,  June  3,  1830. 

"My  DEAE  SIR:  Your  letters  of  the  28th  and  30th  ultimo,  with  the  remarks 
accompanying  them,  have  been  received,  but  the  hurry  and  bustle  incident  to  the 
adjournment  of  Congress  have  prevented  me  from  answering  until  now. 

"  I  have  had  no  conversation  with  Mr.  McDuffie  on  the  subject  of  Banks ;  nor 
never  did  I  contemplate  such  as  in  his  imagination  he  has  assumed,  and  recom 
mended  in  his  Report.  I  have  often  spoken  of  a  National  Bank  chartered  upon  the 
principles  of  the  checks  and  balances  of  our  Federal  Government,  with  a  branch  in 
each  Statev  the' capital  apportioned  agreeably  to  representation,  and  to  be  attached 
to  and  be  made  subject  to  the  supervision  of  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  and  an 
expose  of  its  condition  be  made  annually,  in  his  report  to  Congress,  as  part  of  the 
revenue;  which  might  be  a  bank  of  deposit  only,  which  I  have  always  thought  more 
consistent  with  our  Government  than  that  it  should  become  a  brokers'  or  banking 
establishment  for  discount  and  deposit.  But  if  the  Federal  Government  should 
have  any  thing  to  do  in  banking  establishments,  beyond  that  of  a  safe  deposit  for  our 
revenue ;  which  might  give  aid  to  our  fiscal  concerns  in  a  state  of  war, then  it  should 
belong  to  the  nation  exclusively  ;  all  its  emoluments  to  accrue  to  the  nation,  to  the 
whole  people,  and  not  to  a  few  moneyed  capitalists  to  the  exclusion  of  the  many ; 
and  I  have  no  doubt  but  it  could  be  so  guarded  in  the  charter,  that  it  would  be  less 
dangerous  to  the  liberties  of  our  country  than  the  present  hydra  of  corruption,  so 
dangerous  to  our  liberties  by  its  corrupting  influences  everywhere,  and  not  the  least 
in  the  Congress  of  the  Union.  I  showed  you,  when  here,  my  ideas  on  a  bank 
project,  both  of  deposit  (which  I  think  the  only  national  bank  that  the  Government 
ought  to  be  connected  with)  and  one  of  discount  and  deposit,  which,  from  the  suc 
cess  of  the  State  Bank  of  South  Carolina,  I  have  no  doubt  could  be  wielded  profit* 
ably  to  our  Government,  and  with  less  demoralizing  effects  upon  our  citizens  than 
the  bank  that  now  exists.  But  a  national,  entirely  national  bank  of  deposit  is  all 
we  ought  to  have :  but  I  repeat,  a  national  bank  of  discount  and  deposit  may  be 

*  Keport  made  by  Mr.  McDuffie,  which  I  was  called  upon  to  review. 


168  REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES  A.  HAMILTON. 

established  upon  our  revenue  and  national  faith  pledged,  and  carried  on  by  salaried 
officers,  as  our  revenue  is  now  collected,  with  less  injury  to  the  morals  of  our  citi 
zens  and  to  the  destruction  of  our  liberty,  than  the  present  hydra  of  corruption,  and 
all  the  emoluments  accrue  to  the  nation  as  part  of  the  revenue.  And  I  wish,  your 
idea*  of  a  plan  of  each  when  leisure  presents  itself. 

"  I  have  examined  your  remarks  enclosed.  I  return  them,  that  Mr.  Calhoun's 
name  maybe  stricken  out.  From  a  correspondence  lately  between  him  and  myself, 
in  which  I  was  obliged  to  use  the  language  of  Cresar,  *  Et  tuy  Brute  ?  '  it  might  be 
thought  to  arise  from  personal  feeling,  and  arouse  the  sympathy  of  the  people  in  his 
favor.  You  know  an  experienced  general  always  keeps  a  strong  reserve,  and  here 
after  it  may  become  necessary  to  pass  in  review  the  rise  and  progress  of  this  hydra 
of  corruption,  when  it  will  be  proper  to  expose  its  founders  and  supporters  by  name. 
Then,  and  then  only,  can  his  name  be  brought  with  advantage  and  propriety  before 
the  nation.  I  return  it  for  this  correction,  which,  when  made,  and  two  following 
numbers  forwarded  with  it,  I  will  have  them  published  in  the  Telegraph.  This  is 
the  paper,  for  more  reasons  than  one.  I  have  attempted  five  times  to  write  you  this 
scrawl,  and  have  been  a  dozen  of  times  interrupted  since  I  commenced  it.  You 
must  receive  it  as  it  is.  I  have  no  time  to  correct  it. 

u  Your  friend,  &c." 

JAMES  A.  HAMILTON  TO  A  FRIEND. 

"  WASHINGTON,  June  15,  1830. 

"  I  arrived  here  yesterday  at  10  o'clock,  A.  M. — went  immediately  to  see  the 
President,  who  was  looking  for  me,  as  I  learned  from  Van  Buren,  with  some  anxiety. 
We  immediately  retired  to  his  private  room,  first  read  over  his  correspondence  with 
Crtlhoun  (the  latter  admits  that  he  was  in  favor  of  a  hostile  course  as  it  respects  the 
General  in  the  Seminole  business),  and,  next,  to  talk  over  Mrs.  Eaton,  &c.  This 
matter  is  in  greater  extreme  now  than  heretofore.  Eaton  or  Donelson  will,  I  fear, 
retire.  Lastly,  we  conferred  upon  other  general  matters — the  Messages  (general 
and  particular),  the  Light  House  bill,  &c.,  &c.  After  spending  some  time  thereon, 
I  went  to  ride  with  Van  Buren;  returned  to  dine  with  the  President,  who  insisted 
upon  my  remaining  with  him  during  the  night,  the  greater  part  of  which  we  passed 
in  conversation  about  Ingham,  Eaton,  Branch,  McLane — changes — the  course  to  be  pur 
sued  during  the  next  session  of  Congress — its  complexion — Mr.  Calhoun — Van  Buren, 
&c.,  &c.  We  retired  very  late.  We  are  to  meet  again  this  evening,  to  confer  more 
at  large." 

JAMES  A.  HAMILTON  TO  PRESIDENT  JACKSON. 

"  NEW  YORK,  June  7,  1830. 

"  MY  DEAR  SIR  :  Your  kind  letter  of  the  3d  instant  was  received  to-day, 
together  with  Number  1,  which  I  have  altered  in  the  manner  you  suggested,  and  in 
such  other  respects  as  were  suggested  to  my  mind  on  its  perusal;  and  I  have  the 
honor  to  enclose  it  herewith.  The  last  part  was  forwarded  on  Sunday.  You  can 
not  do  any  act  that  will  be  more  gratifying  to  me  than  to  return  any  of  the  other 
portions  as  you  have  done  this,  with  your  intimations  for  the  purpose  of  revision 
and  amendment,  for  you  will  thus  evince  your  confidence  in  my  desire  to  serve  you. 
I  hope  at  my  earliest  leisure  to  be  enabled  to  put  in  the  form  of  heads  for  a  Bill, 


REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES  A.  HAMILTON.  169 

such  a  scheme  of  a  Bank  of  Discount  and  Deposit  as  you  have  suggested.  At  the 
same  time  I  must  differ  from  you  in  the  opinion  you  have  expressed  that  it  ought  to 
be  exclusively  in  the  hands  of  the  Government  and  its  paid  officers.  A  bank  of  deposit 
may  be  safely  so  arranged,  but  it  will  want  the  ability  in  certain  exigencies  to  aid  the 
fiscal  operations  of  the  Government  which  a  bank  of  discount  and  deposit  would 
possess,  while  the  latter  could  hardly  be  safely  left  to  the  direction  of  persons  who 
were  not  interested  in  the  faithful  and  cautious  administration  of  its  affairs.  I  have 
thought  of  a  plan  in  which  the  credit  and  revenues  of  the  Government  would  be 
the  foundation,  and  with  which  individual  interest  could  be  united  in  such  a  way  as 
to  preserve  a  preponderance  to  the  Government,  and  in  which  the  direction  would 
be  so  managed  as  that  the  Government  would  appoint  the  whole — one  half  of  its 
own  mere  volition,  uninfluenced  by  the  interference  of  the  individuals  interested, 
and  the  other  half  to  be  appointed  from  a  list  of  nominees  chosen  by  the  individuals 
interested  ;  which  should  be  submitted  to  the  President  for  his  selection ;  the 
President  of  the  Institution  to  be  appointed  by  Government,  the  Cashier  by  the 
President  and  Directors.  The  difficulties  to  be  avoided  on  the  one  hand  and  the 
other  are  these :  a  bank,  the  capital  of  which  should  be  furnished  by  the  Government 
under  the  direction  of  paid  officers,  would  be  exposed,  1st,  to  the  danger  of  having 
its  funds  loaned  to  irresponsible  persons  who  might  be  of  the  family  or  friends  of 
the  directors,  and  thus  wasted  and  destroyed ;  and  next,  that  these  directors,  influ 
enced  by  the  power  which  created  them,  might  use  this  money  with  reference  to 
political  influence,  and  thus  endanger  the  purity  of  our  institutions,  as  well  as  waste 
the  capital.  The  only  way  I  now  see  in  which  these  evils  can  be  avoided,  is  to  secure 
the  untiring  watchfulness  of  individual  interest,  always  better  managers  of  pecuniary 
concerns  simply,  than  Governments  are  ;  and  so  are  private  individuals  better  than 
corporations ;  to  permit  them  to  purchase  a  part  of  the  capital  thus  furnished,  for 
which  the  Government  will  be  paid  at  par  (and  thus  raise  the  means  to  discharge 
its  debt,  if  that  should  not  have  already  been  done),  and  for  which  and  no  more 
it  will  ultimately  be  responsible.  But  it  is  quite  clear  that  individuals  will  not  so 
invest  their  funds  unless  they  can  participate  in  the  management  of  the  bank  ;  for 
they  will  naturally  say,  a  bank  exclusively  under  the  direction  of  persons  appointed 
by  Government  may  go  on  very  well  in  time  of  peace,  but  in  war,  when  the  Govern 
ment  wants  means,  these  directors  will  lend  the  whole  capital  and  credit  and  all  to  it. 
I  would,  therefore,  to  secure  the  confidence  of  the  Government  and  individuals,  form 
a  direction  in  the  manner  I  have  stated,  and  I  would  snperadd  that  no  individual 
loan  should  be  made  without  a  concurrence  of  two  out  of  three  of  the  public  direc 
tors  ;  or  to  the  Government,  without  the  sanction  of  two  out  of  three  of  the  private 
directors.  I  throw  out  these  suggestions  for  your  consideration  just  as  they  occur 
to  me.  With  all  this  I  would  connect  so  much  of  that  part  of  the  plan  of  a  bank  of 
deposit,  which  I  sent  to  you,  as  would  secure  the  faithful  disbursement  and  safe 
keeping  of  the  public  revenues.  I  had  intended  to  have  thrown  .out  some  hints  of  a 
plan  of  a  bank,  but  my  time  is  so  little  my  own,  as  to  compel  me  to  defer  them  to 
a  future  day.  With  the  truest  attachment,  your  friend,  &c." 

JAMES  A.  HAMILTON  TO  Louis  McliANE.     (Private — strictly  confidential.) 

"  NEW  YORK,  June  27,  1830. 
[      "  MY  DEAR  SIB  :     I  passed  two  days  with  the  President  immediately  preceding 


170  REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES  A.  HAMILTON. 

the  day  of  his  departure  for  the  Hermitage,  by  his  invitation.  The  veto — the  Eaton 
business,  which  is  at  the  highest  point  of  excitement— a  difference  with  Calhonn — 
were  subjects  of  frequent  conversation  between  us,  and  will  be  attended  with  the 
most  important  effects.  As  I  am  not  at  liberty,  if  I  had  time  or  inclination,  to  go 
over  the  whole  ground,  I  will  merely  communicate  as  much  of  what  is  determined 
upon  as  is  particularly  interesting  to  you.  You  may  have  learned,  from  my  former 
letters,  or  from  Van  Buren,  that  the  President  had  been  urged  by  a  large  number  of 
the  Pennsylvania  Delegation  to  remove  Ingham,  and  that  he  had  been  advised  by 
Van  Buren,  and  other  friends,  not  to  do  so.  At  my  last  visit  I  ascertained  that  the 
President,  for  various  causes,  had  lost  confidence  in  Ingham,  and  that  sooner  or 
later  a  rupture  would  take  place.  I  therefore  made  up  my  mind  to  advise  a  change. 
I  told  Van  Buren  and  Lewis  that  I  intended  to  do  so,  and  my  reasons  for  the  deter 
mination,  in  which  the  latter  immediately,  and  the  former  hesitatingly,  acquiesced. 
At  our  next  interview  I  told  the  President  plainly  that  it  was  impossible  for  him  to 
get  along  with  Ingham ;  that  a  change  ought  to  be  made  ;  and  that,  in  my  opinion,  the 
only  question  was  as  to  the  time  and  manner  of  effecting  it.  I  then  went  into  an 
examination  of  their  relations — the  reasons  why  Ingham  could  not  cordially  sup 
port  the  President,  and  the  grounds  there  were  to  fear  a  want  of  unanimity  and  cor 
diality  in  the  Cabinet.  He  listened  with  pleasing  attention  ;  told  me  he  fully  concur 
red  with  me,  and  said,  with  his  usual  promptitude,  that  as  soon  as  your  negotiation 
was  successfully  terminated,  you  would  return,  when  he  would  offer  your  place  tp 
Ingham.  And  this,  my  good  friend,  was  at  length  fully  and  entirely  settled.  You 
are  not  to  understand  that  I  was  so  to  inform  you,  nor  would  I  have  done  so,  but 
that,  in  conversation  with  Van  Buren  after  he  had  heard  the  same  determination 
from  the  President,  he  told  me  Tie  intended  to  write  to  you  on  the  subject.  You 
must,  therefore,  consider  this  information  as  strictly  confidential.  I  presume,  should 
the  King  be  alive,  that  you  will  have  closed  the  matter  by  this  time.  From  your 
last  letter,  received  by  Van  Buren,  I  infer  that  the  Duke  of  "Wellington's  hesitation 
has  two  objects ;  one,  to  gain  time,  the  other,  to  obtain  that  assurance  of  an  acquies 
cence  on  our  part,  which  the  late  act  of  Congress  in  regard  to  the  colonial  trade  will 
give  him.  After  the  Treasury,  the  Attorney-General  must  be  changed.  I  regret  to 
say  that  I  fear  either  Donelson  or  Eaton  must  remain  in  Tennessee.  Most  probably, 
the  latter  will  prevail,  although  the  former  would  be  the  most  serious  loss.  He  is  a 
high-minded  man,  of  much  knowledge  and  talents,  with  discretion  above  all  praise  ; 
but  has  been  strangely  involved  by  his  wife  and  Calhoun  in  the  Eaton  business. 
Send  me  the  testimony,  etc.,  taken  by  a  Committee  of  the  Commons  on  the  subject 
of  the  Scottish  Banks  in  1826  ;  a  copy  of  the  act  establishing  the  Bank  of  Eng 
land  ;  Drummard's  Treatise  on  Currency,  and  any  other  good  works  on  Banking. 
I  pray  you  not  to  delay  this  commission,  and  to  inform  me  in  what  manner  I  am  to 
repay  any  expense  it  may  expose  you  to. 

"  Yours,  &c." 

MARTIN  VAN  BUREN  TO  JAMES  A.  HAMILTON. 

"  WASHINGTON,  July  5,  1830. 

"  DEAK  SIE  :  The  enclosed  is,  in  substance,  the  same  with  a  letter  of  the  same  date 
to  me.  I  have  sent  him  new  instructions  upon  the  subject  of  time  to  be  allowed  to  the 
British  Government  for  an  answer,  so  that  it  be  in  season  for  the  present  session.  He 


REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON. 

is  quite  impatient,  and  sees  the  matter  in  a  different  light  on  different  days.  I  hope  it 
will  go  well  in  the  end.  I  should  like  to  talk  to  you  about  private  affairs  here,  to 
gratify  curiosity,  but  cannot  write  them.  The  mail  is  too  insecure,  and  it  is  of  no 
real  importance.  I  would  like,  moreover,  to  check  your  fondness  for  gossip  instead 
of  feeding  it.  Things  are  no  better  than  when  you  were  here.  The  old  Chief's  zeal 
for  his  friend  increases  with  the  pressure,  and  disposition  not  to  meddle  in  the  mat 
ter,  on  the  part  of  those  not  already  committed,  is  growing  every  day.  You  will 
see  Eaton's  card  in  to-day's  Telegraph.  You  saw  the  violent  attack  in  that  paper 
upon  Baldwin.  The  President  sends  him  (Baldwin)  in  as  Judge  of  the  Supreme 
Court  to-day.  Say  nothing  of  this  as  coming  from  me.  It  is  a  step  which  wiL 
create  no  inconsiderable  sensation. 

"  Yours  truly,  &c." 

PRESIDENT  ANDREW  JACKSON  TO  COL.  JAMES  A.  HAMILTON. 

"HERMITAGE,  July  12,  1830. 

"  MY  DEAR  COL.  :  I  have  just  received  yours  of  the  27th  of  June  last,  accompa 
nying  Mr.  Malibran's  *  petition,  which  I  have  herewith  enclosed  and  referred  to  you 
for  your  report  of  the  truth  of  the  facts  stated  in  his  petition. 

"  I  reached  this  place  on  the  6th  inst.  ;  found  my  farm  in  good  order,  and  my 
family  in  good  health,  my  crop  suffering  for  the  want  of  rain.  I  have  been  con 
stantly  in  a  crowd  since  I  left  the  city,  although  I  have  declined  all  public  dinners, 
and,  really,  I  wish  I  could  return  to  it  in  an  air-balloon,  to  avoid  the  great  fatigue  I 
have  encountered  on  my  way  hither.  I  have  every  reason  to  believe  that  my  veto 
will  be  sustained  by  a  large  majority  of  the  people  of  the  United  States.  Be  this  as 
it  may,  one  thing  I  do  know,  that  the  faithful  discharge  of  my  constitutional  duties 
pointed  to  the  course  I  adopted,  and  I  pursued  it  without  inquiring  who  would  or 
might  condemn  or  approve  the  measure.  I  am  always  happy  to  hear  of  Mftjor  Ea 
ton's  increasing  popularity  and  prosperity.  I  have  long  known  him,  and  a  more  vir 
tuous,  honest  man  does  not  exist.  He  is  worthy  of  confidence,  and  will  never  vio 
late  it.  I  have  agreed  to  meet  my  fellow-citizens  on  to-morrow  in  Nashville,  to  give 
them  a  shake  by  the  hand  and  friendly  greeting. 

"  Major  Eaton  and  his  lady  have  not  reached  me.  What  delays  him,  I  have  not 
heard.  Until  he  arrives  I  cannot  commence  my  arrangements  with  the  Indians  —  a 
subject  I  have  much  at  heart  ;  and  as  soon  as  it  is  acted  upon,  I  will  hasten  back  to 
the  city  to  attend  to  my  duty  there. 

"  With  my  respects  to  your  lady  and  family,  believe  me 

"  Your  friend,  &c." 

JAMES  A.  HAMILTON  TO  PRESIDENT  ANDREW  JACKSON. 


YORK,  July  23,  1830. 
"  MY  DEAR  SIR  :  I  congratulate  you  upon  your  arrival  at  your  peaceful  abode, 
where  I  hope  you  will  enjoy  that  tranquillity  which  is  denied  to  you  elsewhere.    I 
intend  to  send  to  you,  with  this  letter,  a  debate  which  occurred  in  the  House  of 

*  The  husband  of  the  famous  vocalist.  He  was  on  the  gaol  limits.  She  had  returned  to  Eu 
rope.  He  was  discharged,  immediately  went  to  France,  where  he  found  she  was  married  to 
another  man.  Her  maiden  name  was  Garcia. 


172  KEMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES  A.  HAMILTON. 

Commons  of  a  character  deeply  interesting  to  us.  The  impudent  assumption  of  a 
right  asserted  on  the  floor  of  that  House  to  extend  their  right  to  interfere  to  preserve 
a  balance  of  power  in  this  quarter  of  the  globe,  is  unequalled.  That  nation  has  ex 
tended  its  hands  to  every  quarter  of  the  world  for  the  purpose  of  creating  a  colonial 
dependence  upon  her  power.  She  now  contains  more  than  eighty  millions  of  souls, 
distributed  throughout  every  continent  and  sea,  she  herself  not  amounting  to  more 
than  twelve  millions ;  and  yet  presumes  to  create  alarm  at  a  disposition  in  our 
Government  to  extend  its  control  over  a  contiguous  territory  which  is  almost  with 
out  population.  And  to  what  end?  in  order  that  this  territory  may  be  cultivated 
by  a  hardy  race  of  freemen,  who  will  enjoy  all  the  blessings  of  a  free  and  liberal 
government ;  in  the  direction  of  which  they  will  participate  in  common  with  every 
other  member  of  the  nation.  From  all  I  learn,  I  very  much  fear  that  our  negotia 
tion  will  not  be  successful,  unless  the  late  Act  of  Congress  should,  by  depriving  the 
Duke  of  all  pretence  for  refusal,  obtain  that  from  their  sense  of  shame  which  their 
sense  of  justice  could  not  induce. 

"Yours  truly,  &c." 

Louis  McLANE  TO  JAMES  A.  HAMILTON. 

"LONDON,  August  19,  1830. 

"My  DEAR  SIR:  My  despatches  by  this  packet  will  announce  the  gratifying  suc 
cess  of  my  negotiation.  This  Government  finally  assents  to  restore  us  the  direct 
trade  with  the  colonies  upon  the  terms  of  my  proposition.  And  an  alteration  of  the 
present  schedule,  though  intimated  as  probably  to  be  made  hereafter,  is  no  part  of 
the  arrangement,  and  cannot  take  place  for  some  time.  When  it  does  happen,  it 
will,  on  the  whole,  do  us  no  material  injury.  The  President's  Proclamation  will  be 
the  first  step.  The  revocation  of  the  British  order  in  Council  of  1827,  the  abolition 
of  the  discriminating  duties  on  American  vessels  in  the  colonial  ports,  and  the  con 
cession  to  us  of  the  advantages  of  the  Act  of  Parliament  of  5th  July,  1825,  will 
follow.  This  success  needs  no  comment  from  me.  It  will  speak  for  itself;  and  re 
membering  all  I  have  suffered,  all  I  have  risked,  and  looking  to  the  consequences  to 
my  friends  and  country  in  future,  I  feel  less  of  exultation  than  gratitude  for  the 
result.  But  Cambreling's  law — I  call  it  his,  for  he  drafted  it — may  mar  the  lustre 
of  this  victory.  You  must  prevent  it.  It  had  liked  to  have  ruined  every  thing. 
We  were  saved  by  the  honorable  frankness  with  which  our  Government  had  uni 
formly  borne  themselves  towards  this.  They  reject  the  unfavorable  construction  of 
which  they  fear  the  law  is  susceptible,  and  adopt  that  which  they  hope  and  believe 
it  was  intended  to  receive.  I  think  their  fears  are  scarcely  plausible,  though  but  in 
one  clause;  and  that  is  the  one  in  the  1st  Section,  in  the  following  words:  'that 
the  vessels  of  the  United  States  may  import  into  the  said  Colonial  Possessions  from 
the  United  States  any  article  or  articles  which  could  le  imported  in  a  British  Vessel 
into  the  said  Possessions  from  the  United  States."1  Now,  the  Act  of  Parliament  of 
5th  July,  1825,  opening  this  trade,  expressly  confines  the  articles  to  be  imported  in 
vessels  of  the  United  States  to  the  produce  of  the  United  States.  Their  Navigation 
Act  of  the  same  date  makes  the  same  express  limitation.  And  even  our  Commercial 
Convention  with  Great  Britain  limits  the  trade  in  vessels  of  the  United  States  to  the 
European  ports  to  produce  of  the  United  States.  My  instructions  agree  to  comply 
with  the  conditions  of  the  Act  of  1825,  and  to  accept  the  advantages  of  that  Act. 


REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON.  173 

My  proposition  to  this  Government  is  in  the  very  words  of  my  instructions;  but  if 
Mr.  Cambreling's  bill  means  to  insist  upon  the  right  of  American  Vessels  to  import 
into  the  Colonies  other  than  American  produce,  it  is  not  a  compliance  with  the  Act 
of  1825.  It  asks  what  that  Act  never  offered — what  Great  Britain  does  not  give  in 
her  trade  with  any  of  her  ports  to  any  nation  in  the  world,  and  never  will  to  us  or 
any  one  else.  The  truth  is,  the  law  was  drafted  in  a  hurry,  without  a  sufficient 
understanding  of  all  the  complicities  of  the  trade.  But  take  care  that  the  technical 
ities  of  the  Attorney-General  do  no  harm.  Take  the  real  good  sense  of  the  subject ; 
be  satisfied  that  the  main  scope  of  the  law  intends  us  to  execute  an  arrangement 
consistent  with  the  instructions ;  and  then  construe  this  clause  in  subservience  to 
the  great  end  and  design  of  the  Act. 

"  I  have  no  time  for  any  more.  My  public  despatches  and  letter  to  Van  Buren 
will  contain  my  arguments  on  this  law.  I  think  you  or  Cambreling  had  better  go 
off  to  Washington,  or  perhaps  both — though  my  public  despatches,  I  think,  will  do 
every  thing.  You  must  not  let  the  stir  about  the  French  Revolution  deprive  the 
Administration  of  the  advantages  of  this  arrangement. 

"Yours,  &c." 

MARTIN  VAN  BUREN  TO  JAMES  A.  HAMILTON. 

"  WASHINGTON,  September  10,  1830. 

"My  DEAR  SIR:  Give  yourself  no  uneasiness  about  the  conduct  of  *  *  *  *.  It 
does  not  belong  to  my  notions  of  justice  to  make  one  man  answerable  for  the  follies 
of  another.  I  know  you  well,  and  that  is  enough.  Between  us  there  never  can  be 
any  difficulty,  except  through  gross  misunderstanding;  for  I  know  that  you  cannot 
intentionally  do  wrong,  and  I  am  conscious  that  I  do  not  wish  to  do  so.  I  reproached 
myself  for  having  shown  you  the  letter,  lest  it  might  mortify  you.  Once  for  all, 
never  let  such  an  apprehension  disturb  you.  *  *  *  Washington  looks  well,  and  the 
weather  is  very  pleasant.  If  you  see  Mr.  Rhind,  which  you  will  do  soon,  if  he  is  not 
already  with  you,  caution  him  against  giving  publicity  to  the  dispute  with  his  col 
leagues.  From  your  letter  I  supposed,  or  feared,  he  might  go  directly  to  Major 
Noah,  and  I  therefore  cautioned  the  latter  upon  the  subject. 

"Very  truly,  yours,  &c.n 

The  Collector,  Swartwout,  was  so  entirely  ignorant  of  the  laws  which  regu 
lated  his  duty,  and  of  the  course  of  the  business  of  his  office,  that  he  required 
the  District  Attorney's  services  in  resolving  questions  and  difficulties  from  day 
to  day — so  much  so,  that  I  was  requested  to  come  every  morning  to  the  Custom 
House  to  aid  him  in  the  administration  of  his  duties. 

One  morning,  when  sitting  near  his  table  within  the  railing  which  excluded 
the  people  who  came  to  see  him  on  business,  awaiting  Swartwout's  arrival,  the 
Cashier,  Mr.  Henry  Ogden,  placed  on  the  table  a  check  on  the  bank  for  five 
thousand  (5000)  dollars,  drawn  payable  to  the  order  of  Samuel  Swartwout, 
Collector.  When  the  Collector  came  in,  taking  his  accustomed  seat  at  his  table, 
he  read  the  check,  endorsed  it,  and  looking  around  the  circle  of  persons  standing 
outside  the  rail,  went  over  to  a  gentleman  I  knew  as  well  as  a  brother,  and 


I/ 


174  REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.    HAMILTON. 

delivered  that  check  to  him  without  taking  therefor  any  receipt  or  voucher  of 
any  kind,  or  any  paper  which  indicated  that  the  check  was  paid  in  connection 
with  the  business  of  his  office. 

I  knew  the  gentleman  was  a  speculator  with  very  slender  means,  and  that 
he  had  no  commercial  business  whatever  (indeed,  Swartwout,  after  his  failure, 
told  me  he  had  speculated  in  real  estate  with  that  gentleman).  Nothing  was 
said  at  the  time  on  the  subject.  I  was  convinced  that  this  was  an  appropria 
tion  of  the  public  money  to  his  private  use. 

After  going  through  with  the  business  on  which  I  came,  returning  to  my 
office,  I  turned  this  event  anxiously  in  my  mind — was  satisfied  that  it  was  a  great 
wrong — and  asked  myself  what  my  duty  as  a  public  officer  and  a  personal  friend 
of  the  President  required  me  to  do.  I  concluded  that  as  a  public  officer  I  was 
bound  to  take  care  of  the  public  interests,  and  that  it  was  my  duty  to  commu 
nicate  what  I  had  seen  and  my  opinions  to  President  Jackson.  I  did  so  imme 
diately,  and  at  the  same  time  suggested  that  I  could  devise  a  scheme  which 
would  check  such  a  course,  or  expose  its  detection  at  the  Treasury  Department. 
The  President  acknowledged  the  receipt  of  my  letter,  approved  of  what  I  had 
done,  and  informed  me  that  he  had  sent  my  letter  to  the  Secretary  of  the 
Treasury. 

Shortly  afterwards  I  received  a  letter  from  the  Secretary,  asking  me  to  give 
him  the  scheme  which  I  believed  would  prevent  the  misappropriation  of  the 
public  money.  I  did  so,  and  nothing  further  was  done. 

If  the  President  or  Secretary  had  instituted  an  inquiry  into  the  facts,  as  I 
believed  would  have  been  done,  Swartwout  would  have  been  removed  or  admon 
ished,  and  his  defalcation,  which  amounted  to  over  a  million,  would  have  been 
arrested. 

In  1830,  I  received  a  letter  from  my  friend,  the  Hon.  Edward  Livingston, 
dated  Montgomery  Place,  22d  September,  in  which  he  said : 

"I  submit  to  you,  that  it  might  promote  the  public  interests  if  you  would  pre 
pare  a  Memorial  on  the  German  Trade,  and  submit  the  same  to  the  President.  No 
one  could  do  it  so  well,  and  I  feel  confident,  on  examining  the  subject,  you  will  think 
it  sufficiently  important  to  occupy  your  attention.  The  present  seems  a  propitious 
time  for  pushing  our  interests  in  that  quarter. 

"  I  am,  my  dear  sir,  with  high  regard,  your  friend  and  humble  servant." 


I  entered  upon  this  great  work  with  alacrity,  because  I  believed,  after  exa 
mining  the  subject,  I  could  promote  the  public  interest,  and  probably  be  useful 
to  the  President.  I  found,  the  more  I  examined  and  thought  upon  it,  that  it 
involved  grave  considerations  connected  with  our  diplomatic  policy,  as  well  as 
Qur  commercial  interests.  It  was  a  work  of  great  labor,  particularly  in  tracing 
out  the  statistics  of  the  German  nations.  I  finished  the  Memoir  in  a  little  over 
a  month,  and  sent  it  to  the  President,  with  the  following  letter: 


REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON.  175 

"NEW  YOEK,  November  9,  1830. 
u  To  ANDREW  JACKSON,  PRESIDENT. 

"  MY  DEAR  SIR  :  I  have  the  pleasure  to  enclose  to  you  herewith  a  Memoir  on 
the  subject  of  our  diplomatic  intercourse  and  commerce  with  certain  parts  of  Europe  ; 
embracing  also  some  reflections  upon  the  present  condition  of  the  same  portion  of 
the  world.  This  work  was  begun  and  finished  during  those  engagements  in  the 
Courts  of  the  United  States  which  so  much  occupied  my  time  during  the  last  month, 
and  is  therefore  less  perfect  than  I  trust  it  would  have  been  under  other  circum 
stances.  Permit  me  to  ask  you  to  consider  it  as  intended  for  your  indulgent  eye 
alone. 

"  All  extended  views  as  to  what  will  be  the  course  of  events  in  Europe,  might 
be  referred  rather  to  a  spirit  of  prophecy,  than  to  result  from  a  just  course  of  deduc 
tion  from  the  history  of  any  previous  period  of  the  world  ;  there  is  none  analogous 
to  it.  I  therefore  do  not  pretend  to  speak  with  confidence  in  any  respect,  except 
that  it  is  a  dictate  of  wisdom  on  our  part  to  be  prepared  for  the  worst — a  general 
war.  Heretofore,  in  such  a  state  of  things,  we  proclaimed  a  strict  neutrality,  and 
endeavored  honestly  to  maintain  it ;  but  being  unable  to  place  the  country  in  a 
situation  to  enforce  our  neutral  rights,  we  were  compelled  to  submit  to  the  aggres 
sions  of  all  the  belligerents — from  England  and  France  even  to  those  of  Denmark 
and  Naples — and  ultimately,  our  resources  being  considerably  diminished,  we  were 
by  these  very  aggressions  drawn  into  war.  Let  such  recent  experience  teach  us,  as 
soon  as  it  is  ascertained  that  a  general  war  must  ensue,  to  declare  to  the  belligerents 
what  our  course  will  be,  and  to  prove  to  them,  by  the  energy  of  our  preparations, 
that  we  mean  to  protect  our  rights  as  neutrals — if  necessary,  by  force. 

"  It  is  not  at  all  improbable  that  England  may,  for  a  length  of  time,  keep  out  of 
the  contest,  and  thus  by  her  existing  situation  she  may  be  called  to  cooperate  with 
us  in  sustaining  the  same  rights.  It  would  be  well,  if  this  should  be  so,  to  endeavor, 
while  she  is  so  circumstanced,  to  have  some  understanding  with  her  as  to  what  the 
rights  of  neutrals  are;  although  it  is  not  probable  she  will  suffer  herself  to  be  com 
mitted  on  the  subject,  inasmuch  as  she  has  heretofore  treated  neutral  rights  as 
depending  wholly  upon  belligerent  will  and  power. 

"  If  hostilities  should  be  rendered  more  certain  before  the  meeting  of  Congress, 
might  you  not  hint  at  the  probable  necessity  for  such  preparation,  as  affording  an 
additional  reason  for  your  refusal  to  concur  in  expenditures  for  internal  improve 
ments  ? 

"  Pardon  me  for  imposing  upon  you  the  necessity  for  reading  this  long  letter  and 
accompanying  Memoir,  and  believe  me  to  remain,  with  the  truest  attachment, 

"  Your  friend  and  servant,  JAMES  A.  HAMILTON." 

THE  MEMOIR. 

"  A  rigid  system  of  economy,  called  for  by  its  necessities,  induced  the  Government 
of  the  United  States  at  its  outset,  and  also  at  the  termination  of  the  laie  war,  to 
circumscribe,  as  much  as  possible,  its  expenditures,  and  particularly  tho?e  required 
by  foreign  intercourse. 

"  A  different  state  of  things,  however,  now  exists.  Almost  entirely  relieved  from 
the  incumbrance  of  debt,  our  revenues  are  so  abundant  that  the  Government  wants 
all  excuse  for  hesitating,  was  the  policy  ever  questionable,  to  take  every  chance  of 


176  REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON. 

advantage  to  our  country  by  extending  our  representation  to  foreign  Courts  to  the 
extremest  point  of  prudence.  Indeed,  recent  events  in  Europe  no  longer  allow  us 
to  make  this  a  question  of  expense  or  probable  advantage.  We  have  no  right  to 
hold  back  in  the  great  struggle  for  the  political  regeneration  of  the  world.  Having 
given  the  first  example  of  a  government  founded  on  clear  and  correct  views  of  the 
rights  of  man,  the  first  impulse  to  the  power  of  the  people  in  obedience  to  that  sub 
lime  maxim  announced  by  Hamilton,  '  The  fabric  of  American  empire  ought  to  rest 
on  the  solid  basis  of  the  consent  of  the  people.  The  stream  of  national  power  ought 
to  flow  from  that  pure,  original  fountain  of  all  legitimate  authority.'  We  cannot, 
under  an  enlightened  and  just  sense  of  our  duty  or  our  safety,  hesitate  in  doing  all 
that  may  be  in  our  power  to  extend,  enforce,  and  perpetuate  those  principles  which 
are  not  inconsistent  with  the  three  great  maxims  of  our  government :  First' — Not  to 
interfere  with  the  internal  affairs  of  other  nations.  Second — To  avoid  entangling 
alliances  with  all.  And  last — To  preserve  a  strict  neutrality. 

"By  extending  our  representation  to  foreign  states,  we  take  the  best  means,  1st, 
of  securing  to  ourselves  new  and  useful  commercial  enterprises,  and  2d,  the  exten 
sion  to  an  unlimited  extent  of  those  political  truths  which  are  the  foundation  of  our 
system,  and  the  only  true  basis  of  all  governments. 

"  In  discussing  this  subject,  I  intend  to  point  out,  first,  the  vast  population  and 
extent  of  country ;  their  character  and  resources,  to  which  we  are  at  present  un 
known,  and  the  reasons  which  render  it  probable  our  increased  commercial  inter 
course  would  be  the  consequence  of  the  policy  suggested  ;  and  next,  the  grounds  for 
the  opinion  that  an  extended  diplomatic  and  commercial  intercourse  would  necessa 
rily  draw  after  it  a  more  sure  and  general  knowledge  of  the  principles  of  our  govern 
ment,  and  particularly,  that  it  is  our  duty  to  ourselves  to  extend  those  principles  by 
all  fair  means,  so  long  as  any  of  the  Powers  which  formed  the  Holy  Alliance  enter 
tain  the  designs  expressed  by  the  two  following  engagements  of  the  Congress  of  Vi 
enna  of  1822 : 

"  'Article  1. — The  high  contracting  parties,  well  convinced  that  the  system  of 
representative  government  is  as  incompatible  with  the  monarchical  principles  as 
the  maxim  of  "the  sovereignty  of  the  people  "  is  opposed  to  the  principle  of  Divine 
right,  engage  in  the  most  solemn  manner  to  employ  all  their  means  and  unite  all  their 
efforts  to  put  an  end  to  this  system  of  government  wherever  it  is  known  to  exist  in 
the  states  of  Europe,  and  to  prevent  it  from  being  introduced  into  those  states  where 
it  is  not  known. 

"  l  Article  2. — It  cannot  be  disputed  that  the  freedom  of  the  press  is  the  most 
efficacious  means  employed  by  the  pretended  defenders  of  the  rights  of  nations  to 
injure  those  of  princes  ;  the  high  contracting  parties  reciprocally  promise  to  adopt 
every  possible  measure  for  its  suppression,  not  only  in  their  own  states,  but  in  all 
others  in  Europe.' 

"  The  recent  events  in  Europe  give  increased  interest  to  this  branch  of  the  dis 
cussion,  as  will  appear  hereafter. 

"  Our  diplomatic  department,  as  to  Europe,  is  now  nearly  on  the  same  scale  on 
which  it  was  first  established;  if  one  or  two  missions  have  been  added,  others  have 
been  withdrawn  ;  yet  the  population,  wealth,  extent  of  empire,  power  and  political 
importance  of  the  nation  have  nearly  quadrupled  in  that  period.  Although  we  may 
ba  insensible  of  the  change,  and  of  the  additional  duties  it  involves,  we  may  be 
assured  that  other  nations  are  not.  Among  these  some  are  rivals  (I  am  now  speak- 


REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES   A.  HAMILTON.  177 

ing  only  of  commercial  importance),  others  have  no  interest  but  such  as  may  be  pro 
moted  by  a  combination  with  ours.  The  first  of  these  must  be  watched,  the  last 
conciliated  and  united  by  a  consolidation  of  mutual  commercial  intercourse.  The 
establishment  of  a  vigilant  diplomatic  agency  is  necessary  in  both  instances :  with 
our  rivals,  to  discover  and  prevent  intrigues  to  our  prejudice;  with  the  others,  to 
form  treaties  of  commerce,  to  watch  over  their  operations,  to  suggest  to  our  own 
Government,  and  negotiate  with  those  to  whom  the  agents  are  sent,  all  such 
changes  as  the  mutual  interest  of  the  parties  may  require.  I  say  mutual  interests, 
because  that  is  the  only  sure  and  permanent  basis  on  which  such  treaties  ought  to  be 
placed.  No  other  can  endure  for  any  length  of  time,  and  in  its  breach  evils  are 
produced  infinitely  overbalancing  any  profit  that  may  have  arisen  from  any  stipula 
tion  intended  to  secure  to  either  party  exclusive  advantages. 

"  We  may  draw  lessons  of  practical  advantage  from  the  course  of  other  nations, 
without  the  necessity  of  following  their  example  to  a  pernicious  extent. 

"  Great  Britain,  our  most  formidable  and  perhaps  only  rival  in  commerce,  not 
withstanding  the  propensity  its  Government  has  always  had  for  war,  is  now  forced 
by  the  pressure  of  her  debt,  and  the  discontents  of  an  important  member  of  her  terri 
tory,  to  pursue  a  pacific  policy,  and  to  exert  all  her  energies  to  the  extension  of  her 
commercial  and  shipping  interests.     Her  agents  are  everywhere.    No  sooner  does  a 
commotion  arise  in  any  part  of  the  world  that  can  produce  any  political  or  other 
change,  than  she  is  apprised  of  its  beginning,  and  her  diplomacy  watches  its  progress, 
ready  to  seize  any  opportunity  it  may  offer  for  extending  her  exchanges  and  employ 
ing  her  shipping.     The  change  of  circumstances  in  any  nation  of  the  world  which 
affords  a  new  market  for  her  manufactures,  or  a  cheap  supply  of  material  for  their 
fabrication,  is  immediately  communicated  by  intelligent  ministers,  and  measures  are 
as  immediately  taken  to  secure  the  advantage,  while  her  constant  endeavor  in  all 
cases  is  to  exclude  us,  who,  with  reason,  she  considers  as  her  concurrent  and  most  to 
be  feared  rival.     In  reply,  it  is  urged  that  the  Government  can  only  be  required  to 
protect  our  commerce,  and  to  find  new  channels  for  it,  and  that  the  rest  may  be 
safely  entrusted  to  the  vigilance  and  energy  of  individual  enterprise.     The  answer  to 
this  excuse  for  a  feeble  and  parsimonious  spirit  is,  that  as  long  as  our  intelligent,  lib 
eral,  and  industrious  rival  exercises  her  influence  in  foreign  countries  to  repress  the 
energies  of  our  people,  and  to  exclude  them  from  a  participation  in  advantages  which 
their  enterprise  would  seek,  commerce  is  not  left  to  seek  the  various  and  abundant 
sources  into  which  our  citizens  would  direct  it,  but  that  a  wise  and  paternal  Govern 
ment,  particularly  one  which  draws  all  its  revenues  from  impost,  is  bound  liberally 
to  expend  its  means  in  encouraging  and  supporting  its  citizens  in  so  unequal  a  con 
test.     The  situation  of  the  whole  world  affords  ample  scope  for  the  exercise  of  a  dis 
position  on  our  part  to  foster  and  extend  our  commerce  by  the  means  which  I  am  urg 
ing,  and  to  our  rival  to  check  and  embarrass  it.     Spain,  with  a  weak  monarch,  inat 
tentive  to  the  interests  of  his  subjects,  but  graspingly  ready  to  promote  his  own, 
affords  an  opportunity  for  securing  monopolies  in  trade  that  the  sagacity  of  the  British 
will  not  neglect ;  while  we,  intent  only  upon  our  claims  for  indemnities  for  the  past, 
exhaust  the  efforts  of  our  own,  and  excite  the  hostility  of  the  diplomatists  of  this  power 
in  endeavors  to  correct  the  past  instead  of  taking  care  of  the  future.     The  course  of 
our  Government  towards  Spain,  as  well  in  regard  to  the  Floridas  as  South  America, 
has  been  such  as  necessarily  to  excite  a  spirit  of  distrust  and  hostility  towards  the 
United  States,  which  require  a  soothing  and  conciliatory  policy.      Its  people  are 
12 


178  REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON. 

without  capital  or  enterprise,  and  should  they  by  a  revolutionary  struggle  mitigate 
their  present  situation  we  ought  to  be  ready  to  take  advantage  of  the  sympathies 
which  that  change  would  create.  The  commerce  of  Cuba  is  vastly  important  to  us. 
We  already  enjoy  more  than  one  half  of  the  carrying  trade  of  that  Island.  Our 
intercourse  has  the  advantage  too  of  being  almost  coastwise.  Our  rival  has  looked 
at  this  state  of  tbings  with  keen  regret.  Spain  must  feel  or  ought  to  be  convinced 
that  we  have  no  other  wish  than  that  this  province  and  that  of  Porto  Rico  should 
remain  dependent,  and  that  to  our  active  interference  it  was,  and  must  hereafter  be, 
owing,  that  she  still  retains  them.  I  have  barely  hinted  at  a  subject  deserving  great 
consideration,  and  which  requires  an  indulgent,  intelligent,  and  industrious  course  of 
policy. 

"  A  great  commercial  change  is  about  to  take  place  between  Portugal  and  Eng 
land.  The  vassalage  of  the  former  to  the  latter  is  interrupted,  perhaps  destroyed. 
The  Methuen  Treaty  concluded  in  1V03  between  these  Powers,  by  which  the  wines 
of  the  former  were  stipulated  to  be  admitted  at  one  third  less  duty  than  those  of 
France,  and  the  woolens  of  England  were  never  to  be  prohibited,  has  by  the  con 
struction  of  the  Treaty  of  1810,  which  expired  in  1825,  been  determined  to  be  sub 
ject  to  revision  by  either  party.  The  manufactory  of  the  Oporto  Company  greatly 
diminished  the  advantages  which  Great  Britain  expected  to  derive  from  the  Methuen 
Treaty,  and  in  the  new  arrangements  the  unsettled  state  of  the  succession  will  afford 
advantages  which,  perhaps,  may  in  some  sort  be  counteracted  by  our  early  recogni 
tion  of  Don  Miguel's  title  to  the  Crown,  should  it  be  established.  Our  flour  and  fish 
are  certainly,  and  our  lumber  is  almost,  excluded  from  Portugal  and  her  dependencies. 
Much  might  be  done  for  our  m  utual  advantage  by  an  industrious,  intelligent,  and 
-skillful  representative  of  the  fourth  class  at  this  court.  Circumstances  of  a  pecu 
liar  character  connected  with  the  course  of  the  Diplomatic  Corps  on  the  change  of 
government  in  that  country,  would  seem  to  render  the  exertions  of  our  present  rep 
resentative,  of  whatever  order  his  qualifications  may  be,  most  probably  ineffectual. 

"  The  commercial  changes  in  France  during  a  few  years  past,  as  those  very  re 
cently  of  a  political  character,  present  to  the  mind  of  an  intelligent  observer  the 
most  interesting  considerations.  The  last  topic,  which  is  strictly  political,  will  be 
reserved  for  its  proper  place — the  second  division  of  our  subject.  The  former,  not 
implying  any  change  or  extension  of  our  policy,  will  be  merely  glanced  at. 

"  The  Government  of  France  before  the  Revolution  of  1790,  like  all  other  despotic 
governments,  was  necessarily  averse  to  an  extended  commerce ;  but  within  the  last 
"fifteen  years  we  have  seen  even  this  country  yielding  some  of  its  antiquated  prejudi 
ces,  and  allowing  this  employment  to  be  deemed,  if  not  an  honorable  distinction,  at 
least  not  a  degrading  one,  in  her  intercourse  with  us  approaching  equality  and  libe 
ral  views,  which  will  now  be  more  extended,  inasmuch  as  the  revolution  which  has 
so  recently  occurred  will  necessarily  throw  into  the  councils  of  France  more  pro 
found  wisdom  and  a  closer  attention  to  the  interests  of  the  community  generally.  We 
may  therefore  hope  her  monopolies  may  be  destroyed ;  but  to  realize  the  hope, 
much,  it  must  be  conceded,  may  be  accomplished  by  the  earnest  and  intelligent  ef 
forts  of  an  excellent  representative  at  that  court.  That  Great  Britain,  should  she 
then  not  be  at  war,  will,  with  her  accustomed  acuteness  and  vigilance,  endeavor  to 
turn  these  changes  to  her  advantage,  is  made  apparent,  when  we  recollect  that  a 
commercial  treaty  between  the  two  countries  was  recently  spoken  of  in  Parliament 
as  a  probable,  or,  at  least,  a  desirable  event. 


REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON.  179 

"  With  Denmark  and  Sweden  we  have  treaties.  Between  us,  Russia,  and  the 
Netherlands,  there  are  reciprocal  enactments  which  will  probably  secure  to  us  a  re 
ciprocity  of  commercial  advantages,  and  with  them,  as  well  as  with  the  other  powers, 
our  intercourse  is  kept  up  by  able  diplomatic  agents;  but  there  are  in  the  European 
communities  many  important  Powers,  with  some  of  whom  we  have  no  treaties, 
and  with  none  of  them  have  we  any  diplomatic  intercourse.  I  speak  of  Tur 
key,  Greece,  the  States  of  Germany,  and  Italy.  "With  Turkey,  Prussia,  Austria, 
and  the  Hesse  Towns,  we  have  treaties,  but  have  sent  them  no  Ministers.  With  the 
other  states  we  have  no  treaties. 

"  A  slight  examination  of  our  condition  with  that  of  Turkey  and  of  the  geographi 
cal  situation  of  the  other  states  I  have  mentioned,  their  populations,  their  products, 
and  their  consumptions,  will  enable  us  to  determine  -whether,  in  a  commercial  point 
of  view,  their  importance  has  not  been  overlooked,  and  whether  a  diplomatic  inter 
course  with  them  is  not  as  necessary  as  with  most  of  the  other  Powers  with  whom 
it  has  been  usefully  maintained.  The  Turkish  Empire  in  Europe  has  a  population 
of  about  five  millions,  in  Asia  of  about  ten  millions,  making  together  fifteen  mil 
lions  of  people  ;  the  State  of  Greece  about  two  millions. 

"  The  Austrian  Empire  covers  more  than  190,000  square  miles,  and  has  a  popula 
tion  of  thirty  millions ;  the  Prussian  Monarchy  has  80,000  square  miles,  and  a  pop 
ulation  of  twelve  millions. 

"The  German  Confederation,  consisting  of  thirty-six  different  Kingdoms,  Princi 
palities  and  States,  contains  thirteen  millions,  and  the  Swiss  Confederacy  about  two 
millions.  Thus  the  last  four  states  comprise  fifty-nine  millions  of  the  most  indus 
trious  people  on  earth,  inhabiting  the  richest  part  of  Europe,  situated  in  its  very 
centre,  extending  from  the  Mediterranean  to  the  North  Sea,  abounding  with  articles 
both  of  product  and  manufacture  of  which  we  are  consumers,  and  affording  a  mar 
ket  for  many  of  our  most  saleable  productions  and  of  others  of  which  we  may  be 
come  the  carriers,  and  yet  to  whom  we  send  no  diplomatic  agent  whatever. 

"The  Emperor  of  Austria,  it  is  true,  is  no  longer  the  head  of  the  Germanic  Em 
pire,  but  his  influence  is  perhaps  greater  than  when  he  enjoyed  that  title.  The  neg 
lect  df  the  United  States  to  send  a  Minister  to  his  court,  which  once  claimed  prece 
dence  over  all  other  potentates  and  had  those  claims  allowed,  while  many  of  the 
third-rate  Powers  receive  that  mark  of  attention,  possibly  may  have  had  an  unfavor 
able  effect ;  but  this  impression,  it  is  supposed,  may  be  removed. 

"  Each  of  the  thirty-six  Powers  composing  the  Germanic  Confederation  from 
the  Kingdom  of  Bavaria,  which  contains  nearly  four  millions  of  inhabitants,  to  the 
Lordship  of  Knifhausen,  which  has  not  quite  three  thousand,  has  the  independent 
power  of  making  treaties  of  commerce.  The  consequence  is  so  much  confusion  and 
vexation  in  the  importation  and  transit  of  foreign  commodities,  that  some  of  the 
Powers  have  had  recourse  to  sub-confederations  for  the  regulation  of  their  future 
intercourse,  and  establishing  a  uniformity  of  duties  with  other  Powers. 

"In  1828,  Bavaria  and  Wurtemberg  made  a  commercial  treaty  of  this  nature. 
Saxony,  Hesse-Cassel,  Hanover,  and  Brunswick,  another.  Bavaria,  Hesse-Darm 
stadt,  and  Baden  entered  into  a  treaty  principally  for  regulating  the  duties  on  commo 
dities  received  by  the  Khine,  and  latterly,  Hanover,  the  Electorate  of  Hesse,  Alden- 
burgh,  and  Brunswick,  by  a  treaty  the  18th  May  last,  have  established  a  perfect 
freedom  of  trade  between  their  several  states,  and  this  treaty,  it  is  supposed,  will 


ISO  REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES  A.  HAMILTON. 

bo  acceded  to  by  the  other  members  of  the  Germanic  Confederation.  These  four 
sub-confederacies  comprehend  eleven  out  of  the  thirteen  millions  people  contained 
in  the  whole  Confederation,  so  that  commercial  arrangements  with  these  would 
supercede  the  necessity  of  separate  negotiations  with  all  the  thirty-six  independent 
powers ;  and  we  ought  thus  to  prepare  the  way  for  the  introduction,  upon  the  best 
terms,  of  our  products,  and  the  foreign  commodities  which  might  be  carried  in  our 
ships  into  the  interior  of  Germany,  from  whence  they  are  at  present  excluded  by 
the  high  duties  and  vexatious  fiscal  operations  of  the  numerous  states  through  which 
they  have  to  pass. 

"  It  is  to  be  remarked  that  the  articles  of  import  from  Germany  aud  Austria  are 
such  as  do  not  at  all  interfere  with  our  domestic  manufactures.  They  are  principal 
ly  wines,  fine  wood,  laces,  spelter  (an  article  much  used  in  our  China  trade),  em 
broidered  muslins,  linens,  toys,  musical  instruments,  silk,  &c.,  and  if  I  may  be 
allowed  the  expression,  a  hardy,  industrious,  sober,  and  virtuous  people,  who  make 
good  citizens;  while  we  could  supply  them  with  cotton,  rice,  tobacco,  salt-fish, 
deer- skins,  seal-skins,  the  product  of  our  own  soil  or  industry,  and  tea,  sugar,  raw 
and  manufactured  coffee,  dye-stuffs,  &c.,  the  proceeds  of  our  commerce  with  others. 

"It  is  to  be  remarked  that  none  of  these  Powers, — and  the  same  remark  may  be 
extended  to  Turkey  and  Greece, — can  entertain  the  least  jealousy  of  our  growth ;  nor 
have  either  of  them  any  shipping  or  commercial  interests  to  interfere  with  ours. 
Greece  will,  hereafter,  be  extensively  maritime,  and  therefore  it  becomes  important 
that  we  should  endeavor  at  once  to  impress  upon  her  councils  that  simple,  equitable, 
and  enlightened  system  of  just  reciprocity  under  which  our  commerce  has  flourished 
in  so  unexampled  a  manner.  In  short,  no  two  parts  of  the  world  seem  so  well  fitted 
by  natural  wants,  and  the  absence  of  all  causes  of  competition,  for  a  close  commercial 
connection  with  each  other. 

14  There  are  three  routes  by  which  the  interior  of  Germany  is  supplied  with 
foreign  commodities:  1st,  by  the  Ehine,  through  the  Netherlands;  2d,  by  Ham 
burg  and  "Bremen  to  Hanover,  Brunswick,  Hesse-Cassel,  Hesse-Darmstadt,  Baden, 
Bavaria,  Wnrtemberg,  and  Switzerland ;  3d,  from  Havre  by  Ments  to  Frankfort  or 
by  Strasburg  to  the  south  of  Germany  and  Switzerland.  The  latter  has  almost 
ceased  to  be  a  route  of  import,  but  is  the  most  used  to  export. 

"  All  these  routes,  according  to  a  distinguished  American  writer,  who  has  travelled 
through  the  country,  have  the  disadvantage  of  great  vexation  and  delay;  *  but  it  is 
said  that  since  the  period  at  which  he  wrote,  and  perhaps  owing  to  the  Confederacies 
which  have  been  mentioned,  the  transit  duties  have  become  more  moderate. 
So  sensible  have  the  French  now  become  of  the  increasing  importance  of  the  German 
trade,  that  a  scheme  is  actually  on  foot  to  make  a  railway  through  Paris  to  Frankfort. 

*  In  the  most  populous  parts  of  Germany  the  merchant  is  met  at  every  few  leagues  with 
a  fresh  line  of  Custom  Houses.  Let  him  travel  by  land  or  water,  every  second  or  third  day 
brings  him  into  a  new  sovereignty,  which  must  be  acknowledged  by  the  payment  of  new  tolls 
and  duties.  No  lawful  and  honest  trade  can  flourish  under  such  oppression,  and  the  neces 
sary  consequence  of  it  is  an  extensive  contraband  traffic,  the  decline  of  industry,  and 
the  general  impoverishment  of  the  country.  The  minor  states  are  now  deliberating  together, 
by  deputations,  on  this  subject,  and  are  endeavoring  to  digest  a  plan  for  the  abolition  of  all 
duties  upon  internal  commerce.  The  liberal  governments  in  the  south  of  Germany  are  under 
stood  to  be  at  the  head  of  this  attempt,  and  their  object  is,  if  possible,  to  clear  the  way  of 
these  pernicious  barriers  by  land  and  water  from  Switzerland  to  the  Ocean.  The  vast  benefit 
that  would  result  from  this  to  every  individual  and  every  nation  affected  by  it,  is  obvious  at 
a  glance.  Europe.  By  a  Citizen  of  the  United  States.  Page  214. 


REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES  A.  HAMILTON.  181 

"  By  the  table  A  in  the  appendix,  it  appears  that  the  total  of  the  population  of 
that  part  of  Europe  with  which  the  United  States  have  no  diplomatic  intercourse,  is 
about  ninety-four  millions,  and  that  the  population  of  the  countries  in  Europe  with 
which  the  United  States  have  diplomatic  intercourse,  is  one  hundred  and  forty-three 
millions  five  hundred  thousand.  Here  are  eight  Powers  whose  aggregate  population 
is  in  round  numbers  one  hundred  and  forty-three  and  a  half  millions,  or  on  an 
average  a  Minister  to  every  eighteen  millions  of  inhabitants,  while  to  more  than 
fifty  other  Powers,  consisting  of  a  population  of  about  ninety-four  millions,  we  send 
none. 

"  It  is  worth  considering  what  would  be  the  effect  of  introducing  any  one  of  our 
commodities  for  the  consumption  of  any  considerable  portion  of  these  ninety-four 
millions  of  inhabitants,  or  of  securing  to  our  shipping  the  carrying  trade  for  them. 
A  single  pound  of  any  commodity  carried  for  each  would  give  employment  to  forty- 
seven  thousand  tons  of  shipping ;  a  pound  of  any  of  our  valuable  exports,  tobacco, 
rice,  cotton,  &c.  consumed  by  each  would  amount  to  many  millions  ;  and  the  duties 
upon  the  return  cargoes,  or  upon  such  articles  of  reinvestment  in  some  shape  or 
other,  would  more  than  repay  to  the  Government  the  whole  present  as  well  as  the 
extended  foreign  intercourse  as  proposed. 

"To  Great  Britain  and  Ireland  we  send  cotton  to  the  value  of  fifteen  millions  six 
hundred  thousand  dollars;  tobacco  to  the  value  of  one  million  eight  hundred  thou 
sand  ;  flaxseed  to  the  value  of  one  hundred  and  fifty  thousand  dollars ;  indigo  to  the 
Amount  of  about  half  a  million  of  dollars;  making  a  total  of  these  articles  alone  of 
very  nearly  one  dollar  for  each  person. 

"  To  the  Netherlands  we  send,  in  cotton  and  tobacco  alone,  to  the  value  of  a 
million  of  dollars,  and  in  other  articles  of  domestic  produce  eight  hundred  thousand 
dollars  more  ;  making  an  average  of  about  thirty  cents  for  each  inhabitant. 

"  To  France  our  exports  of  domestic  produce  are  near  eight  millions,  or  about 
twenty -five  cents  for  each  inhabitant. 

"  At  present  our  exports  of  domestic  produce  to  the  eighty-seven  millions  of 
inhabitants  belonging  to  that  part  of  Europe  with  which  we  have  no  diplomatic 
intercourse,  exclusive  of  Turkey  and  Greece,  may  be  estimated  as  follows: 

By  Trieste  and  Venice $119,000 

To  Italy  generally , 279,000 

To  Denmark  we  send  $150,000  (one  third  of  this  is  supposed 

to  be  sent  to  the  interior) 50,000 

To  the  Hanse  Towns , 1,800,000 

Of  the  $1,800,000  sent  to  the  Netherlands,  it  may  be  sup 
posed  (and  this  is  a  large  allowance),  that  one  third  goes 
to  the  interior 600,000 

Making  an  aggregate  of $2,248,000 

which  is  equal  to  about  two  cents  and  one  half  of  a  cent  for  each  inhabitant. 
Admitting,  therefore,  that  by  a  diplomatic  intercourse  we  should  find  the  means  of 
increasing  our  exports  so  as  to  make  them  equal  to  those  of  France,  the  lowest  in 
the  scale,  we  should  have  an  additional  market  for  about  twenty  millions  of  dollars 
more  than  we  now  export ;  but  the  trade  with  France  employs  about  seventy-five 
tons  of  American  shipping,  and  consequently  in  the  same  proportion  the  countries  in 


182  REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON. 

question  would  employ  two  hundred  thousand  tons.  This  maybe  said  to  be  a  calcu 
lation  founded  upon  correct  data,  but  that  the  deductions  are  false,  if  it  is  intended 
by  it  to  show  that  by  establishing  a  diplomatic  intercourse  with  these  countries 
such  an  increase  of  our  commerce  would  necessarily  follow.  In  reply,  I  admit  that 
it  is  not  pretended  that  the  residence  of  Ministers  in  these  countries  would  create 
this  commerce ;  but  it  will  not  be  denied  that  it  would  promote  it;  else  why  are 
Ministers  sent  to  other  countries  in  Europe?  else  why  was  the  Government  desirous, 
even  at  the  hazard  of  a  much  greater  expense  than  has  been  incurred,  to  form  a 
commercial  treaty  with  the  Porte?  It  cannot  be  said  that  by  the  treaty  last  referred 
to,  we  can  create  an  extended  commerce  with  the  dominions  of  the  Porte  in  Europe 
and  Asia,  or  with  that  part  of  Russia  which  is  situated  on  the  Black  Sea,  and  yet  it 
cannot  be  denied  that  this  arrangement,  if  it  is  followed  up  by  proper  measures,  will 
tend  to  promote  a  vast  increase  of  our  commerce,  and  give  increased  employment 
to  our  shipping,  and  that  without  a  mission  the  object  of  this  treaty  will  be  frustrated. 

"  I  am  led,  by  these  facts  and  considerations,  to  believe,  and  strongly  to  urge, 
the  propriety  of  extending  our  diplomatic  intercourse  by  sending  a  Minister  to 
Turkey,  another  to  Prussia,  another  to  Austria,  a  Charge  d' Affaires  to  Naples,  and, 
at  present,  an  agent  for  the  purpose  of  inquiry  to  Greece ;  but  as  soon  as  that  Gov 
ernment  is  arranged,  a  Charge  d' Affaires. 

"  The  Minister  to  Austria  ought  to  be  accredited  to  and  charged  with  power  to 
form  treaties  with  the  several  Powers  composing  the  German  Confederacy. 

"  I  have  hitherto  merely  endeavored  to  show  the  commercial  advantages  that 
would  result  from  this  arrangement,  and,  as  connected  with  this  view,  it  may  be 
proper  to  state  the  probable  expense  of  this  increased  intercourse.  It  may  be  said 
that  the  average  period  of  the  residence  of  our  Ministers  and  Charges  abroad  is  about 
three  years ;  it  might  be  at  least  four,  and  that  the  annual  expense  of  a  Minister,  divid 
ing  his  outfit  into  three  parts,  and  adding  one  third  of  it  to  his  salary  as  an  annual 
expense,  together  with  contingencies  estimated  at  one  thousand  dollars  per  annum, 
and  one  third  of  two  thousand  five  hundred  dollars,  the  allowance  for  his  return, 
would  make  the  whole  annual  expense  of  each  Minister  not  less  than  $13,834,  and 
to  a  Charge,  one  half,  $6,917,  making  the  increased  expense  of  three  Ministers  and 
a  Charge  d' Affaires  amount  in  round  numbers  to  $48,000  per  annum.  It  may  be 
said  without  the  fear  of  contradiction,  that  it  is  impossible  this  expense  should  not 
be  more  than  compensated  to  the  Government  by  the  extension  of  our  commerce  in 
consequence  of  this  extension  of  our  diplomatic  intercourse ;  but  there  are  other 
views,  which,  as  to  the  saving  of  expense,  put  the  matter  in  even  a  clearer  point  of 
view.  As  our  commerce  is  extended  by  its  own  energy,  or  the  care  of  the  Govern 
ment,  it  must  be  proportionately  exposed  to  aggressions  which  produce  protracted 
and  irritating  negotiation,  reprisal,  or  war.  These  wrongs  will  most  probably  be 
perpetrated  by  those  people  near  whose  governments  we  have  no  representative; 
and  it  may  here  be  remarked,  that  the  people  of  Greece,  habitually  mariners,  and 
more  recently  freebooters  (the  consequence  of  a  protracted  and  barbarous  warfare), 
will  require  us  to  prove  to  them,  by  an  imposing  display  of  our  naval  force,  that 
while  we  desire  to  cultivate  peace  with  all  nations,  we  suffer  unrequited  aggressions 
from  none  ;  or,  should  it  be  otherwise,  they  will  be  readily  repressed  and  atoned  for 
by  the  prompt  interference  of  our  Minister,  and  thus,  in  either  case,  the  Govern 
ment  would  be  saved  much  expense,  and  we  should  not  be  exposed  to  those  irri 
tations  which  so  often  occasion  a  deep-rooted  hostility ;  and  the  national  honor 
would  be  unsullied. 


REMINISCENCES  OF  JAMES  A.  HAMILTON.         183 

"  Preliminarily  to  the  discussion  of  the  second  and  most  important  part  of  our 
subject,  it  is  proper,  in  order  to  arrive  at  correct  results,  to  advert  to  the  political 
situation  of  Europe.  The  states  of  Russia,  Prussia,  Austria — including  Italy — the 
German  Confederation,  Sweden  and  Denmark,  are,  with  some  unimportant  excep 
tions,  unmixed  despotisms,  whose  ill-fated  population  are  destined,  for  a  period  at 
least,  to  endure  all  the  evils  of  rigorous  and  unmitigated  slavery.  In  these  coun 
tries,  unfortunately,  the  proudest  aristocracy,  between  whom  there  is  a  common 
interest  resulting  from  common  dangers,  have  no  choice  in  the  present  condition  of 
popular  feeling  but  to  rivet  their  powers  more  securely,  or  to  change  places  with 
their  slaves.  In  the  Netherlands  and  in  England  there  is  a  basis  of  theoretical 
representation  and  a  partial  acknowledgment  of  the  sacred  principles  of  freedom  ; 
but  all  these  systems  are  sustained  by  such  evident  and  unlimited  abuses  of  power 
practised  by  the  privileged  classes,  upon  whom  the  existence  of  royalty  depends — 
they  are  so  burthensome  to  the  people,  owing  to  excessive  taxation  and  extrava 
gance,  that,  although  they  claim,  in  comparison  with  the  others,  to  be  free,  yet  as  to 
the  United  States  and  France,  under  the  new  order  of  things,  they  may  be  classed 
with  the  others.  It  is  equally  out  of  the  power  of  all  of  them  to  yield  more  than 
they  have  already  done  to  the  people  without  endangering  their  respective  fabrics 
of  government.  We  are  therefore  permitted  in  this  view  of  the  subject  to  assert, 
that  all  the  principalities  and  powers  of  Europe  must  be  colaborators  with  the 
former  openly,  and  the  two  latter,  or  perhaps  Great  Britain,  covertly,  in  the  difficult 
work  of  repressing  political  opinion. 

"  After  the  great  Powers  at  the  Congress  of  Vienna  had  partitioned  Europe,  dis 
severing  Belgium  from  France,  and  joining  her  in  an  unnatural  alliance  with 
Holland ;  taking  Freudknd  from  Sweden  to  add  to  the  overgrown  strength  of 
Russia,  and  thus  depriving  the  virtuous  and  peaceful  Danes  of  Norway  in  order  to 
compensate  Sweden  ;  the  Emperors  of  Russia  and  Austria  with  the  King  of  Prussia 
formed  the  '  Holy  Alliance,'  to  which  the  other  Powers  were  invited,  and  many  of 
them  did  accede.  Thus  formed,  this  misnamed  association  engaged  at  Verona  '  in 
the  most  solemn  manner  to  employ  all  their  means  and  to  unite  all  their  eiforts  to 
put  an  end  to  this  (representative)  system  of  government  wherever  it  is  known  to 
exist  in  the  states  of  Europe,  and  to  prevent  it  from  being  introduced  into  those 
states  where  it  is  not  known.'  At  Tropau  and  Laybach  they  asserted  in  unquali 
fied  terms  the  right,  on  general  principles,  of  putting  down  revolution  whenever  it 
should  display  itself  in  other  independent  nations.  The  attempted  revolution  of 
Naples  was  approved  by  the  king,  who  could  not  be  brought  even  at  Laybach  to 
express  a  different  opinion.  And  yet  the  Allies  then  set  forth  the  following  pre 
tensions  :  *  If,'  say  they,  '  in  a  case  of  revolution  the  king  disapproves  the  proceed 
ings,  we  claim  the  right  of  interfering  in  his  defence.  If  the  king  approves,  then, 
however  completely  he  may  be  out  of  danger,  he  must  be  considered  as  acting  under 
compulsion,  and  the  right  of  interference  remains.'  These  declarations  were  not 
empty  menaces.  Austria,  backed  by  the  Cossacks  of  Russia,  marched  her  armies 
into  Italy,  suppressed  this  ill-concerted  and  feeble  effort  of  the  people  of  Naples, 
and  made  them  the  most  abject  slaves  in  all  Europe.  If  I  well  recollect,  there  is  but 
one  newspaper  published  in  all  the  Austrian-Italian  states,  and  that  is  under  the 
strictest  censorship.  None  are  allowed  to  be  introduced,  and  the  people  dare  not 
express  their  opinions  of  public  measures  in  any  form. 

"  The  duty  of  fulfilling  these  engagements  when  a  revolution  was  attempted  in 


184  REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES   A.  HAMILTON. 

Spain,  devolved  on  France  ;  and  her  formidable  army,  commanded  by  the  Dauphin, 
restored  the  feeble  Ferdinand  to  unlimited  authority,  and  the  inquisition  to  its  power 
of  executing  its  secret  and  unerring  vengeance  upon  all  who  dared  to  serve  their 
country  by  reforming  the  abuses  of  the  Government. 

"  In  addition  to  this  most  conclusive  evidence  on  the  part  of  the  '  Ploly  Alliance ' 
of  what  they,  the  Holy  Alliance,  determined  and  dared  to  do,  it  is  worthy  of  re 
mark,  as  strongly  illustrative  of  their  power,  that  when  the  invasion  of  Naples  by 
the  Austrians  was  under  consideration  in  the  British  Parliament,  the  Ministry,  in 
defending  their  passive  policy,  pretended  '  to  maintain  that  the  proceedings  of  Aus 
tria  night  be  justified  on  the  ground  of  the  danger  to  her  dominions  in  Italy  from  the 
establishment  of  a  liberal  government  at  Naples?  As  well  might  England  be  justi 
fied  in  attempting  to  put  down  the  liberal  government  of  the  United  States  as 
dangerous  to  her  dominions  on  this  continent.  The  iniquitous  assumption  is  too 
absurd  to  require  to  be  refuted.  It  has  resulted  from  a  consciousness  of  moral  weak 
ness  and  the  possession  of  military  force.  And  they  have  possessed  the  latter  to  a 
degree  in  which  the  present  state  of  affairs  at  home  has  even  intimidated  England. 

"  The  successful  effort  of  the  people  of  France  to  resist  oppression  and  to  estab 
lish  a  government  for  themselves  must,  as  well  in  obedience  to  those  solemn  en 
gagements  as  to  the  dictates  of  self-defence  on  the  part  of  those  who  rule  by  ''Divine 
Eight '  to  repress  those  kindling  principles  upon  which  representative  governments 
depend,  whose  light,  unless  extinguished  by  force,  must  ultimately  extend  through 
out  Europe, — this  effort,  I  say,  must  by  its  power  shake  to  the  centre  every  throne, 
however  deeply  rooted  or  strongly  cemented  by  time  and  the  blood  of  its  subjects, 

"The  power  of  repression,  to  be  successful,  must  be  extended  beyond  the  effort 
to  preserve  order.  In  Spain,  in  Italy,  in  the  Netherlands,  in  Austria  and  Prussia, 
it  must  be  pushed  even  to  the  restoration  of  the  government  as  it  was  in  France. 
A  Republic,  whether  its  chief  be  a  President  or  a  Citizen-King,  cannot  exist  in 
France  without  kindling  the  same  spirit  of  freedom  in  the  breasts  of  those  who  are 
near  them  and  inducing  them  to  make  continual  efforts  at  revolt.  The  time  is  be 
lieved  to  have  arrived  when  the  pure  and  holy  spirit  of  liberty  has  gone  forth  ;  his 
trump  has  sounded,  calling  the  enslaved  of  Europe  to  be  free;  and  they  must  obey 
his  voice,  as  implici.ly  as  will  the  spirits  of  the  dead  obey  the  call  of  the  Arch 
angel  on  the  last  day  to  judgment.  From  these  considerations,  it  is  believed  that 
the  peace  of  Europe  cannot  be  preserved.  It  is,  however,  said  by  those  who  enter 
tain  a  different  opinion,  that  the  Sovereigns  have  a  middle  course  ;  that  they  may 
satisfy  their  people  and  maintain  their  power  by  making  partial  surrenders.  I  an 
swer,  that  temporizing,  under  existing  circumstances,  will  not  do.  To  yield,  partic 
ularly  to  the  clamors  of  an  enlightened  people,  as  are  those  of  the  West  of  Europe, 
is  to  give  up  all.  The  contest  in  France  was  not  commenced  or  carried  on  to  avoid 
an  impending  or  to  be  realized  from  a  pressing  evil;  it  was  a  contest  for  great  prin 
ciples,  for  the  right  of  self-government ;  and  so  will  it  be  elsewhere.  It  is  a  contest 
for  rights  which  the  Allies  correctly  declare  to  be  as  incompatible  with  the  mo 
narchical  principle  as  the  maxim  of  the  sovereignty  of  the  people  is  opposed  to  the 
principles  of  Divine  Right.  Reason  renders  it  quite  clear  that  thus  to  purchase 
forbearance  from  the  people  would  be  deemed  an  admission  of  their  power  which 
would  give  increased  energy  to  the  tone  as  well  as  latitude  to  their  demands.  Ex 
perience  proves  it  to  be  equally  certain  that  in  their  first  efforts  to  be  free  (as  was 
the  case  with  the  people  of  France  in,  the  first  revolution),  a  people  unaccustomed  to 


REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON.  185 

self-government  will  not  stop  at  the  boundary  between  just,  salutary  restraint  and 
disgusting  licentiousness.  But  if  it  be  admitted  that  on  the  whole  it  would  be  more 
wise  to  yield  than  to  resist,  let  us  see  whether  that  is  the  course  the  powers  of 
Europe  will  probably  adopt.  Princes  do  not  derive  wisdom  from  their  own  or  the 
experience  of  others.  The  admonitions  of  the  last  thirty  years  have  been  unavail 
ing  to  them.  The  present  period  of  a  peace  of  unexampled  duration  has  not  been 
improved  to  soften  the  rigors  of  their  systems.  It  is  true  the  King  of  Prussia  has, 
from  time  to  time,  held  out  to  his  subjects  the  most  nattering  expectations ;  he 
has  even  gone  so  far  as  to  appoint  a  commission  to  report  the  plan  of  a  constitu 
tional  government ;  but  at  the  same  time,  as  we  have  seen,  he  entered  into  the  most 
solemn  engagements  with  his  allies  to  put  down  all  the  representative  systems  in 
Europe,  and  to  prevent  all  others  from  being  formed.  The  Emperor  of  Austria 
urged  the  German  union  to  form  representative  governments,  but  denied  to  his  own 
people  the  slightest  participation  in  such  advantages,  and  has  bound  his  Italian 
dominions  in  the  most  abject  slavery.  The  King  of  the  Netherlands,  not  less  incon 
sistent  than  the  two  former  monarchs,  although  he  granted  to  his  people,  as  a  boon, 
a  representative  government,  at  the  same  time  secured  the  irresponsibility  of  him 
self  or  Ms  ministers,  and  as  the  best  means  of  making  that  exemption  effectual,  has 
endeavored  to  extend  it  even  to  public  opinion  by  destroying  the  freedom  of  the 
press.  His  people  are  weighed  down  by  exactions.  With  a  population  of  about 
six  millions,  his  public  debt  amounts  to  not  less  than  seven  hundred  millions  of 
dollars. 

"  The  King  of  France,  as  an  act  of  grace,  granted  to  his  subjects  the  charter  of 
1815,  and  he  and  his  successors  have  from  that  time  made  unceasing  efforts  to 
destro3T  it. 

"  There  are  no  sympathies  between  princes  and  their  subjects;  the  former  know 
nothing  of  the  power  or  the  sufferings  of  the  latter.  Accustomed  to  implicit  obe 
dience,  relying  upon  the  force  they  have  always  at  command  and  upon  the  advice 
of  deeply  interested  counsellors,  they  generally  seek  the  shortest  and  to  them  the 
most  obvious  and  accustomed  route  to  obtain  their  end.  The  points  of  their  swords 
will  be  relied  upon  to  give  the  law  to  their  subjects  without  discussion,  compromise, 
or  qualification.  In  this  contest  France,  however  much  she  may  wish  to  avoid  it, 
must  be  a  party ;  she  well  understands  that  it  is  better  to  fight  for  the  right  of  self- 
government  in  Belgium,  the  arena  of  Europe,  having  that  warlike  people  and  the 
invincible  Spaniard  and  even  the  degraded  Italian  for  her  allies,  than  single-handed 
at  the  gates  of  Paris. 

"  From  these  general  considerations  I  am  convinced  there  must  be  a  war  in 
Europe  involving  the  most  interesting  issue  to  all  mankind.  I  also  believe  it  will 
not  be  immediate,  unless  it  is  accidental,  because  the  Allies  will  most  probably  first 
attempt  to  sow  dissension  in  France  ;  and  in  the  event  of  civil  war,  to  take  part  with 
the  adherents  of  the  Duke  of  Bordeaux  or  the  Duke  of  Eechstadt,  as  events  may 
require.  The  conduct  of  the  banished  monarch  while  on  his  return  to  France  and 
of  his  friends  in  withdrawing  from  the  Chamber  of  Deputies  and  the  House  of  Peers, 
was  dictated  by  a  firm  reliance  upon  the  support  of  that  alliance  of  which  he  was  a 
distinguished  member.  The  prompt  acknowledgment  by  England  and  even  by  the 
other  Powers  ought  not  to  induce  us  to  hesitate  in  this  belief;  by  any  other  cause 
they  will  unite  all  France  against  a  common  enemy,  and  thus  diminish  the  chance 
of  these  dissensions  to  which  I  have  referred.  They  would  likewise  be  called,  by 


186  REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON. 

an  immediate  war,  from  tliat  watchfulness  which  their  situation  at  home  at  this 
moment  particularly  demands.  To  delay  the  contest  is  therefore  their  intent,  as  it 
will  be  their  policy.  Our  system  always  has  been,  but  is  now  more  particularly, 
an  object  of  deep  and  settled  hatred  to  the  Powers  of  Europe.  It  is  now  adverted 
to  as  the  source  of  this  accumulation  of  evils.  Our  course  on  this  occasion,  at  the 
very  outset  of  the  first  communication  of  the  Executive  to  Congress,  will  be  looked 
to  with  the  deepest  interest  by  both  parties,  while  it  will  be  watched  with  a 
marked  jealousy  by  one.  Under  these  circumstances  it  would  be  wise — nay,  it  is 
indispensably  necessary — that  we  should  in  the  event  of  a  war,  in  order  to  give  effect 
to  our  determination  to  preserve  a  rigid  neutrality,  extend  our  diplomatic  relations 
to  all  the  parties  to  the  contests,  and  to  enlarge  our  navy,  not  only  that  the  bellige 
rents  may  be  directly  informed  of  our  pacific  policy,  but  that  they  may  be  aware 
of  our  determination  and  our  ability  to  enforce  our  rights  as  neutrals  ;  and  by  thus 
being  enabled  upon  the  first  aggression  to  make  the  most  prompt,  decided,  but  tem 
perate  remonstrances,  we  will  probably  prevent  a  repetition  of  offences,  and  much 
greater  evils,  or  at  all  events  it  will  deprive  the  other  combatants  of  the  excuse  for 
similar  excesses  resulting  from  an  appearance  of  tame  or  pusillanimous  acquiescence 
on  our  part. 

"  If  there  should  not  be  an  immediate  conflict,  missions  at  this  moment  to  the 
courts  actuated  by  the  feelings  to  which  I  have  referred  will  tend  to  allay  their  jeal 
ousies  and  soothe  their  irritations,  and  at  the  same  time  have  the  effect  of  forcing  our 
country  and  its  institutions  into  the  notice  thus  of  all  classes  ;  of  inducing  the  intel 
ligent  and  well-informed  to  examine  the  principles  upon  which  our  government  is 
founded,  and  thus  to  make  comparisons  between  them  and  the  burthensome  mass 
of  absurdities  to  which  they  are  subjected.  Thus  will  the  people  of  these  countries 
become  enamored  of  liberty  and  capable  of  maintaining  it.  Represented  by  our  be 
nign  and  beautiful  system,  she  appears  to  mankind  in  the  most  fascinating  form  ; 
whereas,  by  the  outrages  of  the  French  Rebellion  of  1790  against  all  that  was  wise 
and  good,  she  is  represented  as  a  disgusting  harlot  intoxicated  with  the  blood  and 
corruptions  of  her  followers.  The  unostentatious  and  citizen-like  appearance  of  a 
foreign  Minister  would  then  be  an  object  of  general  and  intense  curiosity.  The  ap 
pearance,  manner,  conversation,  and  character  of  Dr.  Franklin,  and  of  Mr.  Jefferson 
after  him,  in  France,  is  understood  to  have  produced  much  of  that  enthusiasm  and 
love  of  liberty  which,  before  the  revolution,  pervaded  a  certain  class  of  men  in 
that  country. 

"It  seems  now  to  be  admitted,  as  civilization  advances  just  views  of  government 
follow  after  it ;  in  other  words,  as  men  learn  to  reason  rightly  they  discover  that 
government  is  for,  and  ought  to  be  established  by,  the  many  and  not  the  few.  Noth 
ing  has  diffused  the  lights  of  civilization  equally  with  commercial  intercourse.  The 
history  of  the  world  attests  the  truth  of  this  remark,  and  no  country  affords  a  more 
illustrious  example  of  its  advantages  in  this  respect  than  does  that  of  England  when 
she  emerged  from  the  bondage  of  the  feudal  system.  Her  haughty  Barons,  who  suc 
cessfully  resisted  the  power  of  the  Crown  through  the  force  of  their  vassals,  yielded 
to  its  mighty  influence,  and  at  length  sought  its  aid  to  limit  the  power  of  the  Crown. 
^  If  therefore  by  the  extended  diplomacy  of  our  country  we  can  extend  our  com 
merce,  we  shall  be  instrumental  in  some  degree  in  loosening  the  chains  of  those  who 
are  still  held  in  ignorance  and  bondage,  and  we  will  thus  form  alliances  between 
free  principles  and  a  portion  at  least  of  the  people  of  every  one  of  the  arbitrary 


REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON.  1S7 

governments  of  Europe,  which  will  be  useful  without  being  at  all  embarrassing 
to  us. 

"  October,  1830.  JAMES  A.  HAMILTON." 

MARTIN  VAN  BUREN  TO  JAMES  A.  HAMILTON. 

"WASHINGTON,  September  10,  1830. 

"Mr  DEAR  SIR  :  I  have  a  curious  request  to  make  of  you.  I  talked  over  with 
you,  going  to  Ballston,  the  subject  of  internal  improvements  by  Congress,  and  what 
might  with  advantage  be  said  by  me,  and  in  a  manner  which  was  quite  satisfactory 
to  myself  and  it  appeared  to  be  so  to  you.  I  made  no  memorandum,  and  am  confi 
dent  some  things  have  escaped  me  to  which  I  then  attached  importance.  Write  me 
your  recollections,  and  if  they  do  not  hit  upon  the  same  ideas,  they  cannot,  never 
theless,  fail  to  be  useful. 

"  Believe  me  to  be 

"  Yours  truly,  &c." 

On  the  receipt  of  this  letter  I  hastily  prepared  a  statement  of  the  con 
versation  referred  to.  It  embraced  two  important  subjects  :  one,  Internal 
Improvements  ;  the  other,  Impressment. 

MARTIN  VAN  BUREN  TO  JAMES  A.  HAMILTON. 

"  WASHINGTON,  September  30,  1830. 

"DEAR  SIR:  Give  yourself  no  uneasiness  about  the  enclosed.  I  had  picked  up 
my  lost  ideas  before  I  received  your  recollections,  and  put  them  into  a  form  with 
which  I  am  highly  delighted.  You  will  be  surprised  to  find  how  much  you  had  re 
tained  of  our  conversation. 

"In  haste,  your  friend,  &c." 

PRESIDENT  ANDREW  JACKSON  TO  COL.  JAMES  A.  HAMILTON. 

"  WASHINGTON,  October  5,  1830. 

"  MY  DEAR  SIR  :  Your  letter,  with  the  slippers  presented,  was  received  two  days 
ago,  but  we  have  been  so  busied  with  the  despatches  opening  the  West  India  trade, 
some  little  difficulty  having  arisen  in  the  mind  of  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  on 
the  subject  of  the  instructions  to  be  issued  to  the  Collectors,  that  no  leisure  was 
presented  to  me  until  now.  We  arranged  this  last  evening,  and  I  hope  our  return 
despatch  will  reach  New  York  in  time  for  the  packet  of  the  8th. 

"  I  sincerely  thank  you  for  the  solicitude  you  take  with  regard  to  my  health, 
and  have  the  pleasure  to  inform  you  that  it  has  improved,  although  a  little  checked 
by  a  bad  cold  taken  since  my  return  to  this  city.  It  would  afford  us  great  pleasure 
to  see  you  here.  I  have  much  to  say  to  you,  and  some  letters  to  show  you  that 
might  afford  you  some  amusement,  which  would  not  be  proper  to  submit  in  a  letter. 
Major  Donelson,  Lewis,  and  my  son  all  join  in  their  respects  to  you, 

"  And  believe  me, 

"  Sincerely  your  friend,  &c." 


188  REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON. 

Louis  McLANE  TO  JAMES  A.  HAMILTON. 

"  LONDON,  October  6, 1830. 

"  MY  DEAR  SIR  :  I  have  just  returned  from  a  visit  to  Paris,  but  have  not  a  mo 
ment  to  write  a  long  letter  even  to  V.  B.,  and  therefore  must  put  off  until  the  next 
packet  a  letter  of  more  detailed  information  to  you.  I  write  now  a  single  line  in 
consequence  of  your  letter  of  the  23d  August,  which  I  found  here  waiting  my  return. 
In  that  letter  you  observe,  '  I  wrote  you  a  long  confidential  letter  on  the  27th  June 
last,  informing  you  of  divers  interesting  matters,  but  particularly  of  certain  proposed 
changes  here  in  which  you  are  particularly  as  well  as  generally  interested.  Your 
arrival  will  be  looked  for  about  the  middle  of  next  month.'  Now  I  never  received 
such  a  letter.  I  received  in  May  last  a  letter  from  you  dated  the  16th  April,  which 
was  long  and  confidential,  and  corresponding  in  all  other  respects  with  the  above  de 
scription,  which  I  answered  by  the  next  packet ;  but  I  have  received  no  letter  of  June 
nor  any  other  letter  of  any  other  date  on  any  subject  whatsoever  from  you  between 
the  16th  April  and  that  of  the  23d  August,  which  I  am  now  answering.  Of  course, 
I  am  ignorant  of  the  object  of  your  letter  of  the  27th  June,  and  of  course  you  will 
receive  no  answer  to  it.  You  speak  of  having  no  fears  of  the  small  Western  States 
who  will  return  Senators ;  what  then  are  we  to  think  of  the  accounts  in  the  Intelli 
gencer,  of  dates  later  than  your  letter,  taking  from  us  not  Kentucky  only,  but  Illinois, 
Indiana,  Louisiana,  and  Missouri  ?  Can  it  be  possible  that  the  Editors  have  been 
so  profligate  as  to  parade  this  false  intelligence  to  affect  the  elections  in  Maryland 
and  Delaware  ?  It  may  be  so,  and  I  hope  that  this  is  the  explanation  ;  but  then, 
even  these  accounts,  together  with  the  exaggerated  state  of  affairs  in  South  Carolina, 
have  an  unfavorable  influence  here,  in  weakening  confidence  in  the  strength  and 
permanence  of  the  administration.  Van  Buren,  and  you,  and  Cambreling,  should 
have  foreseen  this,  and  if  the  accounts  in  the  Intelligencer  be  false,  have  kept  me 
well  informed  of  the  real  state  of  things.  You  have  all  left  this  Legation  too  depend 
ent  upon  newspapers,  which  that  youthful  agent,  Mr.  Brent,  professes  to  put  up  twice 
a  month.  France  is  not  yet  settled,  though  if  peace  continue  in  Europe,  I  think  she 
will  go  on  and  establish  her  government.  But  a  European  war  is  scarcely  to  be 
avoided.  Everywhere  the  elements  of  discord  and  rupture  are  active  and  potent. 
This  government  will  exert  every  nerve  and  make  almost  any  sacrifice  to  preserve 
peace,  and  will  not  interfere  if  she  can  help  it.  I  believe  nothing  short  of  an  at 
tempt  to  unite  Belgium  with  France,  or  in  some  other  way  to  extend  the  territorial 
limits  of  France,  will  draw  Great  Britain  into  the  war.  But  of  all  these  things,  in 
detail  more  in  my  next.  Meantime,  let  me  into  the  secrets  and  doings  at  home,  and 

"Believe  me, 

"  Very  truly  yours,  &c. 
"  You  should  make  some  inquiries  about  your  letter  of  the  27th  of  June. 

"  P.  S.  Randolph  is  at  present  in  London,  having  quit  St.  Petersburg!!  in  conse 
quence  of  bad  health.  He  says  Juba  had  the  black  vomit  at  St.  Petersburg!].  He 
has  sent  him  to  the  U.  S.  with  all  his  trumpery,  but  means  to  travel  himself  in  the 
south  of  Europe,  first  buying  in  London  a  leaden  coffin  in  case  of  accident.  In 
health,  he  is  a  good  deal  shattered,  and  looks  badly."  * 


*  Randolph  was  appointed  Envoy  Extraordinary  and  Minister  Plenipotentiary  to  Russia. 
Shortly  after  his  arrival,  he  was  presented,  and  made  himself  very  ridiculous. 

The  presentation  is  in  the  Throne-Room  of  the  Winter  Palace.     Their  Majesties  the  Em- 


REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES  A.  HAMILTON.  189 

MARTIN  VAN  BUREN  TO  JAMES  A.  HAMILTON. 

"  WASHINGTON,  October  13, 1830. 

"My  DEAR  SIR:  lam  so  deeply  laden  down  with  business  (more  so  than  ever,  if 
possible),  that  I  have  only  time  to  say  a  word.  The  General  Van  Sholten  is  here, 
and  will  make  his  speech  to-morrow.  His  papers  are  quite  informal,  but  we  will 
send  him  away,  at  least  personally  pleased.  Although  we  have  enough  in  all  con 
science  to  meet  Congress  with,  I  should  not  be  surprised  if  before  they  meet  we  receive 
valuable  additions.  The  negotiations  in  France  and  Spain — the  sluggard  Spain — 
keep  me  busy.  You  see  in  the  extract  from  the  Boston  paper,  republished  in  the 
Intelligencer  of  to-day,  that  it  is  admitted  that  the  Act  of  1823  lost  us  the  trade. 
Tills  is  giving  up  the  question,  as  it  is  well  known  that  Mr.  Adams  drew  up  that  Act ; 
that  its  provisions  were  covered  over  by  the  lapse  of  the  word  elsewhere  ;  so  much  so 
that  the  British  Government  even  felt  it  necessary  to  ask  for  explanations  as  to  its 
meaning,  but  he  insisted  upon  it  for  years,  and  gave  it  up  when  it  was  too  late. 
What  do  they  mean  ?  Is  it  to  get  Mr.  Clay  out  of  the  scrape,  and  throw  all  the  blame 
upon  Mr,  Adams  ?*********** 

"  Mirabeau  said  of  the  Bourbons,  'that  they  always  came  too  late  to  do  good.' 
How  applicable  to  the  Adamses !  Yours  truly,  &c." 

JAMES  A.  HAMILTON  TO  PRESIDENT  JACKSON. 

"  NEW  YORK,  October  16,  1830. 

"My  DEAR  SIR:  I  had  the  pleasure  to  receive  your  letters  of  the  5th  and  8th 
instant,  informing  me  of  your  safe  arrival  and  improved  health. 

"Your  success  in  adjusting  that  difficult  matter,  the  West  India  Trade,  is  very 
properly  appreciated  here  by  all  ranks  and  parties,  except  the  factious  cavilers,  who 
deceive  themselves  in  their  efforts  to  delude  the  people.  We  daily  see  in  the  Post 
the  evidence,  and  receive  information  from  those  further  East,  which  assure  us  that 
it  will  give  greatly  increased  activity  to  our  commerce. 

"Among  the  measures  of  congratulation  to  you,  the  increase  of  our  impost  rev- 

peror  and  Empress  leave  the  Throne,  those  who  are  to  be  presented  forming  a  semicircle 
in  front  of  the  Throne,  on  the  left  the  ambassador  of  highest  rank,  and  the  others  in  suc 
cession.  I  speak  of  the  arrangements  when  I  was  presented  in  the  winter  of  1841-42.  The 
Emperor,  attended  by  a  Chamberlain,  begins  at  the  left  and  goes  along  the  whole  line,  the 
names  of  the  different  persons  to  be  presented  being  announced  to  him  in  turn.  After  the 
Emperor,  the  Empress  follows,  in  full  court  dress,  a  page  holding  up  her  train  ;  a  Chamberlain 
accompanies  her,  announcing  each  person  in  turn  as  she  approaches  him.  She  holds  out  the 
back  of  her  hand  to  be  kissed  ;  the  person  presented  takes  her  hand  in  his.  The  Courtiers 
are  arranged  on  each  side  of  the  Throne  according  to  their  rank,  male  and  female.  They 
form  a  semicircle  facing  those  who  are  to  be  presented. 

When  Her  Majesty  approached  John  Randolph,  American  Minister  Plenipotentiary,  intend 
ing  to  be  most  profoundly  respectful  he  went  down  on  one  knee.  He  had  on  leather  hunting 
gloves,  rather  tight,  and  while  she  was  holding  out  her  hand,  he  was  tugging  away  at  the  glove 
to  get  it  off,  but  in  vain.  He  was  a  very  thin,  awkward  man,  and  was  said  to  look  like  a 
forked  radish.  This  awkward  circumstance  continued  so  long  that  all  the  lookers-on  burst  out 
into  a  laugh.  Her  Majesty  with  great  condescension  put  her  hand  down  to  him  and  he  kissed 
it.  This  rendered  him  so  ridiculous  that  he  did  not  remain  long  at  his  post.  When  he  was 
to  be  presented  in  London,  McLane  told  me  he  insisted  upon  going  in  the  presence  of  Majesty 
in  so  outrageous  a  manner  that  his  entrance  was  resisted  by  the  attendants. 

He  was  a  man  of  great  purity,  a  finished  scholar  of  decided  talents  and  much  experience, 
but  erratic  in  the  extreme,  and  of  an  imperious  temper. 


190  REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON. 

enues  is  not  to  be  overlooked.  This  will  not  only  afford  the  means,  more  rapidly 
than  was  anticipated,  of  absorbing  the  public  debt,  but  it  tends  to  show  that  the  pro 
tective  system  has  not  been  productive  of  the  evils  to  our  commerce  which  were  so 
confidently  anticipated  by  its  opponents. 

"The recent  events  in  Europe  are  full  of  interest  here,  as  well  as  on  the  other 
side  of  the  water.  Ought  we  not  to  look  to  a  general  war  as  an  event  at  least  so 
probable,  as  to  prepare  the  outlines  of  a  system  suited  to  such  a  state  of  things  ? 
But  more  of  this  when  we  meet,  which  pleasure,  I  regret  to  say,  appears  likely  to 
be  deferred  until  after  the  5th  or  6th  of  the  next  month,  owing  to  the  continued 
sessions  of  the  U.  S.  Courts  in  this  district. 

"  With  my  best  wishes  I  remain,  dear  sir,  your  friend,  &c." 

MARTIN  VAN  BUREN  TO  JAMES  A.  HAMILTON. 

"WASHINGTON,  October  17,  1830. 

"My  DEAR  SIB:  *  *  *  *  You  see  that  Eaton  has  succeeded  in  negotiating 
a  treaty  with  the  Choctaws.  This  is  an  important  matter,  and  breaks  the  force  of  the 
Indian  question.  The  Choctaws  and  Chickasaws  are  the  most  formidable  tribes,  and 
the  rest  must  follow,  of  course.  The  General  is  much  pleased  with  this  matter.  We 
really  go  on  swimmingly.  Yours  truly,  &c." 

P.  VAN  SHOLTEN  TO  JAMES  A.  HAMILTON. 

"WASHINGTON,  October  30,  1830. 

"  MY  DEAR  SIR  :  Your  very  friendly  and  welcome  letter  reachedme  yesterday, 
and  gave  me  great  pleasure,  as  a  proof  of  the  continuation  of  your  friendship  for  me, 
to  which  I  consider  myself  indebted,  not  only  for  the  most  agreeable  hours  I  have 
passed  with  you  and  your  family,  but  also  for  the  flattering  reception  and  facility  of 
intercourse  which  I  have  met  with  here.  Your  kind  intentions  of  writing  to  me  for 
some  time  past  have,  I  assure  you,  been  reciprocated  by  me.  In  the  execution,  how 
ever,  I  certainly  stand  as  the  debtor,  and  trust  to  your  indulgence  for  my  acquittal, 
having  been  so  occupied  and  so  sick  since  my  arrival,  as  to  have  deferred  the  pleasure 
of  communicating  with  you  until  your  personal  appearance  here,  of  which,  according 
to  the  report,  I  have  been  in  daily  expectation. 

"I  have  just  given  in  my  note,  in  form  of  an  ultimatum,  for  the  private  perusal 
of  Mr.  Van  Buren,  and  wish  particularly  that  you  could  have  seen  it  while  in  the 
rough." 

PRESIDENT  JACKSON'S  MESSAGE,  1830. 
J.  A.  HAMILTON  TO  A  FRIEND. 

"  WASHINGTON,  5  o'clock,  P.  M.,  Nov.  21,  1830. 

"  I  arrived  here  this  afternoon ;  found  Van  Buren  busily  engaged  with  matters 
relating  to  the  approaching  meeting  of  Congress,  in  which  I  was  immediately 
enlisted,  and  so  continued  until  dinner.  I  understand  the  President  has  got  all  the 
materials  for  his  Message  now  before  him  ;  how  far  it  has  progressed  I  do  not  know." 

A  LETTER  TO  THE  SAME. 

"PRESIDENT'S  HOUSE,  November  24,  1830. 
"I  have  no  power  to  write  more  than  to  say  I  was  all  of  yesterday,  and  until  3 


REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES  A.  HAMILTON.  191 

o'clock  in  the  morning,  engaged  at  the  old  work  (preparing  the  Message),  and  again 
to-day  ;  and  so  I  shall  be  continued  on  the  rack  until  I  depart,  which  I  hoped  would 
have  been  on  the  1st  or  2d  proximo;  but,  as  I  learn  to-day  that  the  Cabinet 
meeting  as  to  the  Message  is  not  to  be  held  until  Saturday,  I  fear  I  cannot  get  away 
so  soon. 

"  I  am  now  preparing  the  picture,  which  will  be  so  much  daubed  by  the  different 
efforts  at  improvement,  as  probably  to  obliterate  all  I  now  do  ;  and  then  I  shall  have 
to  work  as  hard  again  to  restore  the  original  or  finish  the  substitute." 

A  LETTER  TO  THE  SAME. 

"PRESIDENT'S  HOUSE,  November  28,  1830. 

"The  Cabinet  Council  of  yesterday  went  off  well;  there  was  very  little  daubing, 
and  consequently  but  little  reparation  to  be  made.  The  Message  will  be  a  strong  one, 
touching  four  or  five  most  interesting  points,  on  all  of  which  the  President  is  very 
explicit.  The  suggestions  as  to  the  Bank  I  do  not  approve  ;  his  plan  is  impracticable  ; 
I  made  efforts  to  amend  and  omit — neither  would  do.  I  write  this  to  you  that  I  may 
be  on  paper  in  that  view.  All  is  going  on  well. 

"  1  have  received  great  attention  here,  and  am  altogether  gratified  by  my  visit. 
The  refractory  members  of  the  Cabinet  have  become  tame ;  nay  more,  absolutely 

subdued.'" 

% 

To  THE  SAME. 

"  WASHINGTON,  November  30,  1830. 

"As  to  the  Message,  the  preliminary  work  is  completed,  and  the  reparation, 
after  the  Cabinet  have  passed  upon  it,  is  very  excessive.  I  shall  leave  here  on  Tuesday. 
"  '  The  Plan  '  is,  I  fear,  not  as  well  thought  of  by  Van  Buren  as  it  was  ;  he  inti 
mates  an  indisposition  to  be  Vice-President,  and  some  safe  man  is  spoken  of.  This 
may  be  real,  or  to  divert  public  attention.  I  have  expressed  a  most  decided  opinion 
against  its  expediency.  The  difficulties  in  the  Cabinet  are  drawing  to  a  crisis,  and 
one  removal  at  least  must  be  made  (Ingham)  ere  long." 

A  LETTER  TO  THE  SAME. 

"  PRESIDENT'S  HOUSE,  November,  1830. 

"  I  am  a  prisoner  in  the  house,  condemned  to  unceasing  labor.  Last  night  I  did 
not  get  to  bed  until  between  two  and  three  o'clock,  and  to  sleep  only  half  my  usual 
time.  To-night  my  vigils  will  be  more  extended,  for,  by  to-morrow  evening,  I  hope 
to  complete  my  preliminary  labors.  The  President's  kindness  and  confidence  exceeds 
even  what  was  before  evinced.  I  therefore  feel  so  much  pleasure  in  serving  him, 
that  my  labors  are  light  as  a  lady's  task.  When  the  heart  prompts  us,  there  is  no 
limit  to  our  exertions.  I  think  the  Message  will  be  better  than  the  last  one.  To 
morrow  Mr.  Vaughan  gives  me  a  dinner. 

"  Van  Sholten  (Danish  Minister)  will  return  to  New  York  probably  with  me, 
on  his  way  to  St.  Croix,  whither  he  is  to  be  conveyed  in  a  public  ship.  The  rejec 
tion  of  his  propositions  will  be  given  in  such  mellowed  terras  as  to  take  from  it 
its  sting." 


192  REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON. 

Louis  McLANE  TO  JAMES  A.  HAMILTON. 

"LONDON,  December  16,  1830. 

"  MY  DEAE  SIR  :  I  have  no  time  for  a  long  letter.  But  I  am  apprehensive,  from 
the  fact  that  I  have  never  received  your  letter  of  July,  which  in  another  you  stated 
you  had  written,  that  some  of  mine  also  have  miscarried,  and  that  these  are  accidents 
peculiarly  attending  our  correspondence.  Will  you  do  me  the  favor,  therefore,  to 
say  whether  you  received  a  long  letter  from  me  by  the  packet  which  took  out  the 
result  of  my  negotiation,  and  also  a  letter  dated,  I  believe,  the  6th  of  October,  in 
which  I  informed  you  that  I  had  never  received  your  letter  of  July,  stated  by  you 
to  be  confidential  ? 

"  The  revolution  in  Poland  will  give  a  new  turn  to  affairs  in  Europe,  but  it  is  im 
possible  now  to  foresee  its  effects. 

"  I  fear  the  elections  are  not  as  favorable  as  we  could  desire,  and  that  our  old 
chief  is  carrying  too  much  weight. 

"  Believe  me  to  be,  &c." 


CHAPTEK    VII. 


FROM  JANUARY,  1831,  TO  JANUARY,  1834. 

Foreign  affairs — Vindication  against  Mr.  Calhoun's  charges — Mr.  Rhind  and  the 
horses  presented  by  the  Sublime  Porte — The  negotiations  with  ihe  Sublime 
Porte — Resignation  of  Mr.  Van  Bnren — Changes  in  the  Cabinet — The  jewels 
stolen  from  the  Princess  of  Orange — Their  recovery — The  nullification,  move 
ment — Gibbs  the  pirate— The  United  States  Bank — Resignation. 

JAMES  A.  HAMILTON  TO  MARTIN  VAN  BUREN. 

"NEW  YORK,  January  10,  1831. 

"  MY  DEAR  SIR  :  I  wish  you  would  send  me  a  copy  of  the  English  and  Danish 
correspondence. 

"  When  the  Rev.  John  MoVickar  was  in  London,  he  endeavored  to  obtain  copies 
of  reports,  &c.,  printed  by  order  of  Parliament,  and  in  doing  so  received  great  assist 
ance  from  Lord  Lyndurst,  Mr.  Hcrries,  and  other  distinguished  gentlemen.  In  the 
course  of  his  intercourse  with  the  gentlemen  named,  he  suggested  the  propriety  of 
interchanges  of  such  papers  by  our  two  governments.  The  intimation  was  well 
received,  and  he  was  assured  that,  if  such  a  step  was  proposed,  it  would  be  adopted 
and  acted  upon  by  them  in  the  most  liberal  manner.  I  therefore  beg  leave  to  sug 
gest  that  you  write  a  note  to  Mr.  Vaughan,  informing  him  that  you  have  given 
orders  that  he  be  furnished  with  all  Reports  not  of  a  confidential  nature,  that  are 
printed  for  the  use  of  the  two  Houses  of  Congress,  that  he  may  be  enabled  to  furnish 
his  government  with  such  of  them  as  are  deemed  useful.  Ho  will,  without  any  in 
timation  from  yon,  naturally,  or  rather  necessarily,  induce  the  same  proceeding  on 
their  part;  and  if  he  does  not,  by  sending  a  copy  of  your  note  to  McLane,  the  matter 
will  be  brought  to  the  notice  of  the  British  Government.  The  information  thus  ob 
tained  would  be  highly  useful  to  us  in  so  many  points  of  view,  as  really  to  make  it 
an  object  of  national  concern. 

"With  great  regard,  your  friend.  &c." 

COMMANDER  NAVY  YARD,   Brooklyn,    to  JAMES  A.  HAMILTON,  Esq.,   District 
Attorney  of  the  Southern  District  of  New  York. 

"  U.  S.  NAVY  YARD,  NEW  YORK,  ) 
"  January  22,  1831.         J 

"  SIR  :  I  had  the  honor  this  morning  to  receive  your  communication  of  yesterday's 
13 


194  REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON. 

date,  and  in  reply  to  state,  that  the  Yincennes  is  not  detained  on  account  of  not  receiv 
ing  funds,  although  the  amount  required  has  not  been  remitted,  owing  probably  to 
the  state  of  the  roads. 

"  If  the  necessary  funds  should  not  arrive  in  time,  and  the  Navy  Agent  should  de 
cline  furnishing  the  amount  upon  the  necessary  requisition  approved  by  me,  I  will 
then  avail  myself  of  your  kind  offer  to  furnish  the  necessary  funds. 

"The  Vincennes  is  entirely  ready  for  sea,  so  far  as  depends  upon  myself  or  Cap 
tain  Shubrick,  and  she  will  proceed  on  the  first  favorable  opportunity,  because  I  do 
not  feel  authorized  to  detain  her  under  the  circumstances  in  which  Governor  Van 
Sholten  is  placed,  although  I  have  been  informed  by  the  Navy  Commissioners  that 
they  had  instructed  Commodore  Stewart  and  Mr.  Humphreys  to  proceed  to  this 
place  and  survey  the  Vincennes,  previous  to  her  proceeding  to  sea.  These  gentlemen 
have  not  yet  arrived.  I  have  the  honor  to  be,  very  respectfully  Sir, 

"  Your  most  obedient  servant." 

Louis  McLANE,  MINISTER,  &c.,  TO  JAMES  A.  HAMILTON. 

"  LONDON,  January  30,  1831. 

"  MY  DEAR  SIB  :  I  am  far  from  thinking  that  the  danger  of  a  general  war  in  Eu 
rope  has  subsided.  Peace  cannot  be  considered  safe  until  the  difficulties  in  Belgium 
and  Poland  shall  be  settled,  and  these,  I  think,  are  increasing.  The  object  of  the 
London  Conferences  has  been,  in  my  opinion,  to  place  the  Prince  of  Orange  on  the 
Belgian  throne  as  the  nearest  means  of  reconciling  all  parties  to  Belgian  independ 
ence,  and  in  that  way  to  preserve  the  peace  of  Europe  ;  but  I  do  not  believe  that 
object  is  attainable,  and  there  can  be  little  doubt  that  by  the  liberal  party  in  France 
the  Belgians  have  been  encouraged  to  reject  his  pretensions.  That  party  desires  a 
union  with  France,  and  certainly  a  separation  of  Belgium  from  the  policy  and  power 
of  the  allies.  Their  aim  will  not  be  easily  baffled,  and  with  this  party  Louis  Phi 
lippe  (now  essentially  a  "  legitimate"),  at  no  distant  day  will  have  to  try  his  strength. 
Meantime,  Belgium  is  threatened  with  counter  revolution,  with  intestine  divisions, 
Vith  a  want  of  any  lofty  or  sound  sagacity,  and  with  all  the  horrors  of  anarchy. 
Either  a  counter  revolution,  or  any  of  the  other  evils,  must  renew  the  war  in  that 
country,  and  which  could  not  be  prevented  afterward  from  spreading.  There  is  too 
much  well-founded  jealousy  with  both  England  and  France,  of  Russian  power,  to 
•view  without  alarm  the  total  overthrow  of  the  Poles.  It  is  obvious  that  the  rights 
.secured  to  Poland  by  the  treaties  of  Vienna  have  been  shamefully  violated,  and  if 
there  be  any  force  in  such  obligations,  the  allies  ought  not  to  leave  those  gallant  peo 
ple  to  the  mercy  of  the  Russian  tyrant.  No  one  doubts  that  the  vast  military  pre 
parations  in  Russia  previous  to  the  Polish  revolution  were  intended  for  operations  on 
&  much  larger  scale  than  the  Belgian  theatre;  and  as  little  can  it  be  doubted  that  if 
Poland  be  now  at  once  sufficiently  subdued,  the  real  objects  of  the  Autocrat  will 
.again  revive.  There  would  be  little  to  prevent  him  in  that  event  from  strengthening 
his  forces  with  Austria,  Prussia,  and  Holland,  and  marching  at  once  into  France. 
Neither  England  nor  France  can  be  supposed  to  be  insensible  to  this  danger,  and  it 
is  already  rumored  that  means  are  preparing  to  guard  against  it.  If  Poland  there 
fore  can  resist  Russia  for  a  time,  the  probability  of  war  is  great ;  if  she  cannot,  and 
Russia  attempts  anything  further,  war  would  be  unavoidable.  All  these  things  will 
soon  come  to  a  crisis  however,  and  I  may  be  able  even  to-morrow  to  add  a  postscript 


REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON.  195 

reporting  the  choice  of  a  sovereign  in  Belgium,  for  whom  the  election  was  to  take 
place  on  the  28th  instant.  I  doubt  if  the  public  men  are  adequate  to  grapple  with 
the  events  of  the  times,  and  my  belief  is  that,  if  peace  be  preserved,  it  will  be  by 
chance.  The  spirit  of  free  institutions  is  abroad,  Las  taken  deep  root,  and  the  ex 
plosion  must  come.  It  is,  indeed,  the  spirit  of  freedom  which  is  now  rocking  Europe, 
and  what  is  there  to  compose  that  spirit  ?  Bayonets  cannot  do  it,  and  monarchs 
will  not ;  therefore,  these  elements  in  my  opinion  are  not  to  know  pence. 

"  Your  friend,  &c." 

JAMES  A.  HAMILTON  TO  PRESIDENT  ANDREW  JACKSON. 

"NEW  YORK,  February  3,  1831. 

"Mr  DEAR  SIR:  I  had  the  pleasure  to-day  to  receive  a  letter  from  our  friend 
Major  Lewis,  in  a  P.  S.  to  which  he  informs  me  in  relation  to  the  recent  correspond 
ence  between  you  and  the  Vice-President  that  you  had  from  the  solicitations  of  the 
friends  of  both  parties  promised  to  bury  the  affair  in  oblivion,  provided  the  other 
party  will  act  in  good  faith.  This  disposition  of  the  matter  has  given  rise  to 
difficult  questions,  as  to  what  I  ought  to  do  in  relation  to  the  charges  in  these 
letters,  and  recently  repeated  in  the  public  prints  of  intrigues  and  mischief-making, 
in  which  I  am  said  to  have  participated.  I  wish  to  submit  my  views  to  you,  in 
order  that  you  may  advise  me  as  to  my  course.  When  you  first  showed  the  letters 
to  me,  I  intimated  a  question  whether  I  ought  not  to  write  to  Mr.  Calhoun.  I  was 
not  then  anxious  on  the  subject,  because  I  foresaw  that  the  letters  must  become 
public,  and  that  I  should  then  have  an  opportunity  to  do  myself  and  another  jus 
tice.  More  recently,  and  after  it  was  understood  that  the  Vice-President  intended 
to  publish,  I  had  collected  the  documents  necessary  to  explain  my  participation  in 
the  matter,  and  was  prepared  to  make  such  a  publication  (although,  as  I  stated  to 
Lewris,  I  would  with  great  reluctance  go  into  the  public  prints),  as  would  show  that 
the  charge  was  groundless.  My  publication  was  then  contemplated  to  be  an  answer 
to  his  letter  to  you,  when  that  letter  should  be  made  public,  as  it  was  shortly  ex 
pected  to  be.  That  expectation  is  now  destroyed,  and  thus  arise  the  difficulties  of 
my  situation.  Mr.  Calhoun  has  made  the  charges  in  the  letter  to  you.  A  copy  of 
that  letter  has  been  sent  by  you  to  Mr.  Crawford,  and  has  been  seen  by  Mr.  Forsyth. 
Mr.  Calhoun  has  shown  the  correspondence  to  his  friends,  and  may  have  extended 
it  far  and  wide.  I  cannot  extend  my  denial  and  explanation  as  far  as  the  charge 
has  gone  without  publication  ;  and  if  I  do  so  the  step  will  almost  unavoidably  involve 
the  deve'^vment  of  the  whole  matter,  expose  me  to  the  further  charge  of  having 
made  tht  publication  with  mischievous  intentions,  and  you,  perhaps,  as  iny  know 
ledge  of  what  he  has  written  is  derived  from  you,  with  having  acquiesced  in  a  pub 
lication  by  me  for  the  purpose  of  getting  the  whole  subject  before  the  public. 
Another  question  may  be  made  which  is,  whether  your  promise  to  bury,  &c.,  ought 
not  to  bind  your  friends  and  control  their  conduct.  The  subject  is  full  of  difficulty; 
and  notwithstanding  the  solicitude  I  must  necessarily  feel  on  this  subject,  I  trust  I 
am  too  sensible  of  the  duties  I  owe  to  my  friends,  and  particularly  to  you,  not  to 
be  willing  to  take  some  risk  of  loss  or  to  make  a  positive  sacrifice  rather  than  to 
expose  them  to  injury  by  inferences  that  are  illogical,  unfair,  and  wholly  unfounded. 
I  have  given  you  in  this  letter,  written  on  the  spur  of  the  occasion,  my  first  im 
pressions,  without  having  taken  any  decision,  or  even  permitted  myself  to  indulge 


196  REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON. 

a  wish  on  the  subject.     And  thus  I  determine  to  remain  until  I  am  advised  by  you, 
or  shall  have  fully  and  dispassionately  deliberated  upon  the  subject. 

"  With  the  truest  attachment,  I  remain,  yours,  &c." 

JAMES  A.  HAMILTON,  U.  S.  DIST.  ATT'Y.,  TO  PRESIDENT  ANDREW  JACKSON. 

[Official.] 

"NEW  YOKE,  February  22,  1831. 

"SiR:  I  observe  a  Bill  has  been  introduced,  authorizing  a  recession  of  Fort 
Gansevoort  in  this  city.  I  think  myself  bound  to  state  that  a  suit  is  now  pending 
on  behalf  of  the  Corporation  to  recover  from  the  Government  that  property,  and 
that,  if  they  succeed,  the  United  States  will  be  entitled  to  receive  from  their  grantor, 
Mr.  John  Jacob  Astor,  the  consideration  money  they  paid  for  the  property,  with  six 
per  cent,  interest  for  six  years;  whereas,  possibly,  if  this  bill  should  pass,  that 
right  would  be  yielded.  Under  the  circumstances,  it  is  deserving  of  consideration 
whether  anything  ought  to  be  done  on  the  subject  at  this  time. 

"I  have  the  honor  to  be,  with  great  respect,  yours,  &c." 

JAMES  A.  HAMILTON  TO  PRESIDENT  JACKSON. 

"NEW  YORK,  February  24,  1831. 

"DEAR  SIR:  I  have  the  pleasure  to  inclose  to  you  herewith  the  New  York 
Evening  Post,  containing  my  vindication  from  the  charges  insinuated  against  me  in 
Mr.  Calhoun's  letters  and  address.  I  hope  it  will  meet  with  your  approbation.* 
My  object  has  been  to  avoid  recrimination;  to  present  myself  to  the  public  as  an 
injured  person,  and  so  most  assuredly  I  am ;  and  to  confine  myself  entirely  to  my 
own  case.  I  have  the  best  evidence  to  prove  that  Van  Buren  determined,  before 
the  letter  was  submitted  to  you,  to  have  no  concern  in  the  matter ;  but  as  I  did  not 
know  what  his  wishes  were  on  the  subject,  I  have  refrained  from  any  allusion  to 
him.  It  is  manifest  that  he  is  the  object  of  attack,  and  that  he  must  come  out ;  and 
when  that  is  done,  if  he  gives  me  permission,  I  will  publish  such  parts  of  our  cor 
respondence  as  will  show  he  was  wholly  disconnected  from  the  matter.  I  have  not 
written  to  you  for  a  long  time,  because  I  did  not  choose  to  consume  any  portion  of 
that  time  on  which  the  public  interests  make  such  ince?sant  claims.  I  hope  you 
are  in  good  health. 

"With  the  truest  attachment,  your  friend,  &c." 

JAMES  A.  HAMILTON  TO  MARTIN  VAN  BUREN. 

"NEW  YORK,  February  28.  1831. 

"My  DEAR  SIR:  I  explained  to  Major  Lewis  or  the  President,  in  a  recent  letter 
t*>  be  communicated  to  you,  why  I  did  not  refer  to  you  and  our  correspondence  on 
the  subject  in  my  statement.  I  hope  you  are  satisfied  with  my  course. 

"  Mr.  Calhoun's  statement  of  the  24th  instant,  may  call  for  a  reply  from  me,  and 
in  it.  I  should  like  with  your  permission  to  publish  your  letter  asking  for  copies  of 
the  correspondence,  &c.,  my  letters  accompanying  them  and  your  reply,  or  such 
parts  of  them  as  would  not  be  improper  to  be  made  public. 

*  See  Evening  Post,  24th  February,  1831. 


REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON.  197 

"In  my  opinion,  this  correspondence  fully  disproves  any  plot  in  which  you  par 
ticipated  with  me,  and  it  consequently  disproves  Mr.  Culht mn's  gross  charges  against 
me  ;  because,  if  you  were  not  in  a  plot,  he  will  he  at  a  loss  to  find  the  persons  with 
whom  I  plotted.  It  also  proves  my  reluctance  to  send  copies  of  the  letters  to  Wash 
ington,  a  fact  wholly  irreconcilable  with  having  been  engaged  in  a  plot,  to  bring 
about  a  rupture  between  General  Jackson  and  Mr.  Calhoun. 

"  I  inclose  you  a  copy  of  my  letter  to  you  by  which  it  appears  that  I  then  com 
municated  all  the  circumstances  of  my  connection  with  the  letter  from  Mr.  For^yth, 
and  my  correspondence  with  Calhoun.  Would  this  letter  have  been  written  to  you 
if  there  had  been  any  previous  understanding  between  us?  Certainly  not— it  is 
contrary  to  the  nature  of  things. 

"  If  you  have  the  slightest  wish  that  I  should  not  publish  this  correspondence,  or 
refer  to  it,  you  must  intimate  it.  Nothing  shall  induce  me  to  do  any  thing  that 
may  be  deemed  inexpedient  by  yon. 

"  Your  friend,  &c." 

JAMES  A.  HAMILTON  TO  THE  DUKE  BE  KEGINA. 

"]STEw  YORK,  March  5,  1831. 

"DEAR  SIR:  I  have  the  honor  to  inclose  to  you  a  letter  I  this  day  received  from 
Mr.  Daniel  Brent,  who  is  the  chief  clerk  of  the  Department  of  S  ate. 

"The  practice  of  addressing  communications  to  "  the  President  and  Members  of" 
the  Congress,"  to  which  allusion  is  made,  obtained  under  the  old  confederation  of 
the  United  States,  and  was  then  correct,  inasmuch  as  there  was  then  no  other  organ 
of  communication  to  the  government  of  this  country,  the  executive,  as  well  as 
legislative,  power  of  the  States  being  vested  in  the  Congress,  an  assemblage  of  the 
representatives  of  the  different  States.  But,  after  the  adoption  of  the  existing  Con 
stitution  in  1789,  the  system  was  essentially  changed,  the  executive,  legislative,  and 
judicial  powers  being  vested  in  different  departments.  The  first  became,  as  regards 
foreign  governments,  the  sole  representative  of  the  United  States,  and,  consequently, 
the  only  organ  of  communication  with  them ;  either  directly  when  addressed  by  the 
executives  of  other  governments,  or  through  the  Secretary  of  State,  when  addressed 
by  their  representatives. 

"  I  indulge  the  hope  that  this  communication  will  afford  you  all  the  information 
you  required  on  the  subject  to  which  it  refers ;  but  if  it  should  not,  do  me  the  favor 
to  inform  me  in  what  respect  it  is  deficient  that  I  may  have  the  pleasure  further  to 
serve  you. 

"With  sincere  respect  and  regard,  I  have  the  honor  to  be,  &c." 

MARTIN  VAN  BDREN  TO  JAMES  A.  HAMILTON. 

"WASHINGTON,  March  9,  1831. 

"MY  DEAR  SIR:  I  have  only  time  to  snatch  a  moment  to  say  a  word  to  you. 
We  are  pressed  with  grave  matters,  which  require  our  undivided  attention.  Mr. 
Rhind  will  tell  you  what  we  have  done  and  mean  to  do  in  regard  to  the  horses*  and 
the  Charge  d' Affaires.  I  wish  you  would  try  to  keep  him  in  good  feeling  about  the 


*  For  the  whole  matter  of  Mr.  Rhind  and  the  horses  see  the  correspondence  further  on. 


198  REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON. 

former.  I  wrote  you  by  yesterday's  mail  under  cover  to  Mr.  Cambreling.  The  cor 
respondence  is  almost  forgotten  in  the  Western  States,  and  we  may  soon  have  mat 
ters  which  will  entirely  withdraw  public  attention  from  it.  But  of  this  express  no 
conjectures.  Remember  me  kindly  to  the  family. 

"Yours  truly,  &c. 

"P.  S. — Don't  infer  from  my  letter  of  yesterday,  that  I  want  you  to  say  anything 
except  in  case  of  strong  necessity." 

JAMES  A.  HAMILTON  TO  MARTIN  VAN  BUREN. 

"NETV  YORK,  March  12,  1831. 

"  MY  DEAR  SIR  :  I  have  recently  had  a  conversation  with  Mr.  Gallatin.  in  relation 
to  the  decision  of  the  King  of  the  Netherlands.  He  says  he  has  carefully  traced,  on 
an  accurate  map,  the  line  said  to  have  been  determined  by  the  arbitrator  to  be  our 
N.  E.  boundary,  and  finds  that  it  gives  to  the  British  more  than  two  fifths  of  the 
disputed  territory.  He  further  states  that  the  arbitrator  has  not  decided  the  only 
point  submitted  to  him,  viz:  '  Where  the  line  was  to  be  run  in  pursuance  of  the 
Treaty  ^/"ITSS."  That  was  the  sole  point  in  dispute  between  the  parties,  and  has 
been  the  sole  subject  of  discussion,  and  was  to  be  decided,  so  far  as  the  principal  line 
was  concerned,  by  ascertaining  what  were  the  "  highlands  "  referred  to  in  that  treaty. 
That  instead  of  deciding  this  point  by  ascertaining  the  highland  referred  to,  he  has 
laid  down  a  new  line  by  way  of  compromise,  which  instead  of  passing  along  upon 
highlands  runs  along  certain  rivers.  He  says  he  was  particular  in  forming  the 
arrangement  to  refer  to  the  subject  to  state  the  point  submitted  in  such  a  way  as  not  to 
give  the  arbitrator  a  discretion,  and  that  he  has  constantly  prompted  Mr.  Preble  to 
insist  that  the  decision  should  conform  to  that  view  of  the  subject ;  and  he  insists 
that  this  uncalled  for  decision  is  not  binding  upon  the  parties.  As  this  is  a  subject 
of  deep  interest,  as  well  because  it  involves  a  point  of  national  honor,  domestic 
tranquillity,  and  grave  constitutional  questions,  I  will,  if  you  wish  it,  pursue  the  dis 
cussion,  further  with  him,  and  give  you  his  more  mature  opinion.  I  am  of  the 
opinion  that  we  may  disaffirm  the  decision  from  the  considerations  mentioned,  as 
well  as  because  the  arbitrator  was  a  political  person  known  as  the  King  of  the  Neth 
erlands,  and  not  the  individual  who  wore  the  crown.  That  consideration,  recognized 
by  the  usage  of  nations  and  founded  on  the  soundest  reasoning,  will  warrant  us  in 
taking  the  ground  that  the  political  person  was  gone,  or  so  materially  changed  before 
the  decision,  as  to  avoid  the  whole  submission  and  to  make  the  decision  that  of  a 
stranger.  That  these  considerations,  which  might  be  merely  theoretically  true  and 
yet  of  no  practical  importance,  assume  a  much  more  serious  character,  when  it  is 
known  that  the  political  destiny  of  the  arbitrator  was,  at  the  time  of  the  decision, 
in  the  hands  of  one  of  the  parties  to  the  controversy,  and  that  delicacy  should,  under 
such  circumstances,  have  induced  the  King  of  Holland  to  decline  the  performance 
of  a  trust  that  was  committed  to  the  King  of  the  Netherlands  when  England  was  a 
party,  she  being  one  of  the  first  great  powers  then  having  under  their  consideration 
the  future  condition  of  this  very  King. 

"  It  is,  I  think,  quite  clear  that  the  Federal  Government  has  no  power  under  the 
Constitution  to  give  up  any  part  of  the  States  to  another  power.  The  right  to  do  so 
under  the  necessity  which  might  result  from  a  state  of  disastrous  warfare  would  not 
depend  upon  the  Constitution,  but  upon  powers  of  a  higher  nature — powers  result 
ing  from  principles  upon  which  the  Government  itself  depends,  and  when  their  ex- 


REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES   A.  HAMILTON.  199 

crcise  might  be  called  upon  to  preserve  not  only  the  Constitution  but  the  Nation 
itself.  Abandoning  a  portion  of  the  territory  under  such  circumstances,  would  be 
only  yielding  to  a  necessity  that  could  not  be  avoided,  and  therefore  is  above  all 
considerations  of  rights,  or  powers,  or  principles;  arid  although  a  treaty  might  be 
formed  under  such  direful  circumstances  which  would  abandon  even  a  State,  it 
would  be  considered  to  be  made  under  powers  newly  acquired:  the  result  of  neces 
sity,  and  consented  to  by  silent  acquiescence.  The  submission  to  an  arbitrator  to 
determine  a  disputed  boundary  does  not  involve  the  right  to  give  up  a  portion  of 
the  territory  ;  because,  although  the  decision  may  be  against  our  pretensions,  or  those 
of  the  particular  State,  wherein  that  line  was  ascertained,  cr  if  in  any  other 
manner  the  unfounded  pretensions  to  sucli  territory  would  be  alone  yielded,  and 
not  the  territory  itself,  as  that  would  then  be  ascertained  never  to  have  belonged  to 
us ;  but  when  as  in  this  case,  our  Government  or  its  arbitrator  should  instead  of 
determining  the  direction  of  the  disputed  line  make  a  compromise  which  should 
either  yield  what  belonged  to  us,  or  give  us  what  belonged  to  another,  the  right  to 
yield  or  thus  to  acquire  territory  and  population  may  well  be  questioned.  If  the 
arbitrator  had  decided  that  Mars  Hill  was  the  highland  referred  to,  the  power  of 
the  Government  to  acquiesce  could  not,  I  conceive,  have  been  questioned  ;  but  when 
he  throws  out  of  view  the  natural  objects  referred  to  in  the  Treaty  of  1783,  and 
takes  upon  himself  to  establish  a  new  line  never  contemplated  by  either  of  the  par 
ties,  we  so  manifestly  acquire  a  territory  that  we  have  no  right  to,  or  abandon  that 
which  does  belong  to  us,  that  our  power  to  do  so  must  be  well  ascertained.  I  con 
ceive  that  this  is  a  case  very  different  from  that  of  the  United  States  purchasing 
with  the  national  funds  adjacent  territory,  or  yielding  a  portion  of  the  national  do 
main  in  compromise,  or  for  any  other  consideration.  At  all  events,  unless  Maine 
fully  acquiesces,  the  most  prudent  and  safe  course,  I  believe,  for  the  administration 
will  be — provided  it  is  quite  clear  that  we  can  do  so  consistently  with  national  faith — 
to  disavow  the  decision  nnd  immediately  offer  to  leave  it  to  some  other  power — 
Louis  Philippe  if  you  please.  It  becomes  this  administration  to  be  constitutional 
and  wholly  American  on  this  occasion,  which  is  a  very  trying  one.  In  the  present 
temper  and  situation  of  England,  there  can  be  no  fear  of  her  taking  high  ground : 
and  the  only  necessity  will  be  for  a  demonstration  of  force  on  that  frontier,  as  well 
to  repress  the  attempt  of  the  people  of  New  Brunswick  from  asserting  the  rights 
they  may  believe  they  have  acquired  under  this  decision,  as  to  prevent  the  people 
of  Maine  from  taking  the  law  in  their  own  hands. 

11  Yours  truly,  &c." 

JAMES  A.  HAMILTON  TO  MARTIN  VAN  BUREN. 

"  NEW  YORK,  March  22,  1831. 

"  MY  DEAE  SIR  :  Your  letter  by  Mr.  Vail  was  received  yesterday.  I  will  observe 
all  the  caution  you  can  desire  in  regard  to  the  communication  to  which  you  refer. 
The  matter  stands  well  as  it  is.  I  apprehend  that  the  gentleman  (Mr.  Gallatin) 
whose  conversation  I  have  merely  referred  to  is  not  perfectly  well  disposed ;  which 
I  much  regret  because  his  good  disposition  on  a  delicate  and  difficult  foreign  mat 
ter  is  quite  important.  I  should  think  you  must  treat  him  in  his  own  way.  He 
has  two  sons,  both  well  educated  and  particularly  well  suited  to  be  Secretaries  of 
Legation.  The  father's  long  services,  too,  entitle  them  to  your  consideration,  and 


200  REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON. 

thus  the  whole  matter  would  be  at  rest.  He  suggested  in  a  conversation  I  had 
with  him  yesterday  morning,  before  Vail  saw  him,  that  the  loss  of  territory  was 
nothing,  as  the  United  States  might  give  twice  the  quantity  of  better  lands  in  the 
"Western  country — that  the  only  point  for  Maine  would  be  the  loss  of  sovereignty 
over  that  territory ;  that  Massachusetts  would  be  gratified — that  Maine  was  shorn 
of  half  her  extent.  I  am  gratified  that  you  have  time  to  consider  well  of  this  matter. 
Preble's  return  might  be  useful.  If  Maine  would  be  willing  to  acquiesce,  the  affirm 
ative  would  be  the  best  course.  If  she  does  not,  there  is  nothing  to  be  done,  as 
I  verily  believe,  but  to  consider  the  decision  as  not  having  been  made. 

"  Yours,  &c.,  &c. 

"  P.  S. — I  have  since  writing  the  above,  had  an  interview  with  Rhind.  He  is  in 
a  better  temper  than  when  I  before  saw  him.  The  horses  ought  to  be  sold  imme 
diately  and  subject  to  the  charges  incurred ;  indeed,  I  do  not  know  how  they  can 
be  sold  otherwise." 

WILLIAM  C.  KITES,  Minister  to  France,  TO  JAMES  A.  HAMILTON. 

(Received,  May  13,  1831.) 

"  PAEIS,  Mtuvh  24,  1831. 

"  MY  DEAR  SIR  :  *  *  *  *  When  I  had  the  pleasure  of  receiving  your  very 
valuable  letter,  through  Mr.  Thorn,  last  summer,  I  begged  him  to  acknowledge  the 
receipt  of  it  for  me,  and  to  bear  witness  to  you  of  the  manner  in  which  my  time  was 
absorbed  here  as  some  justification  of  my  want  of  epistolary  punctuality,  intending 
always  to  seize  the  earliest  moment  of  leisure  to  offer  you  my  acknowledgments 
under  my  own  hand.  So  it  is,  however,  that  this  wished-for  leisure  has  retreated 
before  me  as  I  have  advanced,  like  the  horizon,  and  I  now  find  myself  as  far  from  it 
as  ever.  I  must  beg  you  therefore  to  accept  this  hurried  scrawl  as  all  that  circum 
stances  will  yet  permit  me  to  offer  you.  It  is  impossible  to  give  you  any  adequate 
idea  of  the  disagreeable  and  vexatious  character  of  my  negotiations  with  this  govern 
ment  for  the  claims ;  so  much  reluctance  to  enter  upon  the  subject,  so*  many  means 
of  evasion,  so  many  expedients  of  delay,  so  many  complications  by  the  introduction 
of  other  questions,  and  the  exhibition  of  counter-claims,  could  be  overcome  or  coun 
teracted  only  by  the  most  incessant  dunning,  and  often  after  arguments  addressed  to 
their  apprehensions.  These  obstacles  I  have  experienced  in  fully  as  great  a  degree,  if 
not  greater,  with  the  present  government  as  with  the  last ;  and,  indeed,  their  alarm 
ing  financial  condition  gives  some  color  of  palliation  at  least  to  their  conduct.  You 
are  aware  that  the  subject  was  referred  to  a  Commission  of  six  members,  my  com 
munications  with  whom,  in  the  hope  of  getting  from  them  as  favorable  a  report  as 
possible  (though  unofficial),  brought  upon  my  hand?,  necessarily,  seven  Ministers 
of  foreign  affairs  to  deal  with  instead  of  one.  Their  report,  I  flatter  myself,  will 
now  be  very  soon  made,  and  the  only  responsible  negotiation  will  then  commence  with 
the  Minister  of  foreign  affairs.  The  Report,  though  less  unfavorable  thac  it  might 
have  been,  will  be  yet  very  far  short  of  our  demands.  My  task  with  the  Minister, 
therefore,  will  be  an  up-hill  business  ;  but  I  shall  do  all  that  zeal  and  perseverance 
can  accomplish.  The  affair,  it  is  now  well  understood,  can  terminate  only  by  a 
transaction.  In  this  state  of  things  it  would  have  been  very  desirable  to  have  had 
some  indication  of  an  amount  for  which  the  claimants  would  be  willing  to  compromise. 


REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON.  201 

I  have,  however,  had  none  other  than  that  which  you  kindly  gave  me  in  your  letter 
— to  wit :  six  millions  of  dollars,  if  we  can — five  millions,  if  we  must.  I  should  be 
very  glad  to  know  if  you  still  think  the  claimants  would  be  satisfied  with  this  adjust 
ment.  The  visionary  and  unfounded  hopes  that  were  at  first  inspired  by  the  change 
of  government,  I  take  it  for  granted,  have  long  ago  given  way  to  the  evidence  that 
is  constantly  reaching  you  of  the  overwhelming  financial  embarrassments  of  this 
country,  aiid  of  the  consequent  reluctance  that  is  felt  to  assume  any  new  charge. 
Let  not  any  one  be  Utopian  enough  to  suppose  that  anything  will  be  conceded  to 
favor  for  the  United  States,  or  to  imaginary  political  sympathies,  which  is  not 
extorted  by  inevitable  necessity.  I  have  the  best  grounds  for  saying,  that  with  a 
little  time  more  I  should  have  made  a  more  advantageous  arrangement  with  the  last 
government,  as  great  as  the  difficulties  were  that  I  had  to  contend  with,  than  I  can 
make  with  the  present.  I  have  no  time  for  political  speculations,  for  which,  indeed, 
the  materials  afforded  by  the  journals  are  so  abundant,  that  your  own  sagacity  and 
judgment  will  conduct  you  to  sound  conclusions  without  any  aid  from  me.  It  is 
evident  that  the  state  of  this  country,  as  well  as  of  Europe  generally,  is  unsettled 
nnd  quasi  revolutionary  at  least.  If  I  shall  ever  get  rid  of  this  horrible  subject  of 
the  claims,  I  shall  then  have  more  time  for  writing  to  my  friends,  among  whom  I 
shall  be  particularly  ambitious,  by  my  punctuality  at  least,  to  merit  the  favor  of  your 
correspondence.  In  the  mean  time,  I  beg  you  to  let  me  bear  from  you  ;  and  praying 
to  be  recalled  together  with  Mrs.  Rives  (who  desires  her  best  respects  to  yourself 
also)  to  the  kind  remembrance  of  Mrs.  Hamilton, 

"  I  remain,  very  truly  your  friend,  &c. 

"  P.  S. — Though  it  has  been  found  impossible,  I  learn,  to  unite  the  whole  of  the 
claimants  in  any  formal  authority  to  the  Government  to  compromise  for  a  round 
sum,  yet  if  any  number  of  the  leading  claimants,  either  in  meeting  or  individually, 
would  say  what  sum  would  be  admissible  in  their  opinion  as  a  minimum,  making 
that  as  low  as  possible,  it  might  be  the  means  of  protecting  the  Government  here 
after  against  unfounded  and  capricious  complaints.  Suppose  you  confer  wiih  some 
of  them  in  New  York  and  get  the  opinions  of  as  many  of  them  as  you  can — the 
more  formally  expressed  the  better." 


NEGOTIATION"  WITH  THE  SUBLIME  POETE. 

The  negotiation  commenced  by  John  Q.  Adams  when  President,  as  before 
stated,  resulted  in  a  treaty  with  the  Sublime  Porte,  who,  when  it  was  concluded, 
presented  to  Mr.  Charles  Rhind,  one  of  the  commissioners,  Four  Arabian  Iforsesj 
which  he  brought  to  New  York,  and,  to  the  great  annoyance  of  General  Jackson, 
claimed  to  have  a  right  to  them.  The  following  papers  will  explain  that  sub 
ject : 

BY  JOHN  Q.  ADAMS.  WHEN  THE  PAPERS  WERE  DELIVERED  BY  ME  TO  THE 

WRITER. 

"  These  papers  are  left  unsealed  for  Mr.  Hamilton's  perusal.  As  it  is  important  to 
the  secrecy  desired  by  the  President  and  Secretary,  that  the  direction  even  should 
not  be  seen  by  any  but  those  privy  to  the  business,  the  whole  is  put  in  an  envelope 
addressed  to  Mr.  H." 


202  REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON. 

Memorandum.  T\  lie  above  is  a  copy  of  a  short  memorandum  which  accom 
panied  a  letter  to  J.  Biddle,  and  copies  of  Spanish  and  French  treaties  with  the 
Porte,  and  the  instructions  to  Captain  James  Biddle,  David  Offley,  and  Charles 
Rhind,  Esquires,  to  negotiate  a  treaty  with  the  Sultan.  They  are  appointed 
Commissioners.  The  Treaty  is  expressly  confined  to  peace  and  commerce. 
They  are  expressly  directed  not  to  make  a  treaty  which  will  interfere  with  our 
relations  with  other  powers,  and  particularly  our  neutral  character.  They  may 
make  a  treaty  subjecting  our  trade  to  a  duty  of  5  £,  but  which  by  other  arrange 
ments  only  amounts  to  3£  <£.  The  French  are  admitted  at  a  duty  of  3  $  for 
exports  and  imports.  A  secret  article  to  be  negotiated,  by  which  we  are  to  be 
admitted  on  the  principle  of  the  most  favored  nations  after  the  expiration  of 
the  treaty  with  France,  which  will  take  place  in  one  year.  Allusion  is  made 
to  the  manner  of  treating  with  the  Porte,  which  is  different  from  that  of  treat 
ing  with  other  nations.  Allusion  is  made  to  presents  being  given,  and  it  is  sanc 
tioned — authority  being  given  to  Biddle  to  draw  on  the  Government  for  funds. 

I  wrote  to  Van  Buren  pointing  out  to  him  that  the  instructions  spoke  of 
the  Sublime  Porte  sometimes  as  a  thing,  and  in  the  singular  number ;  and  some 
times  as  a  person,  and  sometimes  as  persons,  and  submitted  to  him  whether  it 
would  not  be  better  to  pursue  the  phraseology  first  referred  to — The  Sublime 
Porte.  I  think  from  the  expressions  used  in  the  treaty  with  France,  they 
referred  to  the  place  of  residence  of  the  government  court  and  the  Port  of  Con 
stantinople, 

CHARLES  RIILND  TO  THE  Hox.  MARTIN  VAN  BUREX. 

"  NEW  YORK,  April  2,  1831. 

"  SIR  :  I  have  the  honor  to  acknowledge  the  receipt  of  your  letter  of  the  30th 
ultimo,  in  which  you  state  '  that  the  President  is  anxious  to  close  the  affair  of  the 
horse',  so  far  as  he  has  any  agency  in  the  matter,  as  soon  as  that  can  with  propriety 
and  safety  to  other  interests  be  done.' 

"  On  that  subject  I  shall  only  remark,  that  when  I  addressed  you  my  letter  of 
the  10th  of  December  last,  I  indulged  a  hope  that  Congress  would  have  acted  a  just 
and  generous  part,  in  return  for  my  services  and  sacrifices,  and  if  Government  eould 
show  a  legal  claim  to  the  horses,  that  at  least  funds  would  have  been  provided  and 
arrangements  made  for  a  present  in  return,  such  as  would  become  the  dignity  of  the 
United  States. 

"  You  are  aware  of  what  has  been  done  on  both  those  occasions. 

"  Legal  advice  of  the  highest  authority  (sanctioned  by  the  opinion  of  distin 
guished  members  of  Congress)  declares  that  Government  has  no  claim  whatever 
on  the  horses,  and  the  matter  must  consequently  take  its  course. 

"  The  '  other  interests '  to  which  I  presume  you  allude,  are  the  insults  offered 
myself,  and  the  reflections  thrown  upon  our  country  by  the  conduct  of  my  colleagues 
during  their  short  stay  at  Constantinople  ;  this  certainly  must  be  acted  upon  before 
I  could  present  myself  to  the  Porte.  The  insults  and  abuse  offered  to  me  personally, 
the  meanness  of  their  conduct  which  rendered  our  nation  contemptible  in  the  eyes 
of  the  Turkish  Ministers,  and  the  gross  indignity  they  offered  to  the  Reis  Eflendi, 


REMINISCENCES    OP    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON.  203 

require,  I  think,  at  least  an  expression  of  the  opinion  entertained  by  the  President ; 
and  to  speak  candidly,  I  expected  this  before  now. 

"  A  perusal  of  the  documents  in  your  possession  will  show  the  imperious  neces 
sity  of  deciding  upon  this  subject. 

"  The  President,  I  am  sure,  would  neither  wish  nor  expect  me  to  present  myself 
at  Constantinople  as  an  insulted  and  degraded  representative  of  the  United  States ; 
little,  indeed,  would  be  my  influence  if  I  were  thus  to  appear  without  some  expres 
sion  of  the  Executive  on  the  occasion. 

"  This  subject  is  of  more  importance  to  the  dignity  of  the  United  States  than  to 
me  personally,  and  I  am  glad  you  have  not  lost  sight  of  it. 

"  My  detention  at  Washington  has  been  a  serious  injury  to  me,  and  unfortunately 
I  have  been  unwell  since  my  return.  I  have  every  reason  in  the  world  to  urge  my 
departure  ;  but  with  all  my  efforts  I  doubt  whether  I  shall  be  able  to  leave  this  before 
the  first  week  in  May.  I  shall  endeavor  to  procure  a  fast-sailing  vessel  in  order  to  gain 
my  destination  as  speedily  as  possible ;  it  will  probably  be  about  the  25th  instant 
before  I  reach  Washington. 

"  That  there  will  be  great  difficulty  in  obtaining  a  ratification  of  the  Treaty  by 
the  Porte,  is  very  certain. 

"  It  will  require  the  utmost  management ;  and  additional  funds,  I  fear,  will  also  be 
necessary  to  overcome  the  surreptitious  attempts  which  will  be  made  against  us. 

"  With  your  money  affairs  I  will  have  nothing  to  do,  but  personally  will  render 
all  the  assistance  I  can.  I  beg  you  to  assure  the  President  that  I  will  afford  every 
aid  in  my  power  to  accomplish  this  end  ;  but  I  confess  I  have  great  dread  our 
antagonists  will  have  been  actively  engaged,  and  they  have  too  many  unpleasant 
facts  to  use  on  the  occasion. 

"  I  have  written  to  Mr.  Navoni,  urging  his  utmost  vigilance — my  sole  reliance  is 
on  his  keeping  the  intriguants  at  bay  until  I  arrive  ;  he  will  announce  to  the  Min 
isters  (and  our  personal  friends)  that  I  am  on  the  way,  and  this,  I  think,  will  keep 
them  quiescent.  With  great  respect,  I  have  the  honor  to  be,  sir, 

"  Your  obedient  servant." 

ANDREW  JACKSON  TO  JAMES  A.  HAMILTON. 

"WASHINGTON,  April  6,  1831. 

"  DEAB  SIR  :  Mr.  Yan  Buren  has  shown  me  a  letter  from  Mr.  Ehind  which  gives 
me  much  pain.  I  respect  and  esteem  him,  and  should  be  sorry  to  find  that  he  could  be 
induced  by  the  injustice  which  he  thinks  has  been  done  to  him  to  take  ground  now 
which  would  not  only  embarrass  the  service,  in  the  final  success  of  which  his  fame 
is  so  deeply  interested,  but  seem  also  to  give  countenance  to  the  imputations  and 
acts  of  which  he  complains.  It  is  rny  wish,  therefore,  that  you  should  see  him  and 
have  a  frank  and  informal  conversation  with  him  on  the  subject  matter,  and  I  can 
not  but  hope  that  he  will  upon  further  reflection  be  induced  to  abandon  the  ground 
he  has  taken  in  the  letter  referred  to.  When  he  left  here,  we  understood  that  the 
only  question  was  whether  the  horses  would  be  sold  before  or  after  he  left  the 
country,  and  in  consequence  of  his  thinking  it  best  to  defer  it  to  the  latter  period, 
that  course  was  concluded  upon,  and  the  matter  would  not  have  been  further  acted 
upon  now,  but  for  the  opinion  expressed,  that  Mr.  Rhind  had  changed  his  views  in 
that  regard.  By  the  inclosed  letter  of  Mr.  Rhind's  which  was  communicated  to 


204  REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES  A.  HAMILTON. 

Congress,  you  will  see  the  attitude  in  which  he  would  be  placed,  if  he  were  now  to 
raise  an  objection  to  the  sale,  and  how  insufficient  would  be  the  ground  derived 
from  the  expectation  which  he  says  he  indulged,  but  which  were  not  then  made  a 
condition. 

"The  subject  of  the  unfortunate  difficulties  between  Mr.  Rhind  and  the  other 
commissioners  was  not  alluded  to  by  Mr.  Van  Buren  in  his  letter,  but  it  was  to  the 
ratification  of  the  Treaty  he  referred.  I  have  explained  myself  frequently  to  Mr. 
Rhind  upon  this  subject,  and  informed  him  that,  at  least  until  the  Treaty  is  finally 
disposed  of,  I  would  not  think  it  proper  to  take  any  steps  in  that  respect,  and  in  the 
propriety  of  that  course  I  thought  Mr.  Rhind  concurred.  Mr.  Rhind  knows  the 
amount  of  funds  which  have  been  appropriated,  and  that  I  have  no  power  to  add 
to  them.  Our  wish  is  that  Mr.  Rhind  should  take  all  the  papers  for  Commodore 
Porter  at  as  early  a  period  as  possible,  with  authority,  if  any  accident  or  other  cause 
should  prevent  Commodore  Porter  from  accepting  the  office  and  discharging  the 
duty  of  effecting  an  exchange  of  the  ratification,  that  then  that  duty  should  be 
discharged  by  Mr.  Rhind  himself.  It  is  all  important  that  we  should  know  definitely 
what  we  may  depend  upon  in  that  respect,  as  the  time  is  running  away.  If  Mr. 
Rhind,  with  a  knowledge  of  all  the  circumstances,  is  either  unwilling  or  feels  himself 
incapable  of  doing  what  we  desire  and  expect  from  him,  I  hope  he  will  let  us  know 
definitely,  so  that  we  may  immediately  dispntch  a  special  messenger  to  Commodore 
Porter.  The  necessity  of  adopting  this  latter  course  would  cause  me  much  regret,  as 
I  am  anxious  that  he  should  have  ihe  credit  of  rss' sting  in  concluding  the  business. 
But  we  must  run  no  risk  that  can  be  avoided.  If  even  the  true  state  of  Mr.  Rliind's 
health  is  such  as  to  render  it  uncertain  whether  he  can  go  on,  I  should  prefer  to 
send  a  special  messenger  immediately,  and  take  the  chance  of  Mr.  Rhind  coming 
on  in  season  to  afford  his  country  the  benefit  of  his  assistance.  I  prefer  to  send  you 
this  private  and  unofficial  letter,  to  be  seen  by  Mr.  Rhind  only,  instead  of  a  formal 
and  official  correspondence.  I  consider  Mr.  Rhind's  future  course  in  this  business 
as  a  matter  of  public,  as  well  as  private,  importance,  and  I  want  you  to  see  and  con 
verse  fully,  freely,  and  friendly  with  him.  He  knows  our  disposition  toward  him, 
and  I  cannot  but  flatter  myself  that  however  much  he  may  feel  aggrieved  by  the 
acts  of  others,  he  will  not  on  that  account  omit  to  do  anything  in  his  power  by 
which  the  public  interest  will  be  promoted — he  is,  I  am  sure,  too  public-spirited  for 
that.  Mr.  Rhind  will  show  you  his  letter  to  the  Secretary  of  State,  which  will 
enable  you  to  understand  this  letter.  Make  my  best  respects  to  Mr.  Rhind,  and  let 
me  hear  from  you  as  soon  as  possible,  as  I  feel  much  anxiety  on  this  subject. 

"Please  tender  to  your  amiable  lady  and  family,  my  kind  salutations,  and  believe 
me  your  friend." 

JAMES  A.  HAMILTON  TO  PRESIDENT  JACKSON. 

"NEW  YOKK,  April  9,  1831. 

"DEAR  SIR  :  I  had  the  pleasure  this  day  to  receive  your  letter  of  the  6th  instant, 
and  I  immediately  called  upon  Mr.  Rhind  whom  I  found  obstinately  bent  upon  insist 
ing  upon  a  claim  to  the  horses.  He  showed  me  the  letter  of  the  2d  instant  written 
by  him  and  referred  to  by  you.  I  pointed  out  to  him  the  folly  and  indecorum  of 
such  a  letter,  and  he  consented  to  withdraw  it,  to  which  end  he  immediately  wrote 
a  letter  to  Mr.  Van  Buren  which  I  inclosed  to-day.  He  informed  me  that  the  horses 


REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON:  205 

were  advertised  for  sale  by  the  Consignees  (the  sale  to  be  made  in  the  first  week  in 
Ma}7).  I  endeavored  to  induce  him  not  to  make  the  sale,  and  urged  every  considera 
tion  as  well  of  a  legal  as  of  a  personal  character  to  himself  that  I  could  think  of, 
but  in  vain  ;  he  insisted  that  he  had  legal  advice  that  he  had  been  ill  u«ed  by  Con 
gress,  and  that  his  letter  was  written  under  the  belief  that  justice  would  have  been 
done  to  him.  I  refuted  these  positions  without  difficulty,  but  without  producing  a 
change  in  his  determination.  Under  these  circumstances  I  think  it  would  be  well 
to  send  to  me  authority  to  the  Marshal  to  sell  the  horses,  which  I  will  not  use  unless 
it  should  be  necessary — that  is  to  say,  unless  he  should  persist  in  making  the  sale — 
when  it  may  be  done  by  the  Marshal  at  the  same  time  it  is  now  advertised  to  be 
done  by  the  Consignee,  and  thus  may  be  avoided  the  appearance  of  any  controversy 
between  Mr.  Ehind  and  the  government.  I  endeavored  to  induce  him  to  postpone 
the  sale  until  after  his  departure,  but  equally  without  success.  I  regret  to  add  that 
I  found  Mr.  Ehind  (either  from  passion  or  avarice)  wholly  insensible  to  these  con 
siderations  of  delicacy  which  ought  to  have  been  paramount.  He  will  sail  from  the 
first  to  the  fifteenth  of  May,  in  a  vessel  bound  directly  for  Constantinople,  if  it  be 
possible.  In  the  course  of  our  conversation,  referring  to  the  possibility  of  his  not 
getting  there  in  time  to  aid  Porter,  I  intimated,  in  order  to  try  him,  that  it  might  then 
be  necessary  for  Porter  to  call  Offley  to  his  aid,  and  I  found  that  this  produced  much 
uneasiness.  Before  this,  he  assented  to  the  propriety  of  sending  a  messenger  in 
advance  to  Porter,  but  afterward  insisted  that  that  would  be  unnecessary  as  he 
would  be  at  Constantinople  as  soon  as  they  would  be  there.  He  acceded  to  the 
propriety  of  your  suggestions  in  relation  to  that  part  of  his  letter  which  refers  to  an 
expression  of  your  opinion  in  relation  to  his  colleagues.  Inasmuch  as  his  conduct 
in  relation  to  the  horses  may  be  such  as  ultimately  to  preclude  his  being  employed, 
I  think  it  would  be  well  to  send  Mr.  Hodgson  forthwith  to  Porter  with  the  Treaty, 
&c.,  with  instructions  to  the  latter  to  go  to  the  mouth  of  the  Dardanelles  to  remain 
there  until  a  given  day.  Such  an  arrangement  will,  I  think,  be  a  proper  precaution 
ary  measure,  and  will  have  the  effect  of  satisfying  Mr.  Ehind  who,  I  believe,  antici 
pates  much  pleasure,  if  not  profit,  in  returning  to  Constantinople  with  the  Treaty. 
I  will  see  him  again  to-morrow,  and  write  to  you  again,  should  any  thing  further 
of  interest  occur.  With  the  truest  attachment,  your  friend,  &c." 


MARTIN  VAN  BUREN  TO  JAMES  A.  HAMILTON. 

"  April  6,  1831. 

"  MY  DEAR  SIR  :  The  inclosed,  with  the  letter  written  by  Mr.  Ehind  to  me,  will 
explain  what  is  wanted  of  you.  I  was  quite  satisfied  by  Mr.  Rhind's  remarks  before 
he  left  here,  that  it  would  be  advisable  to  defer  the  sale  of  the  horses  until  after  he 
was  gone,  for  fear  of  the  circumstance  being  used  to  our  disadvantage.  The  remind 
er  that  the  Sultan  is  inclined  to  avail  himself  of  the  Emperor's  present  embarrass 
ment  to  shake  off  the  onerous  obligation  of  the  Treaty  of  Adrianople,  gives  increased 
interest  to  the  whole  subject,  and  makes  us  the  more  deeply  deplore  the  course 
which  Mr.  Ehind  seems  inclined  to  take.  He  says  he  will  have  nothing  to  do  with 
the  money  matters.  If  it  would  be  perfectly  agreeable  to  him,  we  could  send  Mr. 
Hodgson  with  him  to  guard  against  the  accidents  of  death  or  sickness,  or  he  might 
go  on  before  and  get  Porter  in  readiness ;  but  I  should  like  very  much  to  have  Mr. 


206  REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON. 

Ehind  there  when  they  first  arrive.     Have  the  goodness  to  devote  your  early  and 
undivided  attention  to  this  matter,  and  let  me  hear  from  you  as  soon  as  possible. 

"  Yours  truly. 

"P.  g. — I  hope  Mr.  Hhind  will  see  fit  to  withdraw  his  letter.  I  send  you  con 
fidentially  a  copy  of  it;  hut  you  will  still  ask  him  to  see  the  original." 

M.  VAN  BUREX  TO  JAMES  A.  HAMILTON. 

"April  6,  1831. 

"My  DEAE  SIR:  Could  not  Mr.  Riker  he  of  use  to  you  in  bringing  Mr.  Rhind  to 
a  sense  of  what  is  proper,  and  save  him  from  the  consequences  which  will  flow  from 
his  course  ?  He  cannot,  certainly,  have  reflected  upon  the  consequences  which  may 
grow  out  of  it." 

JAMES  A.  HAMILTON  TO  MARTIN  VAN  BUREN. 

"  NEW  YORK,  April  9,  1831. 

"My  DEAR  SIR:  I  do  not  repeat  to  you  what  I  have  said  in  reply  to  the  Presi 
dent,  as  I  presume  you  will  see  that  letter.  I  find  Rhind  is  disposed  to  behave 
shabbily  on  this  occasion.  He  may  have  the  poor  apothecary's  excuse  :  '  His  neces 
sity  and  not  his  will  consents.'  In  my  conversation,  which  was  conciliatory  but 
quite  frank,  I  found  I  could  not  create  the  slightest  solicitude  in  relation  to  his 
character.  He  utterly  denied  that  he  had  concurred  in  the  propriety  of  deferring 
the  sale  until  after  his  departure,  although  I  stated  to  him  the  President's  assertion. 
that  it  was  so.  Indeed,  your  statement  is  that  he  gave  satisfactory  reasons  for  such 
a  course.  Adieu.  Your  sincere  friend,  &c." 

ANDREW  JACKSON  TO  COL.  JAMES  A.  HAMILTON. 

"WASHINGTON,  April  12,  1831. 

"MY  DEAR  SIR':  The  John  Adams  will  sail  in  a  few  days  from  Norfolk  for  the 
Mediterranean,  and  I  have  determined  to  guard  against  accidents  by  sending  Mr. 
Hodgson  with  the  papers  to  Commodore  Porter  with  instructions  to  the  Commander 
to  take  the  Commodore  to  Constantinople.  If  Mr.  Rhind  gets  off  by  the  time  he 
contemplates,  he  wrill  probably  reach  there  as  soon  as  the  Jolin  Adams  which  may 
be  detained  here  a  week  and  possibly  two,  although  I  hope  not.  In  my  view  of  the 
matter,  this  is,  I  think,  the  best  arrangement  that  can  be  made. 

"I  am  greatly  mortified  that  any  difficulty  is  made  about  the  horses.  I  have 
directed  an  authority  to  the  Marshal  to  sell  the  interest  of  the  United  States  in  them, 
to  be  made  out  and  sent  to  you.  Before  that  is  done,  I  should  like,  in  the  absence 
of  the  Attorney  General,  to  have  your  opinion  as  to  the  course  to  be  pursued  in  this 
delicate  affair. 

"Is  it  possible  that  Mr.  Rhind  can  he  insensible  or  indifferent  to  the  ungenerous 
effect  which  this  matter  is  calculated  to  have  upon  his  standing  in  regard  to  the 
whole  affair,  and  what  a  weapon  he  will  put  into  the  hands  of  his  enemies?" 

MARTIN  VAN  BUREN  TO  JAMES  A.  HAMILTON. 

"April  13,  1831. 
"MY  DEAR  SIR  :  It  has  occurred  to  me  that  you  might  interpret  the  President's 


REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES   A.  HAMILTON.  207 

request  for  your  opinion  in  relation  to  the  horses,  into  a  wish  that  you  should  give 
it  in  person,  and  I  write  you  to  inform  you  that  such  was  not  the  case.  The  reason 
of  my  doing  so  you  will  better  understand  hereafter.  I  am  preparing  the  authority 
for  the  Marsha],  &c.,  and  will  send  it  on  without  waiting  for  your  opinion.  The 
President's  request  for  it  was  upon  my  suggestion,  and  if  from  the  press  of  business 
or  any  other  cause  it  is  at  this  moment  inconvenient  to  you,  it  will  do  no  harm  to 
omit  it.  The  design  expressed  in  your  letter  to  the  President  appears  to  be  well  cal 
culated  to  avoid  discreditable  publicity  to  the  unfortunate  dispute.  But  I  hope  you 
will  have  been  able  to  change  Mr.  Rhind's  views  before  this  time,  or  that  you  will 
succeed  in  doing  so  hereafter.  In  haste,  yours  truly." 

MARTIN  VAN  BUREN  TO  JAMES  A.  HAMILTON,  ESQ.,    ATTORNEY   U.  S.    FOR 
SOUTHERN  DISTRICT  OF  NEW  YORK. 

"DEPAETMENT  OF  STATE,  WASHINGTON,  April  14,  1831. 

"SIR:  Herewith  you  will  receive,  under  a  flying  seal,  a  letter  to  Mr.  Morris, 
Marshal  of  the  United  States  at  New  York,  directing  him  to  receive  from  the  per 
sons  having  possession  of  them  at  present,  the  four  Arabian  horses  presented  by  the 
Grand  Sultan  to  Mr.  Rhind,  one  of  the  late  Commissioners  of  the  United  States,  for 
negotiating  a  treaty  with  the  Sublime  Porte,  and  to  dispose  of  the  said  horses,  as  the 
property  of  the  United  States,  at  public  sale.  You  will  receive,  likewise,  a  Congres 
sional  document  of  the  last  Session,  containing  Mr.  Eland's  letter  to  the  President, 
the  President's  Message  to  both  Houses  of  Congress,  and  the  Eeport  of  the  Com 
mittee  of  Foreign  Relations  of  the  House  of  Representatives,  upon  the  subject  of 
these  horses.  Mr.  Rhind,  by  the  letter  referred  to,  having  expressed  a  willingness 
as  regards  himself,  to  transfer  to  the  United  States  any  right,  title,  or  interest  which 
he  might  have  to  or  in  the  horses  in  question,  if  it  should  be  required  of  him  to  do 
so,  and  intimated  that  the  other  parties  concerned  would  be  satisfied  with  a  full 
reimbursement  of  the  expenses  incurred  in  relation  to  them,  including  indemnity  for 
all  other  charges  incident  to  the  said  horses,  the  Marshal  has  been  entrusted  with  this 
commission  ;  and  he  is  particularly  referred  to  you  for  your  counsel  and  assistance  in 
reference  to  the  execution  of  it.  I  must  beg  you,  therefore,  to  give  him  all  the  aid 
and  advice  which  may  occur  to  you  as  proper  and  useful  on  the  occasion.  He  will 
have  to  depend  on  your  good  offices,  in  the  first  instance,  for  getting  the  horses  into 
his  custody  (and  we  shall  reply  upon  the  discreet  interposition  of  them  to  that  end), 
and  afterward  upon  your  advice  as  to  the  time  and  place  of  the  auction,  and  other 
details.  As  far  as  these  can  be  made  conveniently  subservient  to  the  object  of  pro 
ducing  a  general  and  fair  competition  of  bidders,  they  should  be  determined  upon 
with  that  view.  I  am,  sir,  respectfully,  your  obedient  servant." 

JAMES  A.  HAMILTON  TO  PRESIDENT  JACKSON. 


YOEK,  April  17,  1831. 
"  DEAR  SIR  :  I  had  the  pleasure  to  receive  your  letter  of  the  12th  instant  on  the 
16th  instant,  and  in  compliance  with  your  request  I  immediately  prepared  an 
opinion  on  the  case  referred  to,  which  would  have  been  forwarded  to  you  by  the 
mail  of  yesterday  but  is  withheld  in  consequence  of  a  letter  I  received  from  Mr. 
Van  Buren.  I  will  only  now  remark  that  the  right  of  the  Government  is  perfectly 


208  EEMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON. 

clear,  and  the  course  to  be  pursued  in  order  to  assert  it,  that  which  you  have  con 
templated.  I  take  the  liberty  merely  to  add,  that  it  would  be  advisable  to  authorize 
some  person  here  to  call  upon  Mr.  Rhind  for  the  release  proffered  in  his  letter  of  the 
10th  December  last.  I  had  a  very  long  conversation  with  him  to-day,  in  which  I 
endeavored  to  satisfy  him  that  he  had  no  legal  right  whatever;  that  he  was  bound 
by  regard  to  his  own  character  not  to  set  up  a  pretension  so  contrary  to  his  letter; 
and,  above  all,  that  he  owed  a  duty  to  you  and  Mr.  Van  Buren  which  commanded 
him  to  pursue  a  very  different  course.  I  am  confirmed,  by  what  passed  in  this  con 
versation,  in  the  opinion  I  before  expressed,  that  he  looks  forward  with  solicitude 
(in  consequence  of  some  commercial  speculation)  to  being  at  Constant'nople,  when 
Porter  arrives  there.  I  did  not  think  proper  to  make  known  to  him  your  deter 
mination." 

OPINION  OF  JAMES  A.  HAMILTON,  District  Attorney  of  the  United  States  for 

the  Southern  District  of  New  York,  in  the  case  of  the  horses  presented  by 

the  Ottoman  Porte  to  Mr.  Charles  Khind,  Agent  of  the  United  States  at 

Constantinople  : 

CASE. 

"  Mr.  Charles  Rhind,  Consul  of  the  United  States  for  the  Port  of  Odessa,  was 
duly  appointed,  together  with  Messrs.  Biddle  and  Offley,  an  Agent,  with  full  powers 
to  negotiate  a  Treaty  of  Commerce  with  the  Sultan  of  the  Ottoman  Empire. 

"  Pursuant  to  his  instructions,  he  proceeded  to  Constantinople,  where  he  nego 
tiated,  concluded,  and  signed,  a  Treaty  with  the  Porte,  on  the  day  of 

1830.  He  thence  went  to  Odessa,  appointed  a  Vice-Consul,  returned  to  Constan 
tinople,  when,  on  the  30th  August,  the  Sultan  presented  four  (4)  horses  to  him, 
which  he  accepted  because,  as  he  says,  'the  gift  was  one  that  could  not  be  returned 
without  offence,'  and  to  refuse  it  would  be  attended  with  injury  to  the  interests  of 
the  United  States.  Mr.  Rhind  immediately  had  the  horses  appraised  by  competent 
judges  on  the  spot,  and  took  them  wiih  him  to  Smyrna,  he  being  on  his  way  to  the 
United  States.  In  a  letter  to  the  President,  dated  the  10th  December,  1830,  Mr. 
Rhind,  after  reciting  the  manner  in  which  the  present  was  made  to  him,  adds: 
'Having  no  funds  of  the  United  States  or  the  means  of  raising  them,  to  pay  for  their 
expenses  and  passage  to  America,  I  shipped  them  as  a  commercial  adventure  in  the 
name  and  for  the  account  of  the  owners  of  the  vessel  in  which  they  came.  The 
horses  were  consequently  in  their  possession ;  but  if  the  United  States  have  a  claim  for 
the  value,  I  presume  these  gentlemen  will  pay  it  over  should  they  sell  for  more  than 
the  expenses  attending  them  which,  of  course,  are  very  considerable.  So  far  as 
regards  myself,  I  am  ready  to  transfer  to  the  United  States  any  right,  title,  or  in 
terest  I  may  have  in  them,  should  it  be  required.' 

"Mr.  Rhind  arrived  in  the  United  States  in  November,  1830,  with  the  Treaty, 
and  has  been  paid  for  his  services  as  such  agent  at  the  rate  of  four  thousand  five 
hundred  dollars  a  year,  up  to  a  period  subsequent  to  the  date  of  the  gift  of  the 
horses. 

"The  Treaty  has  been  ratified  by  and  with  the  advice  and  consent  of  the  Senate, 
and  sent  to  Constantinople  to  be  exchanged. 

"The  rule  established  by  the  9th  Section  of  the  1st  Article  of  the  Constitution, 
that  *  No  person  holding  any  office  of  profit  or  trust  under  them  (the  United  States), 


REMINISCENCES    OF   JAMES    A.  HAMILTON.  209 

shall,  without  the  consent  of  Congress,  accept  of  any  present,  emolument,  office,  or 
title  of  any  kind  whatever,  from  any  King,  Prince,  or  Foreign  State,'  when  applied 
to  the  facts  above  stated,  make  the  case  so  clear  as  to  he  beyond  the  reach  of  doubt 
or  cavil. 

"  1.  Mr.  Rhind,  at  the  time  of  the  gift,  held  the  office  of  Consul.  He  had  been 
duly  commissioned,  had  afforded  the  security  required  by  the  Act  of  Congress. 
lie  had  entered  upon  his  duties,  had  appointed  a  Vice-Consul  who  was  acting  for 
him  at  the  time  the  gift  was  made,  and  who,  under  the  power  so  delegated  to  him  by 
Mr.  Rhind,  asked  through  the  Secretary  of  Legation,  Mr.  Clay  at  St.  Petersburg,  for 
an  Exequatur  from  the  Emperor  of  Russia.  Mr.  Rhind  had  not  resigned,  nor  was  he 
removed  from  his  office  of  Consul,  and  although  appointed  in  the  recess  of  the  Senate, 
his  nomination,  it  is  understood,  had  subsequently  been  confirmed  by  the  Senate, 
lie  was,  therefore,  clearly  at  the  time  the  gift  was  made,  holding  this  office  of  trust 
within  the  meaning  of  the  Constitution. 

"  2.  Mr.  Rhind  had  been  commissioned  by  the  President  with  all  formality  as  a 
Commissioner  to  treat  with  the  Porte ;  he  had  been  received,  had  performed  that 
service,  and  was  still  within  the  Turkish  Dominions,  although  about  to  return  to  the 
United  States.  He  was,  therefore,  according  to  the  laws  of  Nations,  still  a  diplomatic 
functionary  of  the  United  States,  and  as  such  entitled  to  all  the  rights,  privileges,  and 
immunities  of  that  station.  There  is  no  difference  in  this  respect  between  a  Minister, 
or  Agent,  with  full  powers  to  treat  of  all  matters,  and  one  with  limited  or  specific 
powers,  between  an  Ambassador  or  a  private  Diplomatic  Agent  (after  the  latter  has 
been  received  by  the  power  to  which  he  is  accredited) ;  each  maintains  a  distinct 
Diplomatic  relation  with  the  Government  to  which  he  is  sent,  until  after  he  leaves 
the  Territory  of  the  Foreign  State.  Each  continues  until  that  event  the  represent 
ative  of  the  Foreign  power,  and  as  such  must  be  respected  and  treated.  From  these 
general  principles,  it  necessarily  results  that  Mr.  Rhind,  notwithstanding  he  had 
signed  the  Treaty,  continued,  according  to  the  laws  of  Nations,  to  hold  the  office  to 
which  he  had  been  appointed  at  the  time  the  gift  was  made.  But  as  to  the  rule 
referred  to  under  our  Constitution,  the  case  is  much  stronger.  The  intention  of 
that  restrictive  provision  was  to  place  persons  holding  offices  beyond  the  influence 
(either  through  appeals  to  their  avarice  or  vanity),  of  foreign  Nations ;  and  to  give 
this  intention  full  effects.  The  person  to  whom  gifts  are  offered  must  be  considered 
as  in  office  as  long  as  it  is  possible  to  suppose  that  the  present  may  be  induced  by 
any  act  done  by  him  while  in  office.  It  must  be  understood  to  mean,  in  the  case 
of  Diplomatic  Agents,  that  they  never  can  accept  a  present  or  title  from  a  foreign 
State  to  which  they  ever  were  accredited.  Any  other  rule  would,  as  the  House  of 
Representative  say,  '  tend  to  the  establishment  of  a  precedent  by  which  the  guard  of 
the  Constitution  against  the  acceptance  of  presents  by  our  agents  abroad  would  be 
weakened,  and  perhaps  eventually  broken  down.'  If  it  is  admitted,  as  it  is  assumed 
in  this  case  by  Mr.  Rhind,  that  as  soon  as  the  special  object  of  the  mission  was 
accomplished,  the  Agent  ceased  to  hold  an  office,  and  therefore  ceased  to  be  within 
the  rule  referred  to,  how  ineffectual  and  absurd  would  be  such  a  restriction ;  it 
would  wholly  fail  to  reach  the  evil  it  was  intended  to  prevent;  for  if  a  Diplomatic 
functionary  was  to  be  bribed,  the  price  of  his  faithlessness  never  would  be  paid  until 
after  he  signed  the  Treaty,  and  thus  accomplished  his  work.  This  view  of  the  sub 
ject  is  too  plain  to  require  illustration.  { 
14: 


210  REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES  A.  HAMILTON. 

"  The  question  presented  by  the  facts  is  one  between  Mr.  Rhind  and  his  own 
Government,  and  how  does  it  stand  according  to  Mr.  Rhind's  own  acts  and  admissions? 

"  1.  He  received  his  salary  as  Agent,  for  a  period  subsequent  to  the  time  the  gift 
was  made — thus  admitting  in  the  most  authentic  manner  that  he  was  then  holding 
an  office  of  trust  or  profit  from  the  United  States. 

"  2.  He  says  in  his  letter  already  referred  to  :  '  Although  this  ( the  sending  the 
horses  to  him)  was  evidently  not  intended  as  a  present  to  me  in  my  official  capacity, 
since  the  Ministers  were  aware  that  I  could  not  receive  them  as  such ;'  thus  admit 
ting  that  he  was  at  the  time  the  gift  was  made  in  an  official  capacity  and  that  he  had 
informed  the  Turkish  Minister  (  on  that  occasion,  that  is  to  say,  when  the  horses  were 
sent)  that  he  was  forbidden  by  the  laws  of  his  country  to  receive  a  present ;  he  then 
being  an  officer  of  the  United  States,  it  must  be  assumed  that  he  informed  the  Min 
isters  on  that  occasion  of  that  rule  of  our  Government,  in  order  to  avoid  the  humil 
iating  idea  that,  uncalled  for  by  any  circumstance,  he  had  prompted  the  offer  of  a 
present  by  a  voluntary  conversation  on  that  subject. 

"  3.  He  says  he  had  them  '  immediately  appraised  on  the  spot.'  To  what  end 
was  such  an  appraisement  made?  Why,  clearly  because  he  considered  the  horse?, 
when  accepted  for  the  reasons  he  gave,  as  belonging  to  the  United  States ;  and  as  he 
intended  to  ship  them  as  a  commercial  adventure  for  account  of  the  owners  of  the 
vessel  in  which  they  came,  and  in  part  payment  of  the  individual  credit  he  had  re 
ceived  from  them,  that  he  might  pay  the  appraised  value  to  the  United  States.  This 
could  be  the  sole  object  of  that  appraisement ;  additional  force  is  given  to  this  idea 
when  it  is  remarked  that  this  statement  of  the  horses  having  been  appraised  is  made 
in  connection  with  another,  to  wit :  that  '  I  was  consequently  obliged  to  take  them  and 
relinquish  the  purchase  of  those  I  had  selected? 

"4.  Mr.  Rhind,  in  the  same  letter,  not  only  assures  the  Government  that  in  his 
opinion  the  consignees  of  the  horses  will  pay  to  the  Government  the  value  of  the 
horses  over  the  expenses,  but  that  so  far  as  regards  himself  he  is  ready  to  transfer  to 
the  United  States  any  right,  title,  or  interest  he  may  have  in  them,  should  it  be  re 
quired.  Thus  placing  the  whole  subject  within  the  control  of  the  Government  with 
out  condition  or  qualification. 

"  From  these  considerations  it  is  quite  clear  that  Mr.  Rhind  or  the  consignees  of 
the  horses  can  have  no  claim  to  them  beyond  the  expenses  incident  to  their  trans 
portation  and  keeping  ;  and  it  is  equally  clear  that  when  they  were  accepted,  as  the 
Agent  could  not  take  them  for  himself,  he  must  have  accepted  them  for  the  United 
States  and  as  their  Agent  or  Trustee,  and  as  such  he  now  holds  them. 

"Under these  circumstances  the  United  States  may  pay  the  expenses  to  which  I 
have  referred,  and  take  the  horses  to  be  disposed  of  when  and  as  they  see  fit ;  or 
they  may  sell  them  subject  to  those  expenses  or  they  may  permit  them  to  be  sold  by 
the  consignees  and  call  upon  them  for  the  surplus  proceeds  of  such  sale  over  and 
above  the  expenses. 

"  In  this  view  of  the  whole  matter,  perhaps  the  best  course  for  the  President 
would  be  to  authorize  the  Marshal  of  the  United  States  or  some  other  person  in  New 
York  to  make  a  sale  of  the  horses,  or  to  cooperate  with  the  consignees  in  making 
such  sale;  with  directions,  if  the  horses  sell  for  more  than  the  amount  of  the  expenses, 
(to  be  settled  as  though  the  transaction  was  between  Mr.  Rhind  and  the  consignees), 
to  demand  that  amount  from  the  consignees,  and  if  they  refuse  to  pay  it  over  to  the 
United  States,  to  commence  a  suit  for  the  recovery  of  the  same,  with  instructions, 


REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON.  211 

however,  on  behalf  of  the  Government  first  to  require  Mr.  Rhind,  in  pursuance  of 
the  offer  contained  in  his  letter,  to  transfer  to  the  United  States  all  his  right,  title,  and 
interest  in  the  horses. 

"  JAMES  A.  HAMILTON. 
"New  York,  April  1G,  1831." 

JAMES  A.  HAMILTON  TO  THE  HONORABLE  JOHN  FORSYTH. 

"NEW  YOKK,  April  18,  1831. 

"DEAR  SIR:  In  reply  to  your  letter  of  the  4th  ultimo,  on  the  13th  of  that  month 
I  addressed  a  letter  to  you  at  Milledgeville  not  knowing  that  you  had  changed  your 
place  of  residence.  Do  me  the  favor  to  inform  me  whether  you  have  received  it  or 
not.  I  have  the  pleasure  to  acknowledge  your  favor  of  the  23d  ultimo,  and  to  thank 
you  for  your  attention  in  sending  me  the  newspaper  it  covered.  Do  me  the  favor  to 
recall  me  to  the  recollection  of  Mrs.  Forsyth  and  the  other  members  of  your  family. 
"  I  have  the  honor  to  be,  with  great  respects,  yours,  &c." 

MARTIN  VAN  BUREN  TO  JAMES  A.  HAMILTON,  Attorney  U.  S.  for  the  Southern 

District  of  New  York. 

"Sm:  According  to  the  concluding  paragraph  in  the  letter  from  Mr.  Charles 
Rhind,  one  of  the  late  Commissioners  of  the  United  States,  for  concluding  a  Treaty 
with  the  Sublime  Porte,  to  the  President,  dated  the  10th  of  December,  1830,  a 
printed  copy  of  which  letter  is  herewith  transmitted  to  you,  in  relation  to  the  four 
Arabian  horses  which  were  presented  to  him,  Mr.  Rhind,  by  the  Grand  Sultan,  it  is 
distinctly  understood,  that  he  would  be  ready  to  transfer  to  the  United  States  any 
right,  title,  or  interest  which  he  had  to  or  in  those  horses,  'should  it  be  required.1  I 
am  directed  by  the  President,  therefore,  to  ask  the  favor  of  you,  as  I  accordingly  do, 
to  require  Mr.  Rhind,  in  his  name,  to  transfer  to  the  United  States  all  the  interest 
which  he  has  in  the  said  horses,  and  to  deliver  them  to  such  person  as  you  may 
authorize  to  receive  them. 

"  The  President  relies  upon  your  prudence  and  discretion  for  a  satisfactory  exe 
cution  of  this  commission,  and  I  remain,  Sir,  respectfully,  your  obedient  servant. 

"  April  23d,  1831." 

JAMES  A.   HAMILTON  TO  MARTIN  VAN  BUREN. 

"  NEW  YORK,  April  23,  1831. 

" DEAR  SIR:  For  two  or  three  days  past  I  have  been  negotiating  with  Mr.  Rhind 
and  his  counsel  without  success.  They  persisted  in  their  legal  rights,  and  refused  to 
permit  the  horses  to  go  into  the  Marshal's  possession  under  these  circumstances,  as 
the  Marshal's  instructions  are  '  to  receive  possession.'  I  have  thought  it  best  for  him 
to  call  upon  the  persons  who  have  the  horses  in  possession,  to  require  their  delivery, 
and  in  the  event  of  their  refusal  to  deliver  them,  to  report  that  fact  to  the  Govern 
ment  and  await  instructions  ;  if  it  is  deemed  important  to  go  further,  perhaps  all  the 
President  can  now  do  will  be  to  instruct  the  Marshal  or  District  Attorney  in  behalf 
of  the  Government,  to  give  notice  to  the  Messrs.  Ilowland's  not  to  pay  over  the  pro 
ceeds,  in  order  that  a  suit  may  be  instituted  to  settle  the  question  and  obtain  the 
proceeds  after  paying  the  expenses.  Yours,  &c." 


212  REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES   A.  HAMILTON. 

ANDREW  JACKSON  TO  COL.  JAMES  A.  HAMILTON. 

""WASHINGTON,  April  23,  1831. 

"DEAE  Sm:  I  have  directed  instructions  to  be  given  to  you  to  require  from  Mr. 
Ehind  the  release  of  the  Arabian  horses  proffered  in  his  letter  of  the  10th  of  De 
cember  last.  I  cannot  permit  myself  to  doubt  his  compliance  with  this  request.  I 
feel  for  Mr.  Ehind's  welfare,  and  shall  always  be  disposed  to  do  justice  to  the  zeal 
he  has  manifested  in  the  public  service  ;  but  it  is  due  to  candor,  as  well  as  to  himself, 
that  he  should  know  that,  if  he  should  prove  capable  of  refusing  to  comply  with  the 
promise  he  has  made  in  this  respect,  and  which  has  been  formally  communicated  to 
Congress  and  the  nation,  no  confidence  between  him  and  the  Government  will,  for 
the  future,  be  advisable.  I  will  thank  you  to  communicate  this  to  him  in  the  most 
kind  manner  in  which  it  is  dictated.  I  would  deeply  regret  that  his  public  services 
should  wind  up  in  this  untoward  manner;  but  the  credit  and  character  of  the  public 
peace  must  go  before  all  personal  considerations. 

"  I  am,  very  respectfully,  your  friend." 

JAMES  A.  HAMILTON  TO  MARTIN  VAN  BUREN. 


YOEK,  April  21,  1S31—  9£  P.M. 
"  MY  DEAE  SIE  :  Campbell  and  John  have  called  upon  me,  the  former  in  extreme 
agitation,  to  ascertain  from  me  the  truth  of  a  report  too  strange  to  be  true,  and  yet 
too  well  vouched  to  be  disbelieved,  to  wit  :  '  That  you  have  resigned.'  I  confess  to 
you  that  I  was  mortified  as  well  as  grieved.  Mortified  that  you  should  have  taken 
such  a  step  and  left  me  to  learn  it  in  the  streets,  and  deeply  grieved  that  any  thing 
should  have  occurred  to  render  such  a  measure  necessary.  I  cannot  conjecture  a 
state  of  things  to  justify  you  in  withdrawing  your  services  from  our  friend,  particu 
larly  at  this  juncture.  I  am  bound,  however,  to  believe  that  you  will  be  enabled  to 
justify  your  course  to  your  friends  and  to  the  public,  and  that  that  justification  will 
not  be  inconsistent  with  the  just  respect  and  confidence  which  both  have  entertained 
for  the  President.  In  the  whole  course  of  my  life  I  never  felt  such  intense  anxiety 
as  I  do  at  this  moment.  The  whole  has  come  upon  me  like  a  visitation  from  above, 
and  I  am  consequently  utterly  at  a  loss  to  account  for  so  strange  a  change.  Adieu. 

"  Your  most  anxious  friend,  &c." 


JAMES  A.  HAMILTON  TO  WILLIAM  B.  LEWIS. 

"NEW  YOEK,  April  21,  1831—10  o'clock  P.M. 

"  MY  DEAE  LEWIS  :  What  does  all  this  mean  ?  Van  Buren  resigned  and  Eaton 
resigned,  and  I  am  left  by  you  and  by  all  in  entire  ignorance  of  the  fact  and  of  the 
causes  which  have  led  to  such  important  changes.  I  will  not  permit  myself  to  con 
jecture  or  to  form  opinions  as  to  whether  such  a  measure  was  called  for  or  not,  but 
I  will  merely  say,  changing  the  language  of  Lord  Kenyon  in  a  single  word,  'When  I 
desert  my  President,  may  God  desert  me.'  I  have  been  asked  this  morning  by  a 
great  many  what  all  this  means,  and  have  been  compelled  to  say  I  am  wholly  igno 
rant  of  what  I  think  I  may  say,  without  arrogating  too  much  to  myself,  I  had  a  right 


REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES   A.  HAMILTON.  213 

to  be  informed  about  as  soon  as  almost  any  other  person  in  this  city.     Adieu.     I 
retire  anxiously  waiting  for  the  developments  of  the  morning. 

"Your  sincere  friend,  &c." 


MARTIN  VAN  BUREN  TO  JAMES  A.  HAMILTON. 

u  WASHINGTON,  April  25,  1831. 

"  MY  DEAR  SIR  :  I  am  anxious  to  hear  what  you  think  of  the  late  movements 
here,  as  I  have  great  confidence  in  the  soundness  of  your  judgment  in  such  matters. 
I  presume  Mr.  Ludlow  has  explained  to  you  why  I  thought  it  best,  as  I  could  not 
confer  with  my  friends,  to  write  to  no  one  on  the  subject.  I  was  once  or  twice  on 
the  point  of  mentioning  it  in  one  of  my  letters,  but,  for  reasons  which  you  will  appre 
ciate,  concluded  it  was  best  to  leave  all  my  friends  in  New  York  in  the  same  situation . 

"  I  see  by  a  note  from  Cambreling  that  he  is  under  great  alarm.  He  had  seen  a 
note  I  wrote  to  Mr.  Butler,  apprizing  him  of  what  was  to  take  place,  and  which  was 
intended  to  prepare  our  friends  at  Albany,  when  the  Legislature  was  in  session,  for 
the  event.  Yours  truly,  &c." 

"P.  S. — Our  accounts  from  every  quarter  are  favorable  to  the  movement.  I 
never  felt  less  embarrassed  as  to  mv  own  course  than  1  did  in  this." 


MARTIN  VAN  BUREN  TO  JAMES  A.  HAMILTON.    (Private.) 

"  WASHINGTON,  April  25,  1831. 

"MY  DEAR  SIR:  Since  writing  you  to-day  I  have  received  yours  of  the  23d. 
You  have  before  this  received  mine,  inclosing  authority  to  demand  the  Assignment 
from  Rhind,  accompanied  by  the  President's  private  letter.  I  cannot  but  hope  that 
that  will  bring  him  to  his  senses.  If  it  does  not,  let  me  know  in  a  private  letter 
whether  special  directions  to  give  the  notice  to  the  Howlands  is  necessary,  or 
whether  that  is  not  included  in  the  general  instructions  you  have  received  to  give 
all  necessary  counsel,  &c.  I  was  mortified  to  hear  nothing  from  you  upon  the  sub 
ject  of  recent  events  here,  as  I  expected  you  would  sit  down  immediately  and  give 
me  your  views  upon  the  matter  ;  but  for  the  first  moment  I  am  apprehensive  that 
you  are  dissatisfied  with  me  for  not  apprizing  you  of  it,  and  I  am  sorry  I  did  not. 
But  in  the  present  excitement  of  the  times  here,  I,  without  much  reflection,  thought 
it  best  not  to  say  anything  to  any  of  my  friends  upon  the  subject,  to  avoid  those  ever 
lasting  jealousies  by  which  I  have  been  so  much  annoyed,  and  I  thought  if  there  was 
any  man  on  earth  who  would  see  into  and  fully  appreciate  my  motives,  you  were 
that  man.  If  I  am  mistaken,  let  it  pass ;  and  even  if  I  am  right,  dismiss  the  matter 
from  your  mind  without  observation,  and  let  me  hear  from  you.  I  had  already 
delivered  my  resignation.  I  believed,  at  all  events,  it  was  settled  that  I  would  do 
so  before  Hoyt  left  here,  and  I  thought  for  a  moment  to  write  you  and  Cambreling 
by  him,  but  concluded  it  would  be  best  to  let  it  alone,  and  let  him  go  off  without 
the  slightest  hint  upon  the  subject.  Cambreling  got  his  information  at  Albany  from 
Butler,  to  whom  I  wrote  a  short  note,  as  I  stated  to  you  this  morning.  I  am  thus 
particular  on  this  subject  because  I  would  not  for  the  world  that  you  should  for  a 
moment  harbor  the  thought  that  my  confidence  in,  or  regard  for  you,  which  I  have 
cherished  with  so  much  sincerity  and  disinterestedness,  had  slackened  in  the  slight- 


214  REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON. 

est  degree.  We  have  really  been  so  much  under  whip  and  spur  here  for  a  few 
weeks  past,  that  we  had  but  little  time  or  opportunity  for  reflection.  The  Cabinet 
will  be  Livingston,  McLean,  "White,  and  Woodbury  ;  and  if  Bcrrian  resigns,  some  one 
from  Virginia,  not  yet  decided  upon  ;  but  as  these  are  not  all  certain  you  will,  of 
course,  say  nothing  about  it  for  the  present. 

"Remember  me  kindly  to  your  family,  and  believe  me  to  be  truly  yours,  in 
haste,  &c.     I  hope  to  see  you  soon." 

JAMES  A.  HAMILTON  TO  MARTIN  VAN  BUREN. 

"  NEW  YORK,  May  1,  1831. 

"  I  received,  my  dear  friend,  your  letters  of  the  25th  ultimo,  yesterday,  on  my 
return  to  the  city,  or  they  would  have  been  answered  sooner.  Your  course  has 
been  dictated  by  profound  wisdom.  It  is  a  stroke  of  a  master,  and  will  be  rewarded 
with  entire  success.  You  retire  with  the  confidence  of  the  President,  and  have 
secured  the  attachment  of  all  his  friends,  while  you  have  disarmed  your  and  his  foes. 
Heretofore,  with  all  your  advantages,  you  wanted  in  the  general  estimation  the 
assurance  of  your  power  to  fill  a  large  space  in  the  general  affairs  of  the  country. 
Your  short  term  of  service  has  given  the  most  satisfactory  evidence  that  your  qual 
ifications  extend  to  any  situation  to  which  you  may  aspire.  Availing  yourself  of 
late  events,  you  retire  from  the  public  service  with  reasons  that  do  you  honor,  and 
you  avoid  all  the  difficulties  and,  perhaps,  disasters  which  events,  not  at  all  improb 
able,  may  bring  about ;  for  it  is  not  in  human  affairs  and  particularly  in  those  of 
public  men,  to  go  on  with  uninterrupted  success.  The  boundary  line  question,  cer 
tain  appointments,  the  bank,  the  surplus  revenue,  and  some  anticipations,  par 
ticularly  those  connected  with  affairs  abroad,  give  to  the  future  an  aspect  from 
which  assured  confidence  alone  could  anticipate  success.  All  this  you  avoid,  and 
you  go  before  the  people,  if  such  be  your  pleasure,  exactly  in  the  manner  a  wise 
politician  could  wish  :  with  the  bitterest  hostility  of  your  enemies,  the  warmest  sup 
port  of  your  friends.  This  is  my  view  of  this  subject  as  it  respects  you.  As  to 
the  President,  I  confess  I  have  some  gloomy  apprehensions  which,  however,  are  in 
some  degree  diminished  by  the  Cabinet.  As  you  have  stated  it,  I  must  say  that  as  to 
"Woodbury  I  have  great  doubts.  He  can  give  the  President  no  political  strength  ; 
and  he  was  engaged  in  the  cabal  with  Calhoun  and  Tazewell  at  the  first  formation 
of  the  Cabinet.  He  knows,  or  believes,  he  must  be  suspected,  and  will  therefore 
probably  be  false;  however,  of  all  this  you  are  better  informed  than  I  can  be.  As 
to  the  most  interesting  part  of  your  letters,  I  forbear  to  remark  on  it  because  you 
have  expressed  a  wish  that  I  should  dismiss  it  from  my  mind.  I  confess,  the  reserve 
on  the  part  of  the  President  and  yourself  has  deeply,  very  deeply  wounded  me,  not 
because  I  have  been  denied  the  small  gratification  of  knowing  a  little  more  or  a 
little  sooner  than  others,  what  was  going  on,  but  from  deeper  considerations,  con 
nected  with  much  more  interesting  matter.  I  will  write  to  you  again  in  a  day  or 
two.  With  undiminished  confidence  and  attachment, 

"  Your  friend,  &c." 

JAMES  A.  HAMILTON  TO  WILLIAM  B.  LEWIS. 

"  NEW  YORK,  May  3,  1831. 
"  MY  DEAR  SIR  :  In  your  letter  of  the  26th  ultimo,  referring  to  my  silence  in  rela- 


REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES   A.  HAMILTON.  215 

tion  to  the  recent  changes,  you  ask  me,  "What  is  the  matter  with,  you?  "  Permit 
me,  as  I  Iwe  east  of  the  Hudson,  to  use  the  privilege  of  a  Yankee — to  answer  your 
question  by  asking  another:  Why  were  you  so  silent  in  relation  to  those  changes? 
You  knew  of  them ;  you  wrote  to  me  after  they  had  been  made,  or  at  least  had  been 
determined  upon.  I  asked  you  a  question  in  relation  to  the  rumors  in  regard  to  Ing- 
ham.  AVe  had  conferred  long  ago  in  relation  to  changes  not  extending  so  far  as 
these  have  done  by  one  step  only.  There  has  been  no  reserve  heretofore ;  why 
then,  I  ask  and  confidently  indulge  the  hope  that  you  will  give  me  an  explicit  an 
swer,  were  you  silent  ?  Were  you  requested  to  be  so,  and  by  whom  ?  It  could  not 
have  been  from  a  want  of  confidence  that  I  could  keep  a  secret — what  then  was  it  ? 
It  was  not  the  result  of  a  general  plan,  because  others  were  informed  with  the  ex 
press  intention  that  it  should  be  divulged  to  members  of  our  Legislature.  If  the 
reserve  was  occasioned  by  what  heretofore  passed  between  the  President  and  my 
self,  looking  to  this  conjuncture  (if  you  know  what  that  was,  you  will  understand 
me — if  you  do  not,  you  never  will  from  me),  I  have  then  been  treated  with  this 
want  of  confidence,  founded  on  a  false  appreciation  of  my  character,  and  particular 
ly  of  my  devotion  to  my  friends.  I  enclose  a  letter  I  wrote  within  the  first  half  hour  • 
that  I  heard  the  rumor.  Read  and  destroy  it ;  it  must  not  be  shown  to  any 
other.  I  think  Yan  Buren  has  made  a  master's  stroke  which  cannot  but  redound 
to  his  advantage,  and  may  be  useful  to  the  President.  There  were  two  courses — 
one,  that  which  has  been  taken,  which  is  probably  the  best ;  the  other,  to  have 
made  an  authoritative  change  in  three  of  the  Departments.  The  boldness  of  the  lat 
ter  course  would  have  commanded  respect,  and  probably  have  produced  intimida 
tion  ;  and  at  the  same  time  it  would  have  afforded  an  opportunity  to  have  made  an 
exposition  in  relation  to  recent  events  that  would  have  been  useful.  I  am  entirely 
satisfied,  however,  that  the  course  which  has  been  pursued  will  give  Van  Buren  a 
strong  hold  on  the  public.  The  proposed  Cabinet  is  a  strong  one.  I  sincerely  hope 
Judge  White  will  not  decline.  He  is  the  balance  wheel  of  the  whole.  I  inclose  a 
letter  to  the  President.  Yesterday  I  wrote  fully  to  Mr.  Van  Buren.  See  my  letter 
to  him.  '•  Your  sincere  friend,  &c." 

It  may,  connected  with  Van  Buren's  course  toward  me  on  this  change 
of  the  Cabinet,  not  be  improper  to'  express  my  opinion  as  to  his  motive  for  con 
cealment  of  so  important  a  purpose. 

The  President  at  one  time  told  me  that  he  wanted  me  near  him,  and  that  I 
should  take  the  place  of  Secretary  of  the  Navy.  At  another,  that  I  should 
take  the  State  Department  when  Van  Buren  should  leave  that  place,  as  he 
would  do  ere  long. 

No  man  was  more  true  to  his  friends  and  to  his  word  than  Jackson  was. 
I  have  no  doubt  that  Van  Buren  knew  the  President's  wishes  and  feelings  in 

O 

regard  to  me ;  and  he  feared,  should  I  be  informed  of  the  proposed  change,  that 
I  might  recall  to  the  President's  recollection  his  engagements  with  me.  I  most 
certainly  would  not  have  interfered,  by  my  presence  or  otherwise,  with  the 
proposed  arrangements. 

The  changes  certainly  strengthened  the  administration.  The  first  was,  I 
verily  believe,  the  most  unintellectual  and  uneducated  Cabinet  we  ever  had. 


216  REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES  A.  HAMILTON. 

Van  Bureii  was  sagacious  5  he  had  no  pretensions  to  being  a  statesman,  he 
had  no  skill  in  composition.  His  first  report  in  1829  required  much  emenda 
tion.  I  remained  with  him  after  he  entered  upon  the  duties  of  his  office,  in 
April,  1829;  we  lived  together  at  a  private  boarding-house  until  about  June 
8,  1829.  During  that  time,  in  conversation  about  the  historical  events  of  this 
and  other  countries,  I  was  amazed  to  learn  how  uninformed  he  was.  He  de 
pended  upon  his  son  John  to  aid  him  in  his  writings,  until  he  got  Mr.  Benja 
min  Butler,  afterwards  Attorney-General,  upon  whom  he  essentially  depended. 

Ingham,  who  was  appointed  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  came  to  Washington 
seeking  the  place  of  Comptroller.  This  was  his  and  his  friends'  appreciation 
of  his  ability. 

Brent  had  not  one  quality  to  fit  him  for  the  place  he  held,  Secretary  of 
the  Navy ;  and  Eaton  was  made  Secretary  of  War  because,  as  Jackson  told  me., 
he  "  must  have  a  friend  about  him  upon  whom  he  could  rely." 

J.  Macpherson  Berrien,  Attorney-General,  was  the  only  man  of  education 
among  the  whole. 

Mr.  Donelson,  the  President's  Private  Secretary,  was  an  intelligent  and  in 
structed  man. 

JAMES  A.  HAMILTON  TO  PRESIDENT  JACKSON. 

"  NEW  YOEK,  May  3,  1831. 

"My  DEAR  SIR:  I  wrote  a  very  hasty  letter  to  you  on  Saturday.  Sunday  and 
Monday  I  could  not  write  as  I  intended,  because  I  could  not  see  Rhincl.  Yester 
day  evening  I  received  the  inclosed  note  from  him,  and  to-day  have  seen  him.  He 
has  agreed  to  give  an  order  to  the  Messrs.  Rowland's  to  pay  over  to  me  the  balance 
of  the  proceeds  of  the  sale  of  the  horses  after  deducting  expenses,  to  be  held  subject 
to  your  order ;  thus  in  effect  doing  all  that  could  be  wished.  The  Marshal,  it  is 
agreed,  is  to  attend  at  and  cooperate  in  the  sale.  I  drafted  the  order  on  the  Row 
land's  for  him,  which  he  has  taken  to  submit  to  his  counsel,  and  to  bring  it  to  me  in 
Court  whither  I  am  about  to  go.  I  will  send  a  copy  of  it  with  an  official  letter  to 
Van  Buren  to-day,  if  I  have  time  ;  if  not,  to-morrow.  I  have  written  fully  to  A^an 
Buren  and  Lewis  my  views  in  relation  to  recent  changes,  and  have  expressed  to  the 
latter  the  pain  I  have  felt  in  consequence  of  the  reserve  which  has  been  observed 
toward  me  on  the  occasion.  I  fear  that  on  this  occasion  you  have  not  sufficiently 
appreciated  the  disinterested  devotion  I  feel  toward  you,  and  which  I  am  capable 
of  exercising  when  circumstances  require  it.  I  will  only  add  that  your  choice  of  a 
Cabinet  is  most  excellent.  I  doubt  a  little  about  the  Navy,  for  the  reasons  I  have 
given  Van  Buren.  With  the  truest  attachment, 

"Your  friend  always,  &c." 

JAMES  A.  HAMILTON  TO  THE  PRESIDENT  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES.  (Private.) 

"  XEW  YORK,  May  3,  1831. 

"M\r  DEAR  SIR:  Mr.  Rhind  has  executed  the  order  upon  the  Rowland's  as  I 
drew  it,  merely  adding  that  I  am  to  hold  the  funds  until  the  final  decision  of  the 
President  which  makes  no  material  difference  in  the  matter. 


REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON.  217 

"  The  solicitude  Mr.  Rhind  manifests  that  the  John  Adams  should  be  detained, 
and  that  she  should  not  go  to  Smyrna — results  from  a  state  of  things  which  it  is 
proper  you  should  know.  Eckford  has  built  a  Corvette,  and  proposed  models  of  the 
vessels.  Eckford  and  Rhind  are  to  go  over  in  her ;  she  is  to  be  sold  to  the  Sultan,  and 
contracts  are  expected  to  be  made  for  other  vessels.  I  know  of  nothing  between 
the  Turks  and  Russians  at  present  that  would  render  these  transactions  illegal.  How 
far  they  may  be  deemed  of  so  questionable  expediency  as  to  render  it  proper  for  the 
Government  to  keep  entirely  aloof  from  them,  I  cannot  judge.  I  incline,  however, 
to  the  opinion  that  these  facts,  connected  with  the  rejection  by  the  Senate  of  the 
second  Article,  should  induce  you  not  to  allow  or  order  a  further  delay  of  the  ship ; 
but  it  would  be  well  that  she  should  not  go  to  Smyrna. 

"I  write  again  in  extreme  haste  in  Court,  and  arnid  the  entanglement  of  law 
yers,  &c.  "  With  the  truest  attachment,  your  friend." 

CHARLES  RHIND  TO  ROWLAND  &  ASPINWALL. 

"  NEW  YORK,  May  3,  1831. 

"  GENTLEMEN  :  The  Marshal,  under  the  advice  of  Mr.  Hamilton,  District  Attorney, 
will  unite  with  you  in  the  sale  of  the  four  Arabian  horses,  and  after  deducting  from 
the  proceeds  the  amount  expended  in  transporting  them  from  Constantinople  to  this 
City  and  keeping  them  here,  together  with  the  expenses  of  the  sale,  you  will  pay 
over  the  balance  to  J.  A.  Hamilton  Esq.,  subject  to  the  orders  of  the  President,  until 
final  decision  is  made  bv  him  on  the  subject." 

JAMES  A.  HAMILTON  TO  THE  HON.  MARTIN  VAN  BUREN,  Sec'y  of  State, 

Washington. 

"!STEW  YOEK,  May  4,  1831. 

"Sm:  In  obedience  to  your  letter  of  the  23d  ultimo,  I  had  an  interview  with 
Mr.  Rhind  on  the  3d  inst.,  when  it  was  agreed  between  us  that  the  Marshal  of  the 
U.  S.  and  the  Consignees,  the  Messrs.  Ilowland's,  who  had  before  refused  to  deliver 
the  horses  to  the  Marshal  unless  their  advances  were  paid,  should  cooperate  in  the 
sale  which  had  been  advertised  for  the  15th  inst.  in  this  city,  and  that,  after  deduct 
ing  from  the  proceeds  of  such  sale  the  amount  expended  in  transporting  the  horses 
from  Constantinople  to  this  city  and  keeping  them  here,  together  with  the  expenses 
of  the  sale,  the  balance  should  be  paid  over  to  me  to  be  held  subject  to  the  order  of 
the  President.  In  pursuance  of  that  agreement,  Mr.  Rhind  immediately  executed  an 
order  upon  the  Messrs.  Ilowland's,  who  upon  presentation  accepted  the  same.  A 
copy  of  the  order  with  the  acceptance  is  inclosed,  the  original  being  returned  by 
me  to  be  delivered  to  them  whenever  it  is  complied  with. 

"  This  arrangement  was  proposed  by  Mr.  Rhind,  as  one  by  which  the  intention 
of  the  President  in  relation  to  the  horses  could  be  carried  out  with  complete  effect 
and  acceded  to  by  me;  because,  as  the  Government  could  only  be  entitled  to  receive 
the  horses  after  the  expenses  to  which  the  Consignees  and  Mr.  Rhind  had  been  ex 
posed  in  bringing  and  keeping  them  were  paid,  and  as  no  funds  were  appropriated 
to  pay  these  expenses,  that  could  be  best  done  by  deducting  the  same  from  the  pro 
ceeds.  It  was  also  believed  that,  as  the  horses  had  been  advertised  for  sale  at  a 
period  when  those  persons  from  all  sections  of  the  country  who  would  probably 
be  disposed  to  purchase  these  animals  were  drawn  to  this  city  by  the  approaching 


218  REMINISCENCES    OF  JAMES  A.  HAMILTON. 

races,  they  would  sell  to  greater  advantage  than  if  they  were  taken  by  the  Marshal 
and  advertised  for  sale  at  a  remoter  period. 

"These  considerations  and  others  have  induced  me  to  exercise  a  discretion 
which  I  believed  was  committed  to  me  on  the  occasion,  and  which  I  hope  will  meet 
with  the  President's  approval.  I  have  the  honor  to  be, 

"  With  very  great  respect, 

"  Your  Obedient  Servant.1' 

PRESIDENT  ANDREW  JACKSON  TO  JAMES  A.  HAMILTON. 

"  WASHINGTON,  May  4,  1831. 

"  DEAR  SIR  :  Mr.  James  Coggeshall,  of  N/ew  York,  has  communicated  to  me  in 
confidence  the  substance  of  certain  disclosures  made  to  him  by  the  pirate  Gibbs, 
also  James  D.  Jeffrees,  recently  executed  in  New  York.  The  facts  as  stated  are  of 
deep  interest,  and  if  Coggeshall  is  as  honest  and  respectable  a  man  as  he  is  repre 
sented  to  be,  the  subject  ought  to  be  sifted  to  the  bottom.  I  have  informed  him  that 
I  can  take  no  steps  in  the  matter  until  I  hear  from  you,  by  whom  the  prosecution 
against  the  pirate  was  conducted,  and  have  advised  Mr.  Coggeshall  to  return 
to  New  York  and  communicate  the  whole  matter  to  you.  You  will  please  to  send 
for  him  and  receive  his  statement  in  form  ;  and  report  it  to  me,  with  the  best  evi 
dence  you  can  upon  a  full  and  careful  examination  obtain,  as  to  the  credibility  of 
Mr.  Coggeshall,  the  probable  character  of  his  motives  for  making  the  disclosure  to 
government,  and  the  circumstances  under  which  the  confessions  were  made  by  the 
deceased  pirate.  Any  suggestions  you  may  think  proper  to  make  upon  the  subject 
will  be  thankfully  received. 

"  Very  truly  yours,  &c." 

JAMES  A.  HAMILTON  TO  PRESIDENT  JACKSON. 

"  NEW  YORK,  May  5,  1830. 

"  MY  DEAR  SIR  :  I  had  the  pleasure  to-day  to  receive  your  letter  of  the  2d  inst. 
The  inclosed  letter  intended  for  the  State  Department  will  show  the  completion  of 
the  business  to  which  yours  refers.  I  hope  the  course  I  have  taken  will  mett  your 
approbation.  Mr.  Khind  said  he  had  a  conversation  on  the  subject  with  Mr.  Edward 
Livingston,  who  gives  it  as  his  opinion  that  the  course  pursued  was  the  wisest  in 
reference  to  the  Treaty.  I  inclose  my  official  letter  open  to  you,  in  order  that,  if  it 
should  be  considered  best  to  be  withheld  or  varied  in  any  part,  it  may  be  re 
turned  for  that  purpose.  I  sincerely  hope  your  friend  White  will  accede  to  your 
wishes,  although  I  fear  it  will  be  against  his  feelings  to  do  so.  The  approval  of  re 
cent  movements  is  manifesting  itself  very  generally.  With  the  most  sincere  and  un 
alterable  attachment,  I  remain, 

'•Yours,  &c." 

MARTIN  VAN  BUREN  TO  JAMES  A.  HAMILTON. 

"WASHINGTON,  May  7,  1831. 

"  MY  DEAR  FRIEND  :  I  embrace  the  opportunity  offered  by  Mr.  Trist  to  say  a  word 
to  you.  The  spirit  manifested  in  your  last  is  precisely  that  which  I  should  have 


REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES  A.  HAMILTON.  219 

expected  from  you.  Dismiss  the  subject  from  your  mind  with  this  assurance  that 
there  is  not  no\v,  nor  has  there  at  any  time  been,  the  slightest  abatement  of  the  con 
fidence  and  affection  on  the  part  of  the  President  or  myself  toward  you.  To  the 
extent  to  which  appearances  may  at  any  time  have  given  countenance  to  a  different 
state  of  things,  they  were  deceptive.  I  have  not  shown  him  your  letter  because  he  is 
sufficiently  worriei  by  other  matters;  and  I  could  not  bear  to  inflict  upon  him  the 
mortification  which  the  consciousness  of  such  an  apprehension  on  your  part  would, 
I  know,  produce.  When  I  see  you — which  will  be,  I  hope,  in  a  few  weeks — we  will 
talk  over  matters  and  things.  In  the  mean  time,  I  say  to  you  in  confidence  that, 
although  I  have  not  yet  finally  decided  to  go  to  England,  I  am  inclined  to  think  that 
I  will  come  to  that  result.  I  should  be  pleased  to  give  you  my  reasons  for  thinking 
it  the  preferable  course  (in  which  you  would  concur)  ;  but  they  are  too  much  for  a 
letter,  and  Mr.  Trist  is  waiting.  I  was  very  anxious  to  hear  your  opinion  as  to  the 
propriety  of  the  recent  movement  here,  and  happy  to  find  that  it  was  so  favorable. 
It  has  been  and  continues  to  be  a  very  painful  one;  but  every  day's  reflection  con 
vinces  me  of  its  propriety. 

"  Believe  me  to  be,  very  truly  yours,  &c. 

"P.  S.  I  congratulate  you  on  your  success  with  Mr.  Rhind.  You  can  have  no 
idea  how  this  small  matter  has  worried  me — if  it  had  gone  otherwise,  a  degree,  and 
no  inconsiderable  one,  of  discredit  would  have  been  thrown  upon  the  whole  negotia 
tion.  The  President's  letter  was  the  last  shot  in  the  locker,  and  I  placed  much 
reliance  upon  it  under  your  skilful  direction." 

JAMES  A.  HAMILTON  TO  THE  HON.  M.  VAN  BUJIEX. 

"  NEW  YORK,  May  14,  1831. 

"  SIR  :  I  have  the  honor  to  inform  you  that  the  four  Arabian  horses,  presented  by 
the  Sultan  to  Mr.  Ehind  and  brought  by  him  from  Constantinople  to  this  City,  were 
this  day  sold  by  Public  Auction  at  Tattersals  (the  place  at  which  hnr.-es  are  usually 
sold  in  this  city),  to-day  at  12  o'clock,  for  the  aggregate  sum  of  nineteen  hundred 
and  ninety  dollars  ($1990). 

"  There  was  a  very  great  assemblage  at  the  sale,  and  everything  was  done  to 
obtain  the  best  prices.  The  inclosed  is  a  copy  of  the  advertisement  of  sale. 

"  An  account  of  the  expenses  of  transportation,  keeping,  and  sale  will  be  present 
ed  to  me  without  delay  and  forwarded  to  you  in  order  that  I  may  receive  the 
President's  instructions  in  relation  to  the  same. 

"  Very  respectfully,  your  obedient  servant." 

JAMES  A.  HAMILTON  TO  PRESIDENT  JACKSON. 

"NEW  YOEK,  May  18,  1831. 

"MY  DEAR  SIR:  I  have  the  pleasure  to  inclose  to  you  a  letter  recently  received 
from  Mr.  Hives.  Be  so  good,  after  you  have  read  it,  as  to  reinclose  it  to  me.  In  com 
pliance  with  his  wishes,  I  am  taking  means  to  induce  the  claimants  *  to  authorize  a 
compromise.  The  lowest  sum  to  which  they  will  assent  will  probably  be  five 
million  dollars.  If  there  is  any  information  at  Washington  that  should  induce  a 
belief  that  as  large  a  sum  as  that  cannot  be  obtained,  I  should  like  to  know  it  in 


On  France. 


220         REMINISCENCES  OF  JAMES  A.  HAMILTON. 

order  that  I  may  endeavor  to  depress  the  expectations  of  the  claimants  even  more 
than  I  have  already  done.  It  would  afford  me  the  most  sincere  pleasure  to  be  of 
service  to  the  government  in  this  case,  as  it  would  at  all  times  and  under  all  circum 
stances,  my  dear  friend,  to  serve  you.  I  have  looked  with  great  solicitude  and  the 
sympathy  of  a  friend  to  recent  events  and  their  consequences  as  to  our  country  and 
the  fame  of  my  chief,  and  \\ith  the  utmost  pleasure  I  have  come  to  the  conclusion 
that  all  has  been  not  only  well  done,  but  that  it  will  result  as  well  as  could  be 
expected  or  wished. 

"  I  remain,  with  the  truest  attachment,  your  friend,  &c." 

JAMES  A.  HAMILTON  TO  PRESIDENT  JACKSON. 

"NEW  YOEK,  May  22,  1831. 

"MrDEARSiK:  You  will  have  learned  from  the  newspapers  that  there  has 
been  a  Convention  of  Manufacturers  in  this  city,  at  which  a  Connecticut  man  made 
a  foolish  speech.  I  would  not  call  your  attention  to  this  meeting  if  that  was  the 
only  foolish  thing  they  did.  There  was  also  a  private  informal  meeting  of  the  leaders 
of  anti-masonry,  and  formal  propositions  were  made  by  the  former  to  the  latter  that 
they  should  unite  in  the  support  of  Clay,  which  were  rejected,  the  anti-masons 
declaring  that  they  would  be  consistent  throughout  and  stand  or  fall  by  their  princi 
ples.  This  determination,  if  adhered  to,  will  secure  the  Electors  of  this  State  by  a 
vast  majority.  I  do  not  mean  to  express  a  doubt  that  the  result  would  be  favorable 
in  any  event,  but  that  it  will  in  such  a  state  of  things  be  triumphant.  By  an  arrival 
yesterday  from  Havre,  bringing  news  to  the  18th  April  from  that  place,  there  is  much 
reason  to  fear  that  there  has  been  another  revolution  in  Paris.  A  private  letter, 
from  a  respectable  source,  as  I  understand,  received  on  the  morning  of  the  18th, 
stated  the  fact.  From  the  character  of  the  present  ministry  it  is  much  to  be  feared 
that  such  an  attempt  will  produce  most  dreadful  consequences.  If  the  ministry  are 
successful,  absolutism  will  have  achieved  a  victory.  If  the  people  drive  their  masters 
out  of  Paris,  there  will  be  civil  war,  and  consequently  France  will  be  a  party  to  the 
Holy  Alliance.  Removed  from  the  storm,  we  calmly  follow  its  course  and  anticipate 
its  results  which,  however,  as  a  Xation  or  as  lovers  of  liberty,  must  be  deeply  interest 
ing  to  us.  If  ignorance  and  despotism  should  temporarily  prevail,  permanently  they 
cannot  against  knowledge  and  freedom;  they  would  partition  France  and  govern 
all  Europe  with  an  iron  grasp  and  a  lash  of  scorpions.  In  that  event,  our  liberal 
institutions  and  rapid  improvements  would  be  a  source  of  jealousy  and  fear  to  them. 
This,  however,  is  an  anticipation  too  remote  and  calamitous  to  be  indulged.  En 
slaved  Europe  is  destined  shortly  to  be  free. 

"A  meeting  is  called  for  to-morrow  evening  in  behalf  of  the  Poles.  From  the 
names  of  the  persons  who  subscribe  the  call  (Mr.  Rikers  excepted),  they  are  all  of 
the  opposition,  and  men  of  schemes  and  contrivances.  Their  power  of  doing  good 
is  so  small  that  I  apprehend  they  mean  mischief.  I  will  attend  the  meeting  purposely 
to  watch  their  movements,  and  will  give  you  an  account  of  it  if  anything  occurs 
deserving  of  remembrance.  I  had  the  pleasure  to  see  your  adopted  son  yesterday 
who,  I  am  happy  to  perceive,  appears  to  be  in  fine  health.  With  sincere  regard, 
"  Your  devoted  friend,  &c." 


REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES  A.   HAMILTON.  221 

PRESIDENT  ANDREW  JACKSON  TO  JAMES  A.  HAMILTON. 

"WASHINGTON,  May  22,  1831. 

"MY  DEAR  SIR:  I  have  this  moment  received  your  kind  letter  of  the  18th, 
inclosing  Mr.  Rives'  of  the  24th  of  March  last,  which,  having  perused  with  attention, 
I  now  return  as  you  have  requested.  We  have  no  information  here  that  would 
authorize  the  conclusion  that  the  sum  of  five  million  of  dollars  cannot  be  obtained 
from  France  on  our  claims,  unless  we  would  found  our  belief  upon  the  report  of  a 
majority  of  the  French  commissioners,  to  whom  it  appears  this  matter  was  referred, 
who  reduce  the  amount  to  three  millions.  This,  I  would  suppose,  was  intended  by 
them  as  a  basis  upon  which  their  first  bid  was  intended  to  be  made  as  a  gross  sum, 
but  intending  to  come  up  to  the  amount  of  the  minority,  five  millions.  This  last 
sum  would,  as  I  believe,  cover  all  our  just  claims.  I  am  certain  six  millions  would. 
Wisdom  and  good  policy  would  suggest  the  propriety  of  reducing  the  consent  of  the 
claimants  to  the  lowest  sum  possible  ;  whilst  we  know  Mr.  Hives  will  push  them  as 
high  as  there  are  any  hopes  of  success.  Five  or  six  millions  ought  to  be  accepted 
by  Mr.  Rives,  if  offered,  under  existing  circumstances.  The  lively  interest  you  have 
always  taken  in  my  prosperity  and  happiness  since  our  first  acquaintance,  deserves, 
as  it  receives,  my  warmest  gratitude  and  thanks.  I  have  had  many  evidences  of 
your  kind  feelings,  and  have  duly  appreciated  them.  I  will  always  place  a  true  value 
on  your  friendship.  It  is  gratifying  to  learn  that  the  reorganization  of  my  cabinet 
has  met  with  the  full  approbation  of  my  friends.  The  moment  Mr.  Van  Buren  and 
Major  Eaton  tendered  their  resignations,  there  was  but  one  proper  course  for  me  to 
adopt :  that  was  to  renew  my  cabinet  proper.  I  parted  with  those  two  friends  with 
much  regret ;  but  I  am  sure  a  grateful  country  will  never  lose  sight  of  such  disin 
terestedness.  And  what  a  contrast !  Calhoun  using  all  low  intrigue  to  obtain  office, 
whilst  those  two  true  republicans  are  voluntarily  resigning  office  for  the  quiet  and 
repose  of  the  country.  With  a  tender  of  my  kind  salutations  to  you  and  your 
amiable  family,  I  am,  respectfully  your  friend,  &c." 

MARTIN  VAN  BUREN  TO  JAMES  A.  HAMILTON. 

"  May  23,  1831. 

"  MY  DEAR  SIR  :  In  going  over  my  papers  for  destroying  such  as  are  no  longer 
useful,  I  find  the  inclosed  which  may  be  so  to  you.  File  it  away  with  your  Tomp- 
k'ms  correspondence.  I  deliver  over  to-morrow,  and  will  be  with  you  in  about  ten 
days,  when  we  shall  have  an  old-fashioned  talk. 

"  Very  truly  yours,  &c. 

"  P.  S. — The  President  will  write  you  to-day  or  to-morrow  upon  the  subject  of 
the  letter  from  Mr.  Rives  which  you  enclosed  to  him." 

JAMES  A.  HAMILTON  TO  GENERAL  VAN  SHOLTEN. 

"NEW  YORK,  May  28,  1831. 

"  MY  DEAR  GENERAL  :  I  had  the  pleasure  yesterday  to  receive  your  letter  of 
the  23d  ultimo,  with  a  box  of  wine,  for  which  I  return  you  my  sincere  thanks.  Mr. 
Van  Buren  will  be  here  in  a  day  or  two,  when  he  will  receive  those  good  things 
destined  for  him,  and  as  he  may  sail  in  the  course  of  the  next  month  for  England, 


222  REMINISCENCES    OF  JAMES  A.  HAMILTON. 

he  will  probably  liave  an  opportunity  to  thank  you  in  person  in  London,  and  to  give 
you  an  opportunity  to  judge  whether  the  wine  is  improved  or  not  by  a  double 
voyage.  I  did  not  see  your  friend,  Judge  Frederickson,  which  I  much  regret,  not 
only  because  I  was  thus  deprived  of  the  pleasure  of  enjoying  the  society  of  a  very 
agreeable  person  as  Mr.  Hone  informs  me  he  is,  but  as  I  lost  an  opportunity  to  give 
that  attention  which  your  recommendation  will  always  command  to  one  of  our 
countrymen  or  any  other  person.  He  had  gone  to  Philadelphia  when  I  called 
upon  him,  and  I  was  absent  from  the  city  when  he  returned.  Do  me  the  favor  to 
make  this  explanation  to  him  for  me  when  you  see  him. 

"  Amid  the  events  of  burning  interest  which  will  arrest  your  attention  in  Europe 
at  this  moment,  these  important  to  us  personally,  but  unconsequential  to  others, 
which  have  recently  occurred  here,  cannot  interest  you.  I  will  therefore  only  say 
that  the  change  of  Cabinet  must  be  accounted  for  by  the  reasons  that  are  given  in 
the  letters  of  the  parties.  You  well  know  that  the  scandal  in  relation  to  Mrs.  Eaton 
had  produced  some  discord  before  you  arrived  here.  That,  however,  was  not  the 
leading  motive  of  the  opposition  in  Congress  and  elsewhere  on  the  part  of  Mr. 
Calhoun  and  his  friends.  It  was  only  laid  hold  of  as  an  ostensible  cause  of  differ 
ence.  The  real  one  was  the  fear  of  Mr.  Van  Buren's  power  and  influence  with  the 
President  and  his  Cabinet  in  the  Government.  Mr.  Calhoun  well  knew  that,  if  that 
power  continued  undiminished,  Mr.  Yan  Buren  would  be  his  most  formidable  com 
petitor.  He  therefore  determined  to  strike  at  home,  careless  whether  he  should 
hit  the  President  or  not.  The  consequence  of  that  course  of  Mr.  Calhoun  was,  that 
he  distracted  the  Administration  party  in  both  Houses  so  much  as  to  make  it  pow 
erless.  He  was  not  prepared  for  the  covp  d'etat  which  followed,  and  which,  from 
present  appearances,  has  frustrated  him.  Yan  Buren  has  the  merit  with  Jackson's 
friends  of  having  made  a  great  sacrifice  to  the  success  of  the  administration.  They 
are,  therefore,  bound  to  him  by  indissoluble  ties.  He  has  removed  from  Calhoun  all 
pretence  of  a  continued  opposition.  He  is  hailed  as  a  most  disinterested  patriot  by  his 
party,  and  he  goes  probably  to  England,  removed  from  the  fight  for  three  or  four 
years,  with  the  advantage  of  having  administered  the  affairs  of  his  department  in  a 
successful  manner  for  two  years.  These  coups  are  always  problematical,  but  in  this 
case  he  has  strong  grounds  to  hope  for  a  successful  result.  More  anon.  This  letter 
wrill  be  conveyed  to  you  by  my  most  worthy  friend,  Mr.  Yaughan,  who  returns  to 
his  country  with  the  esteem  of  all  Americans  who  have  known  him.  Be  so  good  as 
to  write  to  me  fully  upon  the  state  of  Europe,  and  remember  me  always  as  your 
most  affectionate  friend,  &c." 

THE    STOLEN    JEWELS. 

THE  JEWELS  OF  HER  ROYAL  HIGHNESS,  THE  PRINCESS  OF   ORANGE,  STOLEN 

BY  CONSTANT  POLARI. 

From  the  testimony  taken  during  the  various  proceedings  instituted  in  the 
District  Court  of  the  United  States  for  the  Southern  District  of  New  York,  it 
was  proved  that  Constant  Polari  and  Susanna  Blanche  (she  was  an  unmarried 
woman  but  was  represented  by  the  said  Polari  as  his  wife)  arrived  at  the  port 
of  New  York  on  the  15th  day  of  June,  1831,  in  the  ship  Francis  I.,  from 
Havre.  Polari  brought  with  him  concealed  about  his  person,  and  about  the 


REMINISCENCES  OF  JAMES  A.  HAMILTON.         223 

person  of  his  pretended  wife,  a  large  number  of  jewels  of  very  great  value, 
probably  not  less  than  50,000  dollars.  The  said  jewels  were  smuggled  from 
the  ship  in  a  hollow  walking  stick,  and  in  a  staff  in  the  similitude  of  an  umbrella 
case,  large  enough  to  hold  an  umbrella.  Polari  and  his  assumed  wife  went  to  a 
house  known  as  566  Pearl  street,  in  the  city  of  New  York,  to  board  ;  and  John 
Ptoumage,  being  a  Frenchman,  a  detective  then  boarding  in  the  same  house,  by 
his  delicate  and  assiduous  attentions  to  Susanna,  soon  learned  that  Polari  had 
brought  jewels  from  Prance,  and  had  smuggled  them  into  the  port.  He  did 
more,  as  the  sequel  will  prove.  He  touched  Susanna's  heart,  and  as  she  was 
deprived  of  the  Italian,  she  took  the  Frenchman  as  her  husband.  By  means 
of  a  search  warrant,  the  jewels  were  found  in  that  house  and  seized  as  for 
feited.  On  the  28th  day  of  July,  1831,  the  Collector  (Swartwout),  called 
upon  the  District  Attorney  at  his  house,  he  being  confined  to  his  bed  by  illness, 
related  all  the  circumstances  of  the  seizure,  and  urged  the  attorney  to  take 
measures  without  delay  to  arrest  Poiari,  and  institute  the  necessary  proceed 
ings  to  condemn  the  jewels  as  forfeited  to  the  United  States,  which  was  done 
on  the  31st  of  July,  1831.  The  effect  of  the  forfeiture  of  smuggled  goods 
then  was,  that  one  half  of  the  proceeds  of  the  sale,  after  the  payment  of  the 
taxed  costs,  was  to  go  to  the  United  States,  and  the  other  half  to  the  Collector 
and  two  other  officers  of  the  Customs  in  equal  parts.  The  smuggled  goods 
were  libelled,  and  Constant  Polari  was  arrested  for  $50,000,  and  for  want  of 
bail  was  sent  to  prison,  where  he  remained  over  a  year. 

On  the  27th  of  November,  1829,  the  Collector  had  received  instructions 
from  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  to  take  measures  to  recover  the  jewels 
which  had  been  stolen  from  the  palace  of  the  Prince  of  Orange,  at  Brussels,  on 
the  nights  of  the  25th  and  26th  of  September,  1829,  and  for  the  recovery  of 
which  a  reward  had  been  offered  by  proclamation,  published  in  the  newspapers  of 
the  City  of  New  York,  of  810,000.  The  District  Attorney  became  convinced 
that  these  jewels  and  those  smuggled  by  Polari  were  the  same,  and  intimated 
his  belief  to  the  Collector,  but  that  officer  gave  an  impatient  reply  and  an  em 
phatic  denial.  He  afterward  wrote  a  note  to  the  Attorney  to  know  why  the 
proceedings  for  the  condemnation  were  not  prosecuted  with  effect.  The  Attor 
ney,  in  a  private  letter  to  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  dated  January  28th, 
1832,  said : 

"  I  have  been  singularly  unfortunate  in  this  most  laborious  and  vexatious  busi 
ness."  (The  Attorney  received  and  wrote,  in  all,  ninety-six  letters  in  relation  to  the 
proceedings  connected  with  the  jewels,  which  are  now  before  him.)  "  As  soon  as 
I  was  satisfied  that  the  jewels  were  the  property  of  the  Princess  of  Orange  and 
were  stolen  from  her  (to  which  latter  point  there  is  abundant  evidence  in  the  con 
fessions  of  Polari),  I  determined  that  the  honor  of  the  country  would  be  stained  if 
they  were  condemned  and  sold ;  and  in  the  course  I  have  taken  I  have  been  influ 
enced  alone  by  a  desire  to  avoid  such  a  disaster.  In  all  which,  I  am  quite  sure,  I 
have  been  sustained  not  only  by  every  member  of  the  Executive  Government  but 
by  every  man  at  all  acquainted  with  the  subject  who  is  not  influenced  by  interested 


224  REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON. 

considerations.  I  have  constantly  urged  the  course  which  I  believe  you  thought 
best,  and  I  am  persuaded  that  Huygens  did  not  adopt  it  because  he  indulged  un 
worthy  suspicions  of  you ;  and  which,  at  times,  I  believe  were  entertained  even  as 
to  the  fairness  of  my  own  intentions.  Although  I  have  been  thus  offended,  and  al 
though  I  have  been  harrassed  more  than  you  can  conceive  by  the  importunities  of 
the  Minister  and  his  son,  and  although  ray  motives  have  been  assailed  in  private  and 
in  public  by  the  officers  of  the  Customs,  their  associates  and  dependants"  (Noah 
published  an  offensive  article),  "  I  have  persevered  in  the  course  which  duty  pre 
scribed.  My  advice  as  to  the  cost  of  the  Court,  and  the  duties  (which  was  that  the 
United  States  should  pay  the  former),  amounting  to  $69.32,  taxed  costs,  and 
should  remit  the  duties,  was  influenced  by  a  wish  that  no  fact  should  exist  to  which 
any  person  could  refer  in  order  to  sustain  the  impressions  that  our  Government 
had  been  wanting  in  high  and  generous  feelings  in  this  matter.  I  believed  that 
this  property  came  within  that  class  of  cases,  when  goods  are  brought  into  the 
United  States  by  superior  force  or  inevitable  accident.  They  are,  therefore,  not 
liable  to  duties." 

Another  letter  to  Mr.  McLane,  October  8th,  1831  : 

"  When  the  copy  of  your  letter  was  delivered  to  me,  the  Collector  asked  me  why 
the  proceedings  to  condemn  the  property  did  not  progress ;  I  replied  that  the  Secre 
tary  of  State  had  directed  me  to  stay  the  proceedings  until  the  pleasure  of  the  Presi 
dent  was  known,  and  that,  in  obedience  to  those  instructions,  I  had  done  so.  The 
Collector  expressed  the  opinion  that  it  was  a  subject  wholly  under  your  direction, 
and  that  unrestrained  by  you  I  ought  to  proceed.  I  therefore  now  take  the  liberty 
to  ask  instructions  from  you  on  the  subject." 

By  a  letter  from  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  dated  October  6th,  1831, 
I  was,  by  order  of  the  President,  directed  to  appear  for  the  Prince  of  Orange 
as  owner  and  claimant,  and  I  was  directed  thus :  "  You  will  use  the  same  zeal 
and  diligence  in  sustaining  before  the  Court  this  claim,  as  if  it  were  a  claim  of 
the  United  States."  In.  obedience  to  this  order,  I  prepared  and  presented  to 
the  Court  a  petition  in  the  name  and  on  behalf  of  the  Prince  of  Orange,  and 
as  his  counsel  and  attorney  served  a  copy  and  notice  of  same  on  the  Collector, 
who  appeared  by  Mr.  Hoffman  as  his  attorney,  to  open  the  claim,  and  upon  evi 
dence  and  argument  sustain  that  claim,  I  was  ordered  by  the  Secretary  of  State 
to  take  the  evidence  which  Huygens,  the  Minister  of  the  King  of  the  Nether 
lands,  should  submit  to  me  to  show  that  the  jewels  seized  were  those  stolen  from 
the  palace  of  the  Prince,  and  to  report  the  same  to  the  President  with  my  opin 
ion.  I  did  so ;  made  my  report  and  expressed  my  opinion  that  the  evidence  was 
conclusive  to  show  that  these  jewels  were  those  which  had  belonged  to  the 
Princess  of  Orange,  and  that  they  ought  to  be  restored  to  her.  The  draft  of 
my  Report,  now  before  me,  was  sent  to  the  Department,  and  presented  to  the 
President,  who  directed  the  Secretary  of  State  to  address  a  letter  to  the 
Charge  d' Affaires  of  the  King  of  the  Netherlands,  dated  13th  January,  1832, 
in  which  he  says  : 


REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON.  225 

"  DEPARTMENT  OF  STATE,          ) 
"WASHINGTON,  January  13,  1832.  $ 

EDWARD  LIVINGSTON,  Secretary  of  State,  To  COUNT  LOVENDALE,  Charge  <T Affaires 
of  His  Majesty  the  King  of  the  Netherlands. 

"  SIR  :  I  am  directed  by  the  President  to  inform  you  that,  after  a  full  considera 
tion  of  the  application  made  for  his  interposition  in  the  case  of  the  jewels  seized  by 
the  officers  of  the  Customs  at  New  York,  and  libelled  as  forfeited  to  the  United 
States,  he  has  determined  either  to  direct  a  nolle  prosequi  to  be  entered  in  the  case 
of  the  libel,  or  to  grant  a  pardon  so  far  as  respects  the  forfeiture  of  the  jewels,  as  the 
one  or  the  other  course  shall  be  preferred  by  you,  under  the  advice  of  your  counsel, 
and  in  the  latter  case  that  he  will  direct  the  Attorney  of  the  United  States  to  apply 
for  an  order  to  deliver  the  articles  to  you,  and  to  support  such  motion  on  your  be 
half.  As  soon  as  you  shall  signify  to  me  which  of  the  two  modes  of  proceeding  you 
shall  prefer,  I  am  directed  to  send  on  the  necessary  documents  to  carry  your  wishes 
into  effect.  The  President  desires  me  to  assure  you  that  he  regrets  the  delay  that 
has  taken  place,  which  has  arisen  from  a  necessary  caution  not  to  interfere  in  the 
decision  of  a  judiciary,  and  he  hopes  that  in  the  determination  to  which  he  has  now 
come,  you  will  see  a  new  evidence  of  the  desire  he  has  always  felt  to  show  his  re 
spect  for  the  King  your  Sovereign,  and  so  to  exercise  all  his  constitutional  powers 
as  to  preserve  the  most  friendly  relations  with  your  country. 

"  Accept  Sir,  I  pray  you,  the  assurances  of  my  high  consideration." 

On  the  31st  of  January,  1832,  the  District  Attorney  of  the  United  States 
addressed  a  letter  to  Secretary  of  State,  informing  him  that  the  duties  upon  the 
jewels  having  been  secured  to  be  paid,  and  the  costs  in  both  suits  (one  by  the 
United  States,  the  other  by  the  Prince  of  Orange),  as  taxed  $69.32  by  the  Dis 
trict  Judge,  having  been  paid,  a  nolle  prosequi  was  upon  motion,  in  open  court, 
this  day  entered  in  both  the  libels  against  the  jewels,  the  said  jewels  having 
been  ordered  by  the  court  to  be  delivered  to  the  claimant.  They  are  now  in 
possession  of  Le  Chevalier  Huygens,  late  minister,  who  will  take  them  with  him 
that  they  may  be  restored  to  her  Royal  Highness  the  Princess  of  Orange.  On 
the  same  day,  the  Chevalier  Huygens  addressed  to  the  District  Attorney  of 
the  United  States  a  letter  as  follows : 

"  The  completion  of  this  measure  having  been  effectuated,  I  seize  this  opportunity 
to  offer  you  my  sincere  thanks  for  the  services  you  have  rendered  in  bringing  this 
tedious  case  to  an  end,  and  I  congratulate  you  that  you  have  completed  the  mea 
sure  by  which  both  governments  have  been  liberated  from  the  perplexities  which  so 
long  prevented  us  to  come  to  a  favorable  result. 

"Accept,  Sir,  the  renewed  assurances  of  my  most  sincere  esteem." 

A  large  portion  of  the  stolen  jewels  having  been  buried  by  Polari  and  Su 
sanna  Blanche,  about  three  miles  out  of  Brooklyn,  she  and  Roumage,  during 
the  imprisonment  of  Polari,  went  to  the  spot,  took  up  the  jewels,  and  on  or 
about  the  24th  of  August,  1831,  under  the  name  of  John  Roberts  and  wife, 
15 


2.26  REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON. 

sailed  from  Philadelphia  in  the  ship  Monongahela  for  Liverpool.  Mr.  Huygens 
hearing  of  their  departure,  dispatched  a  pilot  boat  from  New  York  with  a  de 
tective  on  board  for  the  port  of  Liverpool,  where  she  arrived  before  the  ship, 
and  where  Roberts  and  wife  were  arrested,  and  the  jewels  in  their  possession 
seized.  We  learned  afterward  that  the  settings  of  the  jewels  having  been  re 
moved,  they  were  buried  in  a  wood  in  the  suburbs  of  the  city.  Polari,  during 
his  imprisonment  prepared  a  petition  in  French,  well  written,  which  was  addressed 
to  the  President,  and  by  him  referred  to  the  District  Attorney  for  his  report 
on  the  facts.  The  poor  devil  was  released  from  imprisonment,  and  taken  by 
the  son  of  the  minister  Huygeus  on  board  a  vessel,  and  sent  to  Amsterdam. 
What  became  of  him  I  know  not.  Young  Huygens  having  some  difficulty  in 
settling  his  accounts  with  his  government,  his  father  asked  J.  A.  Hamilton  to 
address  a  letter  to  him  to  state  with  how  much  assiduity  and  skill  the  young  man 
attended  to  the  business  of  the  jewels,  and  particularly,  after  the  departure  of 
his  father,  in  sending  Polari  to  the  Netherlands. 

It  has  sometimes  occurred  to  me  as  singular  that  the  services  rendered  by 
the  writer  as  District  Attorney  of  the  United  States  to  the  Princess  of  Orange, 
in  rescuing  her  jewels  (said  to  be  worth  a  million  of  dollars)  from  forfeiture, 
has  never  been  recognized  in  any  manner  whatever.  The  only  compensation 
he  ever  received  was  the  taxed  costs,  $69.32,  from  the  United  States  for  his 
great  labor  and  important  services. 

PRESIDENT  JACKSON  TO  JAMES  A.  HAMILTON. 

"WASHINGTON,  July  23,  1831. 

"MY  DEAR  SIR:  Your  letter  of  the  17th  has  been  some  days  received,  but 
really,  I  have  not  had  time  to  reply  to  it.  I  am  fearful  it  will  not  be  in  my  power 
to  meet  Mr.  Van  Buren  in  New  York  before  he  departs  for  England.  Nothing 
would  afford  me  more  pleasure  than  to  meet  him  there  ;  but  the  Nullifiers  have  com 
menced  operations  in  Charleston.  The  Attorney  for  the  District  has  resigned  rather 
than  commence  suits  on  revenue  bonds;  and  I  am  determined  to  meet  the  crisis 
with  deliberation  and  energy.  I  will  have  testimony  that  will  show  who  are  the 
ringleaders  in  this  wicked  plot,  if  ringleaders  there  be. 

"  I  hope  Mr.  McLane  will  be  with  you  when  this  reaches  you.  If  I  cannot  go  on 
to  meet  Mr.  Van  Buren  before  he  sails,  I  will  be  much  gratified  to  see  you  here  at  the 
time  you  have  said,  as  we  have  been  disappointed  in  your  last  promised  visit ;  come 
on  with  Mr.  McLane,  and  say  to  him  I  am  very  anxious  to  see  him  here  in  possession 
of  the  Treasury  Department. 

"  Respectfully  your  friend/' 

MARTIN  VAN  BUREN  TO  JAMES  A.  HAMILTON. 

"August  1,  1831. 

"  MY  DEAR  SIR  :  Smith  tells  me  you  were  kind  enough  to  wish  to  be  informed  of 
my  movements.  They  have  been,  and  still  continue  to  be,  so  much  involved  in  un 
certainty  as  to  put  it  out  of  my  power  to  speak  with  anything  like  precision.  The 


REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON.  227 

moment  McLane  arrives  I  can  lay  my  course  and  not  before.  I  leave  here  to-day 
for  Albany,  and  if  I  do  not  hear  anything  there  to  change  my  course,  I  shall  go  to 
Saratoga  and  wait  events.  The  water  will  be  useful  to  me  preparatory  to  my  voy 
age,  and  I  shall  be  there  as  much  if  not  more  in  the  line  of  information  as  at  this 
place.  I  wrote  to  the  President  that,  if  it  should  be  deemed  more  advisable,  it  would 
be  quite  agreeable  to  me  to  go  in  one  of  the  packets.  He  wrote  me  back  that  it  was 
his  wish  that  I  should  go  in  the  Potomac,  and  that  he  had  ordered  her  to  be  at  New 
York  on  the  1st  of  August,  where  I  see  she  has  just  arrived.  After  McLane  comes, 
I  shall  have  to  follow  him.  If  you  should  be  at  New  York  when  he  arrives,  could 
you  not  prevail  upon  him  to  remain  until  I  can  be  sent  for,  which  would  take  but  a 
short  time?  This  would  be  a  great  accommodation  to  me,  and  I  would  be  there  by 
the  time  he  could  get  his  baggage  out,  &c.  I  send  this  by  mail,  fearing  that  you  may 
not  be  at  Catskill.  Write  me  whatever  occurs  to  you,  directed  to  Albany,  and  believe 

me  to  be, 

"  Very  truly  yours,  &c." 

PRESIDENT  JACKSON  TO   JAMES  A.  HAMILTON. 

"Septembers,  1831. 

"  MY  DEAR  SIR:  Your  kind  letter  of  the  1st  instant  is  this  moment  received,  for 
which  I  sincerely  thank  you.  Truth  is  mighty,  and  being  of  the  essence  of  Divinity, 
must  always  prevail.  Therefore,  the  fate  of  the  Judases  Ingham,  Boraush,  and  Ber- 
rican  I  believed  would  be  a  consignment  to  the  utter  contempt  of  all  honorable  men. 
This  has  happened  to  them. 

"I  have  no  fear  of  the  ratification  of  the  treaty  by  the  Chambers  of  France;  I 
have  the  pledge  of  the  King  personally  conveyed,  and  our  friend  General  La  Fayette, 
who  is  now  in  the  opposition,  will  use  all  his  influence  to  have  the  appropriation 
made  for  its  fulfilment;  on  his  union  on  this  subject  with  the  king  I  rest  my  opin 
ion.  I  have  this  moment  received  the  dispatches  accompanying  the  Treaty,  and  my 
Cabinet  is  about  to  convene  for  the  purpose  of  bestowing  upon  it  a  reading;  there 
fore,  I  must  close  this  hasty  note  with  a  tender  of  my  best  wishes  for  your  health 
and  happiness.  Hoping  soon  to  see  you  in  Washington, 

"I  am  respectfully,  your  friend.  ANDREW  JACKSON." 

JAMES  A.  HAMILTON  TO  HON.  Louis  McLANE,  Sec'y  of  the  Treas'y. 

"NEW  YORK,  September  10,  1831. 

"  DEAR  SIB:  The  information  I  now  give  you  I  do  not  intend  as  a  complaint,  and 
I  must  request  you  not  to  use  it  as  the  ground  of  admonition  or  rebuke.  Eecent 
events  connected  with  the  seizure  of  the  jewels,  and  your  recent  appointment  to 
office  afford  you  a  fair  opportunity  to  give  instructions  on  the  subject  without  seem 
ing  to  imply  censure.  The  Collector,  from  kindness  of  disposition,  from  misappre 
hension  of  his  duty,  and  the  intention  of  the  Legislature  in  enacting  penal  laws,  has 
too  frequently  exercised  the  right  of  determining  when  forfeitures  and  penalties 
might  be  abandoned,  both  before  and  after  prosecution.  At  a  very  early  day  I 
insisted  that  he  had  no  such  power;  that  the  law  required  him  in  all  cases  to  seize 
and  prosecute  with  effect  where  a  forfeiture  or  penalty  has  been  incurred  (indeed, 
so  much  so  that,  since  the  Act  of  April,  1818,  the  power  conferred  on  the  Collector 
by  the  Proviso  to  the  GVth  Section  of  the  Collection  laws  of  1799  to  decide  upon  the 


228  REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON. 

intention  Las  been  taken  from  him),  and  that  the  right  of  remission  or  mitigation 
was  vested  in  you  or  the  President  alone.  He,  however,  thinks  differently,  and 
assumes  that  right.  In  several  cases,  after  informations  have  been  filed  in  cases  like 
that  which  was  the  subject  of  my  letter  to  you  of  yesterday,  he  directed  the  prose 
cutions  to  be  discontinued.  In  one  case  of  smuggling  (where  the  goods  were  con 
demned),  he  directed  me  absolutely,  after  I  remonstrated,  to  discharge  the  offender 
from  imprisonment ;  and  in  other  cases,  where  articles  of  no  great  value  are  seized 
as  smuggled,  he  has  ordered  them  to  the  public  store,  and  they  have  been  sold  with 
out  condemnation ;  and  in  two  cases  of  whichl  was  informed  yesterday, — one,  where 
one  case  and  two  bales  of  foreign  goods  were  found  on  board  a  coasting  vessel  and 
sent  to  the  public  store,  and  another,  where  several  articles  of  ready-made  clothing 
were  brought  out  for  a  tailor  by  the  steward  of  one  of  the  Liverpool  vessels,  no  pro 
ceedings  having  taken  place.  This  last,  of  bringing  out  ready-made  clothes,  has 
been  a  subject  of  serious  complaint  by  the  tailors.  It  is  due  to  them  that,  wherever 
there  is  detection,  an  example  should  be  made.  The  law  prescribing  the  duty  of  the 
Collector  is  explicit,  and  ought  therefore  to  be  obeyed ;  but,  above  all,  the  course 
that  is  now  pursued  ought  not  to  be  tolerated  because  it  may  lead  to  the  worst 
practices.  In  the  very  cause  which  I  recently  tried,  it  was  proved  and  urged  to  the 
jury,  as  a  ground  of  acquittal,  that  goods  in  like  predicament  with  those  on  trial 
had,  since  the  seizure  in  that  case,  been  passed  by  the  Collector  after  they  were  ap 
praised,  and  found  to  be  erroneously  charged.  I  again  repeat  that  I  do  not  make  these 
statements  as  accusatory,  for  I  verily  believe  that  these  incorrect  proceedings  result, 
in  a  great  measure,  from  kindness  of  disposition  and  misapprehension  of  the  law.  I 
was  informed  of  the  last  two  cases,  noticed  by  the  officer  who  made  the  seizures, 
who  inquired  as  to  what  had  been  done,  and  I  had  to  tell  him  that  no  prosecutions 
had  been  instituted.  The  effect  on  the  oificer  will  probably  be  to  suppose  that,  if 
the  Collector  does  not  notice  such  violations  of  the  laws,  he  need  not  do  so. 

"  Your  friend,  &c." 

JAMES  A.  HAMILTON  TO  PRESIDENT  JACKSON. 

"NEW  YOEK,  September  18,  1831. 

•"I  have  the  pleasure,  my  dear  sir,  to  inclose  an  extra,  containing  the  news  re 
ceived  yesterday  after  the  mail  closed,  bringing  accounts  from  London  down  to  the 
10th  ultimo.  War  has  commenced  between  the  Dutch  and  Belgians,  the  latter  aided 
by  France  and  the  former  probably  by  Russia.  There  are  facts  connected  with  this 
subject,  which  are  not  generally  known,  tending  to  prove  that  Russia  and  Prussia 
sustain  Holland.  When  the  Conference  (the  Representatives  of  the  five  Powers) 
proposed  the  eighteen  articles  of  final  separation  between  Belgium  and  Holland, 
Russia  and  Prussia  reserved  their  assent  until  Holland  should  accede  to  them.  They 
were,  therefore,  not  bound  by  them.  On  the  21st  July,  Holland  published  a  sort  of 
:manifesto,  in  which  she  gives  her  reasons  for  not  acceding  to  these  eighteen  articles, 
endeavoring  to  show  that  they  violated  the  previous  protocol  (the  20th)  which  set 
tled  the  terms  of  separation,  and  which  was,  if  I  recollect  right,  dated  on  the  21st 
July  last,  and  declares  that  the  person  who  has  assumed  the  throne  of  Belgium  is 
her  enemy.  When  I  saw  this  manifesto.  I  had  no  longer  a  doubt  of  war ;  and  I  am 
now  satisfied  that  Prussia  and  Russia  when  they  gave  their  conditional  assent  to  the 
eighteen  articles  (which  articles,  by  the  way,  were  adopted  to  induce  the  Belgians 


REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES   A.  HAMILTON.  229 

to  choose  Leopold),  they  well  knew  that  Holland  would  not  accede,  and  intended  by 
that  reservation  to  be  saved  from  the  charge  of  a  violation  of  good  faith. 

"  I  fear  the  Reform  Bill  is  kept  in  the  House  of  Commons,  because  there  is  a  ma>- 
jority  in  the  Lords  against  it,  and  I  believe  it  will  not  be  sent  up  until  that  majority 
shall  be  changed  to  effect  this.  Exertions  are  making  of  every  kind.  This  war  will 
afford  you  an  opportunity  in  your  message  to  give  notice  of  what  you  shall  consider 
the  true  policy  of  our  country,  a  sjtrict  arid  honorable  neutrality,  and  also  to  declare 
that  we  will  protect  our  rights  as  neutrals.  I  think,  should  you  take  this  course, 
that  it  would  be  useful  to  recommend  to  Congress  to  take  measures  to  augment  our 
naval  force  in  order  to  sustain  the  position  thus  assumed.  The  effect  of  such  a 
recommendation,  whether  measures  are  taken  to  that  end  or  not,  will  be  to  induce 
foreign  powers  to  believe  we  are  in  earnest  when  w^e  say  we  will  not  suffer  our 
rights  as  neutrals  to  be  disregarded.  At  the  same  time,  it  would  be  well  to  recom 
mend  a  revision  of  those  laws  that  have  been  passed  to  prohibit  our  citizens  from 
engaging  on  either  part,  and  to  prevent  the  belligerents  from  augmenting  their  forces 
in  our  ports.  These  suggestions  are  made  upon  the  presumption  that  the  war  is  a 
general  one,  and  are  thrown  out  as  they  occur.  With  the  truest  attachment, 

"  Your  friend.  &c." 

MARTIN  VAN  BUREN  TO  JAMES  A.  HAMILTON. 

"  LONDON,  September  22,  1831. 

MY  DEAR  FRIEND  :  The  dispatches  go  off  in  an  hour  or  two,  and  I  have  only 
time  to  say  to  you  that  I  had  my  audience  yesterday,  and  was  received  to  my  entire 
satisfaction.  If  I  can  get  settled,  which  is  not  very  clear,  for  you  can  have  no  con 
ception  of  the  difficulty  which  is  found  here  in  suiting  yourself  with  a  house,  when 
you  are  obliged  to  consult  economy  and  location,  I  will  return  to  this  subject  again. 
The  Reform  Bill  passed  last  night  by  a  majority  of  109.  Great  apprehensions  are 
entertained  here  about  the  state  of  Paris,  and  I  fear  not  without  good  cause.  Believe 
me  to  be,  Very  truly  yours,  &c." 

MARTIN  VAN  BUREN  TO  JAMES  A.  HAMILTON. 

"LONDON,  October  14,  1831. 

UMY  DEAR  SIR:  I  received  yours  of  the  23d  September  this  morning,  and  thank 
you  for  it.  I  wrote  you  twice :  once  from  here  and  once  from  Southampton.  I  can 
well  conceive  of  your  vexation  arising  from  the  characters  of  those  with  whom  you 
have  to  act;  but  remember  one  thing — there  is  no  public  situation  without  its  pains 
and  penalties.  We  feel  the  present  and  hope  for  better  under  different  circumstances, 
but  are  generally  disappointed.  The  only  way,  therefore,  is  to  learn  to  disregard 
them.  Judging  from  what  I  yet  know,  I  should  say  that  the  one  I  now  have  is  de 
cidedly  the  most  agreeable  that  I  have  ever  had  ;  but  we  shall  see  how  it  turns  out. 
Money — money — is  the  thing.  I  have  a  splendid  and  most  agreeable  house  in  the 
most  delightful  situation,  and  in  one  respect  different  from  all  my  predecessors, 
nearer  to  the  centre  of  business  and  fashion,  thus  affording  a  convenience  to  my 
countrymen,  and  giving  John  an  opportunity  to  stretch  his  long  legs  in  Regent  street 
without  previous  fatigue,  which  he  could  not  have  done  if  I  lived  in  the  far  west,  as 
Mr.  King  did  both  times,  and  others  after  him.  I  pay  £500  sterling  for  my  house, 


230  REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON. 

from  which  the  taxes,  say  £50,  are  to  be  deducted,  and  it  is  considered  very  cheap, 
which  was  owing  to  particular  circumstances.  I  pay  about  £310  for  my  carriage, 
and  about  $2600  for  my  servants  including  their  board  in  the  house,  which  I  pay 
for  so  much  a  week,  and  thus  have  nothing  to  do  with  providing  for  them.  I  beg 
pardon  for  troubling  you  with  these  small  matters,  but  I  do  so  because  I  know  you 
take  some  interest  in  them.  If  John  does  not  remain  long  I  shall  be  able  to  keep 
some  of  my  property  over,  but  how  much  is  doubtful.  We  go,  however,  upon  no 
tions  of  strict  economy. 

'"  I  could  not  desire  to  be  treated  with  more  kindness  and  attention  by  the  offi 
cers  of  the  Government,  from  the  highest  to  the  lowest,  than  I  am.  The  King  and 
Queen  are  evidently  good  people,  and  in  all  that  matter  I  am  at  my  ease.  I  have  had 
some  conversation  with  Prince  Talleyrand  through  Mr.  Vail,  for  he  does  not  speak 
English.  He  appears  disposed  to  be  very  kind.  I  am  to  dine  with  him  to-day.  He 
inquired  of  Mr.  Vail  about  your  mother,  and  said  that  your  father  was  the  greatest 
man  that  Tie  found  in  America  and  icas  not  surpassed  by  any  man  in  Europe,  or  words 
to  that  effect.  The  papers  will  give  you  so  full  an  account  of  the  course  of  things 
here  in  regard  to  the  Eeform  Bill  that  it  would  be  superfluous  for  me  to  speculate 
upon  the  subject.  The  Bill,  or  a  measure  of  nearly  the  same  efficiency,  must  pass 
and  will  pass,  or  they  will  have  tremendous  times.  The  comparative  order  which 
has  been  preserved  is  the  strongest  proof  that  could  be  given  of  the  determination 
of  the  people.  As  long  as  the  King  and  Ministry  remain  true  to  the  principles  upon 
which  they  now  stand,  civil  commotion  will  of  necessity  be  avoided.  If  they  yield, 
or  lose  the  confidence  of  the  people,  the  convulsion  will  be  great  and  effectual.  The 
church  must  suffer  in  its  temporal  interests  in  any  event.  The  vote  of  the  Bishops 
has  turned  the  public  indignation  against  them — a  channel  which  it  was  predisposed 
to  follow.  The  Bishops  have,  I  think,  lost  the  only  opportunity  they  will  ever  have 
to  ward  off  the  blows  which  have  for  a  long  time  been  imposing  upon  their  privi 
leges  ;  and  I  do  not  believe  there  will  be  one  man  the  less  in  heaven  if  they  are  re 
stricted  to  less  on  earth.  You  ask  me  about  the  views  of  the  King  of  Holland.  It 
is  difficult  to  say  what  they  are.  My  own  impression  is,  that  he  wishes  war  with 
Belgium — would  fight  well  and  be  glad  of  the  opportunity,  if  Russia,  Austria,  and 
Prussia  would  let  him — that  so  long  as  they  are  not  disposed  for  a  general  war  he 
must  be  quiet ;  but  that  his  strong  desire  to  revenge  himself  of  the  rebellious  Belgians 
contributes  greatly  to  the  difficulties  of  arranging  the  subject.  At  this  time  I  think, 
without  doubt,  that  all  the  great  powers  honestly  desire  peace,  and  that,  therefore, 
notwithstanding  the  military  preparations  in  Belgium  and  the  short  and  respected 
suspension  of  the  armistice,  peace  will  be  preserved.  Lord  Palmerston  told  me 
Wednesday  that  he  thought  they  would  succeed  in  keeping  peace.  The  Belgian 
Minister  told  me  the  same  thing,  but  the  Dutch  Special  Minister  Baron  Von  *  *  * 
did  not  speak  so  strongly.  It  must,  however,  be  so,  unless  the  Emperor  Nicholas 
and  Austria  change  their  minds.  *  *  *  Yours,  &c." 

JAMES  A.  HAMILTON  TO  A  FRIEND. 

"  PRESIDENT'S  HOUSE,  WASHINGTON,  Oct.  21,  1831. 

"  I  arrived  here  yesterday  at  about  2  o'clock,  and  was  received  by  the  President 
with  the  same  cordiality,  and  treated  with  the  same  confidence  which  has  always 
heretofore  characterized  our  intercourse.  The  best  proof  I  can  afford  you  of  this  is : 


REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON.  231 

He  told  me  this  morning  I  must  give  him  an  opportunity  to  show  me  such  parts  of 
his  message  as  he  had  written.  I  thanked  him  for  this  flattering  mark  of  confidence 
and  promised  to  be  with  him  during  the  mornimg.  All  things  here  are  going  on 
very  quietly  and  very  well,  although  the  Attorney  General,  Secretary  of  War,  and 
Postmaster  General  are  absent.  McLane  is  absent  only  for  a  few  days." 

PRESIDENT  JACKSON  TO  JAMES  A.  HAMILTON. 

"  WASHINGTON,  November  12, 1831. 

u  MY  DEAR  SIR  :  Yours  of  the  8th  instant  was  received  yesterday,  with  two  from 
Mr.  Van  Buren  inclosed,  which  I  have  read  with  much  pleasure  and  herewith  re 
turn  to  you. 

"  I  sincerely  thank  you  for  the  information  given  of  the  intended  views  and  plans 
of  the  Nullifiers  in  South  Carolina.  That  there  is  a  party  in  that  State  under  a 
certain  influence  that  would  dissolve  the  Union  rather  than  not  effect  their  ambitious 
views,  I  have  no  doubt ;  but  that  that  influence  can  obtain  a  majority  in  South  Caro 
lina  to  effect  this  wicked  purpose  I  cannot  permit  myself  for  one  moment  to  believe, 
though  should  the  crisis  arise  you  will  find  my  energies  equal  thereto,  and  that  the 
Union  will  le  preserved. 

The  valuable  suggestion  you  have  made  in  your  letter  on  this  subject  was  hap 
pily  incorporated  in  the  project  of  a  message  prepared  before  the  receipt  of  your 
letter,  and  from  which  I  am  happy  that  we  think  so  much  alike  upon  this  subject. 
Any  suggestions  you  may  please  to  make  on  this  or  any  other  interesting  point  or 
subject  will  be  thankfully  received. 

"  It  would  be  too  gratifying  to  the  combination  of  the  South  to  express  in  the 
message  any  fear  or  alarm. 

"If  I  judge  right  of  the  American  people  I  think  the  expose  I  will  make  of 
the  prosperity  of  the  Nation  and  our  capability,  with  the  aid  of  Congress,  to  pay 
the  National  debt  on  the  3d  March,  1833,  will  destroy  the  Nullifiers  by  not  leaving  a 
single  stone  for  them  to  stand  on ;  and  Congress  will  find  a  source  of  contemplation 
and  action  by  being  called  upon  to  reduce  the  tariff  to  the  wants  of  the  Government 
after  the  debt  is  paid,  to  go  into  effect  and  operation  on  the  4th  March,  1833.  I 
must  close  for,  indeed,  I  am  so  surrounded  with  business  that  I  have  no  time  to  write 
letters.  When  I  get  my  message  arranged  I  will,  if  I  have  time  to  have  it  copied, 
send  you  its  outlines.  In  the  mean  time,  I  pray  you  to  believe  that  with  my  most 
affectionate  regards,  I  am  your  friend." 

JAMES  A.  HAMILTON  TO  HON.  Louis  McLANE. 

"  NEW  YORK,  November  20,  1831. 

"DEAR  SIR:  The  inclosed  letter  (a  copy  will  be  sent  to  the  Collector)  is  the 
commencement  of  a  correspondence  which  I  fear  will  not  be  quite  agreeable  to  you  ; 
and  yet  I  cannot  withhold  it,  and  longer  submit  to  the  course  the  Collector  has 
thought  proper  to  pursue  toward  me.  I  am  perfectly  willing,  in  order  to  avoid  a 
state  of  things  injurious  to  the  public  interests  here,  and  which  must  be  unpleasant 
to  the  President,  to  abandon  my  office,  but  so  long  as  I  hold  it  I  am  determined  to 
defend  my  rights.  I  am  induced,  from  the  expressions  of  dissatisfaction  toward 
me  used  by  the  Collector  (they  have  come  to  my  ears  from  various  quarters),  to 


232  REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON. 

believe  that  be  has  taken  the  course  now  complained  of  as  a  means  of  avenging 
himself  because  I  have  not  pressed  the  condemnation  of  the  jewels.  In  this,  although 
he  may  think  his  interests  have  been  jeopardized,  he  can  find  no  just  cause  of 
dissatisfaction,  nor  any  reason  to  believe  that  I  was  actuated  by  anything  but  a  due 
regard  to  my  duty.  When  it  was  found  that  the  Secretary  of  State  had  sanctioned 
the  application  to  the  governor,  I  told  the  Collector  that  I  believed  it  was  the  wish  of 
the  Government  that  Polari  should  be  given  up  and  that  the  jewels  should  not  be 
condemned  (he  and  I  both  entertaining  the  belief  that  the  jewels  were  the  property 
of  the  Princess  of  Orange),  and  advised  him  to  write  a  letter  to  Mr.  Livingston  to 
ascertain  how  that  was ;  declaring  at  the  same  time  that,  if  such  was  the  wish  of  the 
President,  it  was  our  duty  to  acquiesce,  and  that  I  would  be  governed  by  it.  He 
agreed  with  me,  as  I  supposed,  in  these  views ;  requested  me  to  write  the  letter,  and 
said  he  would  send  it  by  a  special  messenger,  which  was  done ;  Mr.  Livingstson's 
answer  confirmed  my  belief,  and  I  acted  accordingly.  This  explanation  is  made  to 
you  in  a  private  letter,  not  because  I  wish  it  to  be  withheld  from  the  Collector  or 
the  President,  but  because  I  do  not  think  it  proper  for  the  files  of  the  Department. 

"  With  great  respect,  your  friend,  &c." 

Louis  McLANE  TO  JAMES  A.  HAMILTON. 

"  WASHINGTON,  November  23,  1831. 

"  DEAR  SIR  :  I  received  yesterday  your  letters,  both  public  and  private,  of  the  20th 
instant,  and  an  official  answer  was  immediately  returned.  I  would  have  accompanied 
it  with  a  private  note  but  for  the  pressure  of  my  official  duties.  I  hope  your  suspicion 
of  the  ground  of  the  Collector's  supposed  resentment  will  prove  to  be  unfounded. 
He  has  been  uniformly  advised  in  all  the  communications  from  this  Department  that 
it  was  not  the  disposition  of  the  Government  rigorously  to  enforce  the  alleged  for 
feiture  of  the  jewels,  but  to  facilitate  their  restoration  to  the  rightful  owner  in  any 
manner  consistent  with  the  Constitution  and  the  laws.  The  President  has  at  no 
time,  however,  to  my  knowledge,  expressed  or  authorized  any  official  opinion  of  the 
authority  or  expediency  of  remanding  Polari  for  trial  in  a  foreign  country,  except 
so  far  as  to  say  that  the  Executive  of  the  United  States  had  no  authority  to  do  so. 
All  this,  however,  is  for  yourself  alone.  It  ought  not  and  cannot  belong  to  the 
present  state  of  the  business.  The  accusations  prepared  by  you  against  the  Col 
lector  require  explanation,  and  I  do  not  doubt  that  you  would  not  wish  the  final 
action  of  the  Department  without  such  explanation,  and  without  affording  the  latter 
the  fullest  opportunity  for  investigation.  Indeed,  he  has  asked  for  it.  I  have 
thought  it  best,  however,  as  justice  due  to  the  Collector,  first  to  call  for  his  own 
explanation.  When  this  shall  be  received,  you  will  be  made  acquainted  with  it, 
and  such  proceedings  will  be  afterwards  taken  as  the  case  may  be  found  to  require. 
I  have  been  almost  daily  intending  to  write  to  you  respecting  the  suggestions  con 
tained  in  your  private  letter  of  the  7th  instant.  I  am  satisfied  of  the  propriety  of 
making  the  inquiry  you  recommend,  and  it  may  possibly  be  well  to  do  so  in  the 
manner  suggested  by  you,  into  the  situation  of  the  debtors  at  the  Custom  House, 
provided  I  could  be  enabled  to  select  a  proper  person.  But  I  have  no  knowledge 
of  such  a  one,  and  the  subject  is  of  too  much  delicacy  to  admit  of  much  inquiry. 
Can  you  point  out  a  person  in  all  respects  qualified  ?  Meantime,  believe  me  to  be, 

"  Your  obedient  servant,  &c." 


REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON.  233 

JAMES  A.  HAMILTON  TO  THE  PRESIDENT. 

"  NEW  YORK,  November  24,  1831. 

"DEAR  SIR:  I  had  the  pleasure  to-day  to  receive  your  letter  of  the  21st  inst., 
referring  to  passages  of  Mr.  lihinds  to  me. 

"  When  I  inclosed  the  letter  to  you,  I  did  not  think  it  worth  my  while  to  comment 
upon  this  further  evidence  of  the  improper  spirit  he  had  so  frequently  manifested 
during  my  interviews  with  him  in  relation  to  the  horses,  and  I  therefore  did  not 
refer  particularly  to  this  part  of  his  letter. 

"I  know  not  what  he  refers  to  when  he  speaks  of  facts  that  he  had  anxiously 
studied  to  conceal  from  the  public  ;  when  there  were  no  facts  within  my  knowledge 
connected  with  his  service  under  the  Administration  which  required  concealment, 
except  his  shuffling  attempts  to  retain  the  horses  as  his  private  property  after  he 
had  in  an  official  letter,  addressed  to  the  Secretary  of  State,  declared  that  he  was 
ready  to  release  to  the  Government  all  his  title  and  interest  in  them. 

"  I  believe  this  was  intended  as  a  threat  to  induce  the  administration  to  settle 
his  claim  without  delay — the  expedient  of  a  weak  and  vulgar  mind. 
"  I  have  the  honor  to  be,  with  great  respect, 

"  Your  obedient  servant." 

JAMES  A.  HAMILTON  TO  THE  PRESIDENT  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES. 

"November  25,  1831. 

"DEAR  SIR  :  The  inclosed  letter,  in  reply  to  yours  of  the  21st  instant,  is  written 
in  such  form  as  to  be  made  public  if  it  should  be  necessary.  From  my  intercourse 
with  Mr.  E.  in  relation  to  the  horses,  I  very  soon  found  out  that  he  did  not  observe 
a  very  strict  regard  for  the  truth,  and  that  it  was  necessary  to  be  extremely  guarded 
with  him.  He  made  various  statements  of  what  you  and  Mr.  Van  Buren  had 
promised  him,  the  particulars  of  which  I  do  not  now  recollect,  but  which  I  was 
satisfied,  from  other  parts  of  his  statements,  his  letters,  and  their  relation  to  other 
facts  within  my  knowledge,  could  not  be  true.  If  you  will  send  me  a  copy  of 
his  letter  I  will  write  to  him  referring  to  that  part  of  his  letter  and  endeavor  to  as 
certain  what  he  has  relation  to  as  requiring  to  be  concealed. 

"  With  sincere  regard,  your  friend  and  servant." 

,   JAMES  A.  HAMILTON  TO  CHARLES  EIIIND,  at  Constantinople. 

"NEW  YORK,  December  7,  1831. 

"DEAR  SIR:  Your  letter  of  September  last  was  received  in  due  course  of  mail. 

"  Subsequent  dates  from  Commissioners  induce  the  belief  that  the  treaty  has  been 
ratified,  and  that  the  vessel  you  sailed  in  has  been  sold ;  I  hope  both  events  will 
lead  to  your  individual  and  permanent  advantage. 

"The  principal  subject  of  your  letter,  always  disagreeable  to  me,  is  not  rendered 
less  so  by  the  manner  you  now  treat  it.  You  write,  '  pardon  me  for  saying  that  I 
think  this  '  (the  refusal  by  the  Government  to  pay  the  balance  arising  from  the  ex 
penses  of  the  Arabian  horses  beyond  what  they  produced),  'is  at  least  ungenerous; 
and  I  do  hope  that  the  President  will  not  compel  me  to  make  such  an  appeal '  (to 
Congress  for  relief),  *  inasmuch  as  it  would  compel  me  to  disclose  facts  which  you 
Tcnow  it  has  ~been  my  anxious  wish  to  conceal  from  the  public.1  What  the  facts  are  to 


234  REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON. 

which  you  refer  as  within  my  knowledge,  I  cannot  conceive  ;  and  until  this  part  of 
your  letter  and  that  also  which  refers  to  the  Presidents  pledge  are  explained,  so 
far  from  the  exercise  of  any  good  offices  (if  I  have  power  to  exercise  any)  on  my 
part  to  effect  a  settlement  of  your  claim,  I  must  frankly  say  to  you  that  I  sluill  be 
compelled,  if  I  do  any  thing  pending  these  threats,  to  urge  the  Government  not  to 
adjust  this  claim. 

"  I  hope  to  have  the  pleasure  ere  long  to  hear  from  you  again  on  this  subject,  and 
to  find  that  the  irritation  under  which  the  letter  to  which  this  is  a  reply  was  written, 
occasioned,  no  doubt,  by  your  then  recent  advices  that  your  claims  had  not  been 
paid,  having  subsided,  you  are  enabled  to  look  at  all  the  events  connected  with  this 
transaction  as  they  truly  were — frank,  fair,  and  honorable  on  the  part  of  the  Execu 
tive  Government. 

"  I  remain,  your  obedient  servant." 

PRESIDENT  JACKSON  TO  JAMES  A.  HAMILTON. 

"December  12,  1831. 

"DEAR  SIB:  I  am  happy  to  find  by  your  letter  of  the  8th  instant  that  my  message 
suits  your  views  in  common  with  my  friends  generally  in  New  York.  In  relation 
to  the  Bank,  I  thought  it  useless  to  make  an  unnecessary  repetition  of  the  objections 
which  were  stated  in  my  former  messages,  as  some  of  my  friends  are  persuaded 
that  something  more  explicit  than  has  been  stated  would  have  had  a  good  effect  in 
preventing  an  error  into  which  some  have  fallen,  to  wit,  that  I  have  changed  my 
ground  on  that  subject.  A  superficial  reading  of  Mr.  McLnne's  report  was  also  cal 
culated  to  lead  to  the  same  false  conclusion.  But  it  is  now  generally  admitted,  I 
think,  after  a  considerate  examination  of  Mr.  McLane's  views,  that  he  does  not  ex 
press  any  opposition  to  those  entertained  by  myself;  although  it  is  obvious  that  his 
solicitude  to  obtain  a  new  charter  so  modified  as  to  free  the  institution  from  the 
objections  of  the  Executive,  springs  from  convictions  much  more  favorable  than 
mine  of  the  general  character  and  conduct  of  the  institution. 

"  Mr.  McLane  and  myself  understand  each  other,  and  have  not  the  slightest  dis 
agreement  about  the  principles,  which  will  be  a  sine  qua  non  in  my  assent  to  a  bill 
rechartering  the  Bank. 

"  Believe  me  to  be,  most  sincerely  your  friend." 

MARTIN  VAN  BUREN  TO  JAMES  A.  HAMILTON. 

"LONDON,  December  14.  1831. 

"My  DEAR  SIR:  You  are  right  in  your  impression  as  to  the  reluctance  with 
which  I  receive  information  like  that  contained  in  your  last,  thinking  it  better  to  be 
deceived  occasionally  than  to  be  forever  harassed  by  accounts  of  the  infidelity  of 
friends ;  but  the  case  you  refer  to  constitutes  an  exception.  If  feelings  of  the  charac 
ter  you  suppose  exist  in  that  quarter,  it  is  of  vital  importance  that  I  should  know 
it ;  and  you  have  acted  in  that  spirit  of  friendship  which  has  always  characterized 
your  conduct  in  bringing  the  matter  to  my  notice.  I  beg,  therefore,  that  you  will 
in  your  next,  give  me  the  reasons  on  which  your  apprehensions  are  founded,  with, 
as  far  as  you  may,  the  sources  from  whence  your  information  is  derived.  I  must  in 
candor  admit  that  I  have  at  no  time  placed  a  special  confidence  there,  and  relied 
rather  upon  the  absence  of  a  reasonable  motive  and  uniform  kindness  on  my  part  for 


REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A    HAMILTON.  235 

my  security  against  infidelity ;  and  I  yet  hope  there  is  some  mistake  upon  the  sub 
ject.  The  papers  inform  you  so  fully  as  to  what  is  going  on  here,  that  it  would  be 
useless  for  me  to  speculate  upon  political  matters.  I  believe  the  Editors  of  the 
Times  and  Courier  are  in  general  about  as  well  informed  as  any  here  who  nre  not 
immediate  actors  in  the  operation  of  the  government.  The  Keform  Bill  will,  with 
out  doubt,  pass,  and  the  King  will,  if  necessary,  create  the  requisite  number  of  new 
Peers.  Of  this  there  is,  I  think,  no  room  for  question.  The  ministry  are  respecta 
ble  in  their  own  characters,  and  derive  great  strength  from  the  false  position  in 
which  their  principal  opponents  have  placed  themselves  by  their  opposition  to  re 
form.  I  shall  not  be  surprised  if,  owing  to  this  circumstance,  the  Whigs  keep  posses 
sion  of  the  government  for  some  time  to  come.  Were  it  not  for  that  consideration 
the  course  would  be  different,  for  it  is  not  to  be  doubted  that  a  Tory  ministry  is  not 
only  more  congenial  with  royalty  in  general,  but  greatly  preferred,  if  not  by  the 
King  himself,  certainly  by  the  great  body  of  the  Royal  family,  as  well  as  those  in 
this  country — who  from  time  immemorial  have  surrounded  the  throne.  The  best 
disposition  exists  here  toward  our  country,  and  I  make  it  my  business,  as  it  is  my 
duty,  to  preserve  cordial  relations  with  the  prominent  men  on  both  sides — a  branch 
of  my  duty  in  wliich  I  do  not  find  myself  entirely  at  home — having  been  all  my  life 
wholly  on  one  side. 

The  elections  in  New  York  have  resulted  most  auspiciously  and  must  operate  as 
a  damper  upon  the  opposition.  I  am  every  day  more  and  more  confirmed  in  the 
propriety  of  the  step  I  have  taken,  and  every  thing  is  working  as  I  expected.  See 
the  friends  of  Clay,  Calloun,  Wirt,  Adams,  and  Rush  assailing  each  other  with  un 
ceasing  acrimony.  This  will  grow  worse  before  it  is  better.  If  I  had  remained, 
they  would  have  been  directing  all  their  artillery,  as  heretofore,  against  me  in  utter 
disregard  of  the  public  interest.  You  see  an  evident  leaning  in  the  prominent 
papers  here  against  the  President.  This  grows  in  part  out  of  the  interest  which  is 
felt  here  by  the  stockholders  in  the  Bank  of  the  United  States,  and  partly  from  the 
fact  that  almost  all  the  papers  that  are  taken  here  are  those  of  the  opposition.  A 
discreet  and  temperate  article  upon  this  subject  in  the  Evening  Post  might  be  of  use, 
setting  forth  in  a  calm  and  lucid  manner  their  ignorance  of  American  politics  and 
the  injustice  of  their  judging  of  the  character  and  views  of  the  President  by  the 
calumnies  of  his  enemies  instead  of  the  open  and  official  acts  of  his  administration." 

WILLIAM  B.  LEWIS  TO  JAMES  A.  HAMILTON. 

"WASHINGTON,  1st  January,  1832. 

"  DEAR  SIR  :  Your  letter  of  the  28th  ult.  was  received  by  yesterday's  mail,  and 
I  thank  you  for  what  you  have  done  with  regard  to  Noah  and  the  Bank.  Your  in 
terview  with  him  I  have  no  doubt  will  be  productive  of  good.  It  has  given  him 
some  uneasiness,  and  convinced  him,  I  have  no  doubt,  of  the  necessity  of  caution  on 
his  part.  There  is  no  other  way  of  managing  such  people.  I  received  a  letter  from 
him  yesterday,  denying  that  he  has  written  any  article  upon  the  subject  of  the  Bank, 
and  promising  to  do  his  best  to  keep  things  right.  Well,  perhaps  he  will  now,  and 
if  he  has  any  influence  over  Webb,  it  is  probable  that  the  Courier  and  Enquirer  will 
cease  to  discuss  the  Bank  question.  The  article  spoken  of  in  my  letters  of  the  23d 
and  24th  was  calculated,  if  Blair  had  replied,  to  do  McLane  irreparable  injury  in  a 
political  point  of  view ;  because  it  might  have  brought  him  and  the  President  in 


236  REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON. 

seeming  collision,  which  must  have  proved  of  serious  injury  to  him,  and  would  have 
been  of  no  benefit  to  the  administration.  The  Enquirer  praises  Mr.  McLane  and  his 
Report,  and  yet  they  are  pursuing  a  course  well  calculated  to  destroy  him.  I  have 
acknowledged  the  receipt  of  Major  Noah's  letter,  but  my  answer  is  cautious  and 
guarded  though  written  in  much  haste.  I  beg  of  him  to  let  the  question  rest  until 
after  the  next  Presidential  election,  when  it  can  be  taken  up  and  acted  on  as  a  finan 
cial,  not  a  political  measure.  I  advise  this  course,  I  tell  him,  not  only  as  his  and 
Webb's  friend,  but  as  a  friend  to  the  Bank  itself— that  I  have  always  been  in  favor 
of  a  National  Bank  of  some  description,  and  should  not  object  to  the  rechartering 
this  present  Bank  with  modifications.  These  are  substantially  my  remarks  to  him 
upon  that  subject.  I  have  noted  your  remarks  with  regard  to  a  project  of  get 
ting  up  a  new  Bank  with  less  objectionable  features  than  the  present,  and  am  deci 
dedly  in  favor  of  carrying  it  into  effect  in  case  the  friends  of  the  present  United 
States  Bank  should  press  for  an  extension  of  its  charter  this  Session.  I  am  of  opin 
ion,  though,  it  would  be  best  not  to  take  any  steps  in  relation  to  the  matter  until  we 
know  what  is  intended  to  be  done  by  the  friends  of  the  Bank.  If  they  should  deter 
mine  to  press  the  subject,  I  will  advise  you  of  it  immediately. 

"  Truly  thine,  &c." 

Louis  McLANE  TO  JAMES  A.  HAMILTON. 

"WASHINGTON,  January  3,  1832. 

"DEA.R  SIR:  I  received  to-day  your  letter  of  the  1st  instant,  marked  'private.' 
It  is  necessary  that  the  facts  disclosed  relative  to  the  suits  against  the  Collector 
should  be  officially  communicated  and  without  delay.  My  decision  upon  your  late 
complaint  against  the  Collector  has  been  suspended,  in  consequence  of  my  illness  with 
influenza.  Of  the  contents  of  the  '  lost  letter '  I  can  know  nothing  as  I  never  re 
ceived  it.  But  it  is  certain  that  no  part  of  my  correspondence  with  Mr.  Van  Buren 
will  authorize  the  slanderous  rumors  to  which  you  allude.  In  all  these  cases,  how 
ever,  I  am  very  much  of  the  same  opinion  with  Lord  Mansfield  that,  though  a  pub 
lic  man  could  with  a  single  dash  of  his  pen  refute  the  senders  of  the  newspapers, 
it  would  be  unwise  in  him  to  do  so.  Slanders  of  this  sort  multiply  in  proportion  as 
they  are  refuted. 

"  I  am,  dear  sir,  &c." 

JAMES  A.  HAMILTON,  U.  S.  Disk  Atty.  TO  Hox.  Louis  McLANE,  Secretary 

of  Treasury. 

"NEW  YORK,  January  16,  1832. 

"  SIR:  In  obedience  to  your  instructions  of  the  12th  ultimo,  in  order  to  take  up 
to  the  Supreme  Court  the  question  whether  the  Marshal  or  the  Collector  is  entitled 
to  the  possession  of  the  jewels,  &c.,  I  prepared  the  inclosedcase  which  was  sub 
mitted  to  Judges  Thompson  and  Betts,  and  approved  by  them.  This  mode  of  pro 
ceeding — so  prompt  so  easy,  and  so  little  expensive — I  regret  to  say,  is  frustrated 
by  the  advice  of  the  counsel  employed  by  the  Marshal,  whose  written  opinion,  with 
a  letter  from  the  Marshal,  I  herewith  inclose  to  you.  I  have  endeavored  in  vain  to 
point  out  the  fallacy  of  this  opinion,  and  now  the  only  mode  left  to  me  is  to  institute 
an  adversary  suit,  and  to  that  end  the  Collector  should  be  instructed  not  to  give  the 
property  seized  by  him  voluntarily  to  the  Marshal.  In  order  to  maintain  trespass 


REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES  A.  HAMILTON.  237 

or  trover,  it  is  necessary  that  the  property  should  be  forcibly  taken  from  the  posses 
sion  of  the  plaintiff. 

"  With  great  respect,  your  obedient  serv't,  &c.'' 

PRESIDENT  ANDREW  JACKSON  TO  COL.  JAMES  A.  HAMILTON  (Private). 

"WASHINGTON,  January  18, 1832. 

<;MT  DEAR  SIR:  I  have  just  received  your  note,  (confidential,)  and  on  its  receipt 
addressed  a  note  to  the  Postmaster  General,  directing  the  precaution  intimated  by 
you.  I  think  it  the  only  way  by  which  the  Government  will  be  secure.  If  it  is 
true  that  your  Postmaster  has  lost  the  sum  of  forty  thousand  dollars,  and  the  di 
rections  I  have  given  that  his  accounts  be  kept  in  the  United  States  Bank,  the  checks 
on  the  Post  office  fund  specifying  the  object  of  the  check  may  guard  him  against 
the  temptation  to  apply  the  public  funds  to  meet  his  private  engagements.  With  my 
respects  to  your  family,  I  am  very  respectfully,  your  friend,  &c." 

PRESIDENT  ANDREW  JACKSON  TO  COL.  JAMES  A.  HAMILTON. 

"  WASHINGTON,  January  27,  1832. 

"  MY  DEAR  SIR  :  *****  j]ie  factious  opposition  in  the  Senate  rejected 
the  nomination  of  Mr.  VanBuren  day  before  yesterday  by  the  casting  vote  of  tJieVice- 
President.  I  am  told  that  Miller,  of  South  Carolina,  made  one  of  the  most  disgrace 
ful  speeches  that  ever  were  heard  in  any  deliberative  body.  The  injunction  of  secre 
cy  has  been  taken  off,  and  lam  told  we  will  have  the  speeches  published.  The  in 
jury  done  to  our  national  character  by  their  wanton  act,  in  all  Europe,  is  an  account 
that  the  people  have  to  settle  with  the  Senate  who  has  brought  this  disgrace  and  in 
jury  upon  us.  I  mean  the  factious  opposition  who  have  degraded  that  august 
body,  once  the  admiration  of  the  world,  lower  than  a  Spanish  inquisition,  and 
from  report  of  Miller's  speech  has  changed  the  debates  in  the  Senate  to  that  of  — I 
cannot  find  an  epithet  that  will  convey  a  proper  idea  of  its  blackguardism  and  de 
merit.  While  I  mourn  over  the  degradation  that  the  factious  opposition  has  brought 
the  Senate,  still  I  cannot  help  but  rejoice  at  the  proper  indignant  feeling  expressed 
by  the  public  at  this  cruel  and  unjust  act.  It  is,  I  am  told,  universal,  except  the  op 
position,  and  nothing  is  spoken  of  but  redress  of  Mr.  Van  Buren's  injured  feelings 
and  the  insult  offered  to  our  Government,  by  placing  Van  Buren  Vice-President  by 
acclamation.  I  suppose  thejournals  will  speak." 

WILLIAM  B.  LEWIS  TO  JAMES  A.  HAMILTON. 

"  WASHINGTON,  January  29,  1832. 

"  MY  DEAR  SIR  :  You  will  have  seen,  my  friend,  that  the  Senate  has  rejected  Mr. 
Van  Buren's  nomination ;  but  instead  of  disgracing  him  as  was  intended  they  have 
disgraced  themselves  and  inflicted  a  wound  upon  our  National  character.  I  do  not 
know  what  course  his  friends  will  advise,  but  it  strikes  me  that,  unless  there  is  a 
strong  probability,  amounting  almost  to  certainty,  that  he  can  complete  the  arrange 
ment  with  regard  to  the  impressment  of  our  seamen,  he  ought  to  corne  hcme  imme 
diately.  If  in  the  meantime  Congress  should  not  have  adjourned,  Mr.  Dudley 
might  resign,  which  I  have  no  doubt  he  would  cheerfully  do,  and  Mr.  Van  Buren 


238  REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON. 

could  take  his  place,  meet  his  slanderers  face  to  face,  and  assist  in  modifying  the 
tariff  which  would  add  very  much  to  his  popularity  in  the  South.  This  would  not 
interfere  with  his  running  with  the  General  as  Vice-President,  and  I  think  there  is 
but  little  doubt  the  Baltimore  Convention  will  take  him  up  and  nominate  him  as  a 
candidate.  There  is  much  excitement  here  upon  the  subject  of  his  rejection — every 
person  condemns  the  conduct  of  the  Senate,  and  I  think  there  is  a  probability  of 
the  excitement  increasing.  I  think  it  probable  that  some  pretty  strong  measures 
will  be  adopted  in  relation  to  this  matter.  The  speeches  are  in  course  of  publica 
tion,  but  they  will  not  be  published  as  delivered.  Some  of  them  were  not  only 
bitter,  but  contained  the  most  vulgar  and  blackguard  expressions  which,  I  suppose, 
the  authors  will  endeavor  to  suppress.  Governor  Forsyth  acquitted  himself  nobly, 
I  am  told,  and  deserves  a  medal  of  gold.  He  made,  it  is  said,  the  gentleman  in  the 
chair,  as  well  as  the  head  of  the  opposition  faction,  very  uneasy  for  a  while.  His 
speech  will  be  published.  The  President's  health  is  quite  restored  again. 

"  Sincerely  yours,  &c." 

JAMES  A.  HAMILTON  TO  PRESIDENT  ANDREW  JACKSON.     (Private.) 

"  NEW  YORK,  January  29,  1832. 

"  DEAR  SIR  :  I  have  the  honor  to  inclose  a  list  of  causes  which  have  been  con 
tested  and  tried  by  me  since  I  have  been  in  office.  This  statement  is  made  for  your 
eye  alone,  as  I  do  not  wish  to  vaunt  what  I  have  done.  As  far  as  I  can  learn  Mr. 
Duer  tried  but  two  civil  causes  ;  one  of  which  was  left  for  me  to  argue,  and  the 
other  was  compromised  or  settled.  "With  great  regard, 

"  Your  obedient  servant,  &c." 

By  the  list  of  causes  it  appears  that  Hamilton  tried  six  causes  which  were 
commenced  in  1822 ;  and  twenty-two  commenced  by  him  and  decided  during 
the  two  years  and  eight  months  he  held  the  office. 

WILLIAM  C.  RIVES  TO  JAMES  A.  HAMILTON. 

"  PARIS,  January  31,  1832. 

"My  DEAR  SIR:  I  have  been  wishing  and  intending  to  write  to  you  for  a  long 
time  past,  but  a  variety  of  circumstances  have  concurred  to  prevent  me.  I  need  not 
tell  you  how  highly  gratified  I  was  by  the  warm  and  cordial  language  of  friendship 
in  your  letter  of  September  last,  on  the  occasion  of  the  close  of  my  arduous  labors 
here.  Coming  from  one  so  capable  (from  a  thorough  knowledge  of  past  negotiations 
on  the  subject)  of  appreciating  what  had  been  done,  the  sanction  of  your  judgment 
was  a  testimony  peculiarly  valuable ;  and  the  warm  spirit  of  personal  friendship 
which  animated  it,  though  it  might  well  detract  from  its  impartiality  in  the  eyes  of 
others,  only  rendered  it  more  precious  in  mine. 

"  You  will  see  that  we  are  still  in  a  provisionary  state  in  the  old  world — noth 
ing  fixed,  and  minds  still  unquiet  and  apprehensive  as  to  the  future.  The  question 
of  war  is  still  that  which  occupies  most  of  the  public  anxiety.  Though  I  have  al 
ways  thought  that  it  must  ultimately  come  to  that,  as  the  necessary  arbitrament  be 
tween  the  antagonistic  principles  of  popular  sovereignty  and  divine  right  which  the 


REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON.  239 

revolution  of  July  put  '  en  face]  yet  I  think  it  likely  the  struggle  may  be  adjourned 
another  yo.-ir.  "While  England  and  France  act  in  cordial  concert  as  they  now  do,  of 
which  a  new  proof  has  just  heen  given  in  their  simultaneous  exchange  of  ratifica 
tions  of  the  Treaty  of  15th  November  with  the  King  of  Belgium,  the  Northern 
Powers  will  be  too  wise  to  provoke  a  war.  In  the  present  state  of  things,  however, 
everything  depends  on  the  continuance  in  power  of  the  present  ministries  both  here 
and  in  England.  A  change  of  ministry  in  either  country,  if  not  the  signal  of  imme 
diate  war,  would,  in  my  opinion,  inevitably  lead  to  it  at  a  very  early  day.  This 
consideration  gives  a  double  interest  to  the  very  critical  position  in  which  Lord 
Grey  and  his  colleagues  are  now  placed  in  England.  The  spirit  and  power  of  the 
aristocracy  must  be  met  by  corresponding  determination  and  vigor  on  the  part  of 
the  ministry,  or  they  must  fall,  and  with  them  the  hopes  of  internal  tranquility 
and  of  foreign  peace. 

"  The  opposition  with  us,  I  see,  is  not  less  bold  than  in  the  land  of  our  ancestors. 
I  cannot  believe,  however,  that  in  all  the  wantonness  of  their  power  in  the  Senate 
they  will  do  so  mad  an  act  as  to  frustrate  the  nomination  of  Mr.  Van  Buren,  which 
would  inevitably  recoil  upon  themselves  with  overwhelming  condemnation.  What, 
however,  I  shall  not  be  surprised  to  see  is,  that  without  absolutely  rejecting  the 
Treaty  made  here,  they  return  it  with  some  modifications,  the  effect  of  which  will  be 
the  same  ;  for  this  government  would  be  too  happy  to  have  such  an  excuse  to  get 
rid  of  the  whole  affair  which  is  likely  to  embarrass  them  very  seriously  with  the 
Chambers,  and  has  already  called  forth  some  very  severe  criticisms  from  the  press. 
It  is  the  stipulation  about  the  duties  on  French  wines,  I  see,  which  the  newspaper 
opposition  has  fastened  upon  as  incompatible  with  the  established  principles  of  our 
commercial  policy.  Without  entering  into  the  special  motives  of  this  stipulation 
which  have  never  been  adverted  to  in  the  newspaper  discussions  I  have  seen  (and 
which  you  know  was  to  get  rid  of  a  most  embarrassing  claim  to  perpetual  privileges 
under  the  Treaty  of  Louisiana  that  had  heretofore  thwarted  all  the  negotiations  for 
indemnity  to  our  citizens — a  claim  which  the  late  administration  had  most  unwisely 
proposed  to  refer  to  arbitration,  involving  thus  the  risk  of  a  decision  which  Mr. 
,  Gallatin,  in  his  letter  of  February  27th,  1823,  to  Mons.  Chateaubriand,  most  sat 
isfactorily  shows  would  put  it  in  the  power  of  France  to  monopolize  the  whole  car 
riage  of  the  commerce  with  Louisiana ;  without  entering  into  these  considerations, 
it  may  be  well  to  recollect  what  advantages  Mr.  Adams  himself  had  proposed  to 
stipulate  in  favor  of  French  wines  and  other  productions  of  French  industry,  for 
mere  reciprocity  in  navigation  which  Great  Britain  and  other  nations  had  agreed  to, 
from  the  inherent  justice  of  the  principle,  and  without  thinking  of  demanding  any 
price  for  the  agreement.  With  this  view,  I  inclose  you  an  extract  from  a  note  of 
Mr.  Adams  to  Mr.  De  Neuville,  of  April  26th,  1821.  The  '  special'  accommoda 
tions  to  the  '  principal  exports  of  France;'  'the  great  advantages  granted  to  the 
commerce  and  manufactures  of  France,'  there  spoken  of  to  be  paid  for  by  the  mere 
principle  of  reciprocity  in  navigation  were,  as  appears  from  a  preceding  note  of 
April  18th,  a  reduction  of  the  duties  on  French  wines,  'to  ten  cents  a  gallon  in 
casks,  and  twenty  cents  in  bottles,'  and  an  increase  of  the  discriminating  duty  on 
silks  imported  from  the  Cape  of  Good  Hope  '  to  thirty  per  cent.'  Now  it  is  to  be 
remarked  that  the  reduction  of  duties  here  proposed  by  Mr.  Adams  for  the  princi 
ple  of  reciprocity  which  is  always  supposed  to  pay  for  itself,  is  relatively  much 
greater  than  that  which  I  agreed  to  for  a  renunciation  of  perpetual  privileges  of  an 


240  REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON. 

important  character  claimed  by  virtue  of  an  antecedent  Treaty,  and  for  a  correspond 
ing  reduction  of  duties  on  one  of  our  own  products.  Mr.  Adams  was  willing  to  reduce 
the  duties  on  French  wines  in  bottles,  for  example,  to  twenty  cents,  when  the  existing 
duty  on  a  portion  of  those  wines  (Champagne  and  Burgundy)  were  one  hundred  cents ; 
when  the  reduction  stipulated  by  me  was  only  to  twenty-two  cents  at  a  time  when 
the  duty  was  fixed  at  thirty  cents  ;  and  so  as  to  other  points  of  the  comparison  which 
on  reference  to  the  existing  laws  of  the  two  epochs  will  enable  you  to  see  in  detail.  It 
may  be  safely  left  to  any  candid  mind  to  say,  which  of  these  two  arrangements  depart 
most  widely  from  the  real  or  supposed  principles  of  our  commercial  policy.  It  may  be 
said  in  regard  to  Mr.  Adams'  proposition,  that  for  these  commercial  advantages  to  be 
granted  by  us,  he  required  also  an  abolition  of  the  monopoly  on  our  tobacco  in  France. 
But  this,  although  a  part  of  the  project  of  April  18th,  1821,  was  evidently  abandoned 
and  reciprocity  in  navigation  only  demanded,  as  appears  very  clearly  from  the  last 
sentence  of  the  extract  inclosed,  and  still  more  unequivocally  from  his  note  of  May 
llth,  1821,  where  he  says,  '  either  the  commercial  concessions  must  be  set  aside, 
&c.,  &c.,  or  if  taken  into  the  account,  being  all  in  favor  of  France,  they  must  be 
compensated  either  by  commercial  concessions  to  the  United  States,  or  by  entire 
reciprocity  in  the  article  relative  to  navigation.'  I  have  inclosed  you  this  extract 
and  given  you  these  explanations  that  you  might  be  enabled  if  you  thought  proper, 
with  the  discretion  you  always  exercise,  to  counteract  through  the  medium  of  the 
press,  any  misrepresentations  or  false  views  which  might  be  attempted  to  the  preju 
dice  of  the  administration.  I  remain,  Very  truly  your  friend.  &c." 

EXTRACT  OF  A  NOTE  OP  MR.  ADAMS  of  26th  April,  1821,  to  MONSIEUR  DE 

NEUVILLE. 

"  Whatever  disadvantages  the  French  Navigation  may  labor  under  in  competi 
tion  with  that  of  the  United  States  are  believed  to  be  within  control  for  removal. 
Nevertheless,  the  opinion  of  the  French  Government  on  the  subject,  being  stated  by 
the  Baron  De  Neuville  to  be  irrevocably  fixed,  the  President  has  been  willing  to 
meet  any  supposed  disadvantage  to  France  in  such  an  arrangement  by  advantages 
thought  to  be  fully  equivalent  for  them  to  the  agriculture,  commerce,  and  manufac 
tures  of  France.  In  the  minutes  of  a  project,  first  presented  by  the  Baron  De  Neu- 
ville,  the  President  welcomed  what  he  thought  countenanced  the  hope  of  such  a  com 
promise.  The  Baron  suggested  special  accommodations  to  the  principal  exports  from 
France  to  the  United  States,  and  other  benefits  to  French  interests,  all  of  which  were 
assented  to  by  the  President  to  the  extent  proposed  by  the  Baron  himself.  In  return 
for  these  concessions,  he  had  reason  to  expect  some  concession  on  the  part  of  France, 
in  which,  however,  he  has  thus  far  been  disappointed.  He  thought  that  with  such  great 
advantages  granted  to  the  commerce  and  manufactures  of  France,  the  least  that  would 
be  required  in  return  was  that  reciprocity  which  should  discard  all  discriminating 
duties  upon  the  mere  carriage  of  the  trade" 

C.  C.  CAMBRELING  TO  JAMES  A.  HAMILTON. 

"  WASHINGTON,  D.  C.,  February  9,  1832. 

"MY  DEAR  SIR  :  I  have  your  esteemed  letter  of  the  4th  inst.  I  thought,  on  re 
flection,  that  our  friend  Y.  B.  had  better  return  as  soon  as  possible,  so  as  to  address 
the  Union  upon  his  triumphal  entry  at  New  York  about  the  1st  of  May  ;  but  without 
any  idea  of  going  into  the  Senatorial  cockpit. 

"  If  he  is  not  our  V.  P.,  then  he  must  go  into  the  Senate ;  but  not  till  then. 


REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.   HAMILTON.  241 

"I  have  written  as  you  have  directed;  others  have  written  to  the  General.  L. 
told  me  so. 

"  Very  truly,  yours,  &c." 

JAMES  A.  HAMILTON  TO  E.  CROSWELL. 

"  NEW  YORK,  February  11,  1832. 

"DEAR  SIR:  I  have  just  received  a  letter  from  Washington  from  such  a  source 
as  to  entitle  it  to  all  confidence  and  consideration,  expressing  a  wish  that  our  Legisla 
ture  would  pass  a  resolution  requesting  the  Governor,  on  behalf  of  the  State,  to  ad 
dress  a  letter  to  the  President  relative  to  Van  Buren's  nomination;  and  giving  the 
assurance  that  an  answer  would  be  given  which  would  have  a  most  powerful  and 
overwhelming  effect.  I  most  earnestly  unite  with  the  writer  in  wishing  that  such  a 
step,  if  it  be  possible,  might  be  taken.  And  why  may  it  not  ?  The  Senate,  a  branch 
of  the  Government  coordinate  with  the  President,  has  condemned  a  person — a  citizen 
of  New  York,  in  whom  the  people  and  the  Legislature  have  manifested  a  deep  in 
terest  and  the  fullest  confidence — avowedly  for  misconduct  in  his  office;  and  as  mani 
festly  without  full  information  on  the  subject  which  is  the  foundation  of  that  charge. 
The  President  has  the  information ;  and  what  good  reason  can  there  be  why  such  an 
application  should  not  be  made  ?  You  will  agree  with  me  that  the  attempt  ought 
not  to  be  made  without  certain  success.  You  will  also  see  that  such  a  course  will 
excite  deep  and  intense  interest;  that  we  want:  we  require  the  opposition  papers 
to  teem  with  abuse  of  us ;  and  particularly  that  they  should  do  so  because  we  seek 
information.  You  will  also  readily  admit  that  such  an  answer  as  might  be  given 
in  relation  to  the  instructions  and  the  dissolution  of  the  Cabinet,  under  the  Pres 
ident's  own  hand,  would  be  powerful — nay,  invincible.  I  am  further  informed  that 
great  exertions  are  being  made,  and  with  some  appearance  of  success,  in  Pennsylva 
nia,  Alabama,  and  elsewhere ;  and  we  are  called  upon  to  do  all  we  can  without  and 
something  with  hazard.  Let  me  hear  from  you  in  reply  as  soon  as  you  have  re 
ceived  this  letter;  at  all  events  to  inform  me  that  you  have  received  it.  I  dare  not 
write  to  any  other  friend. 

"Yours,  &c." 

After  Van  Buren's  nomination  as  Minister  to  England  was  rejected,  by  the 
casting  vote  of  Calhoun,  I  wrote  to  Van  Buren's  political  friends,  most  earnestly 
urging  them  to  bring  him  forward  as  a  candidate  for  Vice-President  at  the 
approaching  Presidential  election,  Jackson  being  the  candidate  for  President. 

In  reply  to  a  letter  I  addressed  to  Win.  L.  Marcy,  a  Senator  from  New  York, 
urging  Van  Buren's  nomination,  he  wrote  : 

"WASHINGTON,  February  7,  1832. 

"  Your  advice  is  good  that  we  should  not  look  back  but  direct  our  attention  to 
the  future  *  *  *  There  is  here  scarcely  a  dissenting  opinion  as  to  the  policy  of 
pushing  Van  Buren  for  Vice-President,  and  I  am  sorry  to  hear  from  Albany  that 
our  friends  there  do  not  fall  in  with  that  idea.  They  think  of  making  him  Governcr. 
This,  in  my  judgment,  is  a  mistaken  notion.  It  is  unnecessarily  circumscribing  the 
influence  of  an  act  which  naturally  operates  beneficially  in  every  part  of  the  Union." 
16 


242  REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON. 

Cambreling  in  reply  writes  : 

"'WASHINGTON,  January  31,  1832. 

"My  DEAR  SIR  :  There  is  but  a  plain  course  for  Mr.  Van  Buren  :  the  Vice-Presi 
dency.  We  must  be  universal  and  strong  in  favor  of  Van  Buren.  *  *  *  Write  to 
Van  Buren  and  tell  him  not  to  adopt  McLane'sbad  plan  for  him,  to  come  home  in 
a  hurry  and  go  into  the  Senate.  Let  us  receive  him  in  triumph  in  June.  He  must 
act  with  dignity." 

E.  CROSWELL  TO  JAMES  A.  HAMILTON. 

"  ALBANY,  February,  1832. 

"  MY  DEAR  SIR:  On  the  receipt  of  your  favor  of  the  llth  inst.,  the  respective  let 
ters  on  the  part  of  the  Committees  of  the  Legislature  and  the  citizens  to  be  addressed 
to  the  President  were  in  a  train  of  preparation.  And  in  compliance  with  your  sug 
gestion  and  with  a  similar  one  from  Judge  Marcy  received  at  the  same  time,  they  were 
both  so  written  as  to  give  the  President  an  opportunity  to  say  every  thing  on  the  subject 
that  he  may  desire,  or  that  the  circumstances  may  demand.  This,  on  the  whole,  was 
deemed  to  be  the  best  course.  In  this  shape  it  is  the  unanimous  act  of  the  republic 
an  members  of  the  legislature,  as  well  as  of  the  republican  citizens  of  the  Capital. 
At  best,  if  the  proceeding  had  been  made  a  legislative  act,  it  could  have  had,  of 
course,  only  the  republican  votes ;  and  it  was  questioned  whether  an  opportunity  ought 
to  be  afforded  the  opposition  to  debate  the  question,  and  perhaps  protract  a  decision 
upon  it.  The  letters  were  inclosed  to  the  President  by  last  night's  mail.  In  rela 
tion  to  the  Vice-Presidency,  about  which  I  ought  and  designed  to  have  written  you 
before  this,  there  is  still  some,  indeed,  considerable  diversity  of  opinion  among  our 
friends  here,  and  so  far  as  I  learn  throughout  the  State.  At  first,  scarcely  a  friend 
•of  ours  was  in  favor  of  the  nomination  of  Mr.  Van  Buren  for  that  place.  But  your 
letters  and  those  of  the  delegation  at  Washington  (with  a  few  exceptions),  and  the 
assurances  in  relation  to  Pennsylvania  and  Virginia,  have  produced  a  visible  change. 
The  objections  to  the  Vice-Presidency,  came  from  two  causes,  one  legitimate  and 
entitled  to  all  consideration,  the  other  less  so,  and  more  or  less  selfish  or  local. 
1st,  The  intrinsic  objections  to  the  office,  the  uncertainty  and  embarrassments  of  the 
•election,  the  ground  of  lasting  hostility  in  Pennsylvania  if  not  Virginia,  and  its  injuri 
ous  consequences  in  relation  to  the  great  ultimate  object.  2d,  The  desire  to  relieve 
the  home  question  of  all  difficulty,  and  to  preserve  and  augment  our  local  strength  by 
Mr.  Van  Buren's  election  as  Governor.  With  these  considerations  pressed  upon  us 
on  the  one  hand — with  the  strong,  and  as  I  think,  conclusive  arguments  from  yourself 
-and  our  friends  at  Washington  on  the  other,  we  have  endeavored  to  prevent  any 
excessive  feeling  on  either  side  ;  and  to  present  the  matter  in  such  a  shape  as  will 
produce  a  ready  and  cordial  acquiescence  in  any  result.  I  am  happy  to  say  that  such 
is  the  present  state  of  things  generally.  I  do  not  mean  to  be  understood  that  in 
•either  event,  or  whatever  may  be  the  shape  in  which  Mr.  Van  Buren  shall  come  be 
fore  the  people,  there  is  a  republican  in  the  State  that  will  not  come  to  his  support 
with  alacrity ;  but  it  has  been  thought  best  so  to  present  the  matter  as  to  prevent, 
as  far  as  possible,  any  portion  of  our  friends  from  giving  him  much  support  for  the 
Vice-Presidency,  under  the  conviction,  at  the  same  time,  that  it  was  a  step  prejudicial 
to  his  ultimate  interests  and  the  expectations  of  the  State.  I  have  only  time  to  add 


REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.    HAMILTON.  243 

that  I  shall  be  happy  to  hear  from  you  at  all  times,  and  that  I  remain,  with  great 
regard, 

"  Yours,  &c." 

WILLIAM  B.  LEWIS  TO  JAMES  A.  HAMILTON. 

1832. 

"I  received  a  letter  yesterday  from  Mr.  Flagg,  of  Albany.  Our  friends  there  are 
all  wrong.  They  talk  of  running  Mr.  Van  Buren  for  Governor  of  the  State.  If  any 
thing  of  that  kind  is  contemplated,  they  had  better  cut  his  throat  at  once.  If  the 
party  do  not  seize  the  present  occasion  for  bringing  him  prominently  before  the 
Nation,  he  will,  in  my  opinion,  inevitably  go  down  as  a  politician.  If  the  Republican 
party  cannot,  under  existing  circumstances,  make  him  Vice-President,  they  need 
never  look  to  the  Presidency  for  him.  This,  my  dear  sir,  is  my  opinion,  and  it  is  the 
opinion  of  many  of  our  best  friends.  The  Cabinet  is  unanimously  in  favor  of  run 
ning  him,  and  such  is  the  feeling  of  all  our  friends  everywhere.  I  think  you  had 
better  go  to  Albany  and  have  this  matter  put  right.  The  thing  is  resolved  on  here, 
and  every  true  friend  should  come  out  boldly.  It  will  not  do,  in  times  like  the  pres 
ent,  to  halt  between  two  opinions.  There  should  be  no  temporizing.  Public  feeling 
is  with  us.  In  this  I  cannot  be  mistaken.  Do  not,  therefore,  let  us  lose  so  glorious 
an  opportunity  of  strengthening  and  consolidating  the  party. 

"  I  am,  as  usual,  your  sincere  friend,  &c." 

JAMES  A.  HAMILTON  TO  A  FRIEND. 

"  WASHINGTON,  March  14,  1832. 

"  Of  politics  there  is  nothing  of  particular,  but  a  great  deal  of  general  interest.  The 
unpatriotic  spirit  manifested  here,  renders  me  impatient  and  unhappy.  The  opposi 
tion  are  so  bent  upon  pulling  down  this  administration,  that  to  do  so  they  are 
anxious  to  frustrate  every  measure,  however  deeply  it  may  wound  our  beautiful  sys 
tem.  The  anxious  wish  of  the  administration  is  to  make  a  compromise  in  relation 
to  the  Tariff,  and  Mr.  McLane  says  he  will  furnish  a  bill  in  that  spirit  which  ought 
to  be  passed  ;  but  I  much  fear  nothing  will  be  done.  The  South  Carolina  members, 
it  is  believed,  will  oppose  such  a  course,  lest  by  tranquilizing  their  own  State,  they 
should  lose  their  political  influence  and  control.  If  this  is  so,  they,  with  the  aid  of 
the  high  tariff,  will  control,  and  God  knows  what  will  be  the  issue.  The 
Bank  is  evidently  losing  friends,  and  should  the  enquiry  which  is  called  for  by  those 
who  are  opposed  to  it  be  instituted,  no  bill  will  be  passed  this  Session.  On  the 
other  hand,  should  that  enquiry  not  be  made  successfully  and  a  Bank  bill  be  passed, 
the  President  will  most  certainly  veto  it.  lie  is  open  and  determined  on  this  point. 
I  conferred  with  him  yesterday  on  the  subject.  I  told  him  what  the  opposition 
avowed  as  their  motive  for  pushing  the  bill  during  the  Session.  lie  replied,  '  I  will 
prove  to  them  that  I  never  flinch  ;  that  they  were  mistaken  when  they  expected  to 
act  upon  me  by  such  considerations.1 

"  I  will,  in  this  connection,  as  to  the  Bank,  make  the  following  statement  of  facts 
within  my  own  knowledge.  McLane  told  me  that  he  had  most  earnestly  urged  Mr. 
Clay  not  to  attempt  to  pass  a  Bank  bill  at  this  Session,  insisting  that,  if  deferred  to  the 
next  Session,  he  was  satisfied  that  he  could  by  that  time,  and  by  a  Bank  bill  so  framed 
as  would  be  as  useful  as  was  necessary,  induce  Jackson  to  approve  it.  But  that  Clay 


244  REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON. 

persisted  in  the  hope  that,  if  the  President  approved  the  bill,  he  would  lose  the  sup 
port  of  those  of  his  party  who  had  approved  his  opposition  to  the  Bank,  and  a 
vast  many  others  who  approved  of  the  State  Bank  system.  And,  on  the  other 
hand,  if  the  President  vetoed  the  bill,  he  would  lose  Pennsylvania  and  his  elec 
tion.  This  was  the  true  view  of  the  whole  subject,  and  it  was  to  the  effect  of  his 
veto  upon  Pennsylvania  to  which  he  referred." 

PRESIDENT  ANDREW  JACKSON  TO  COL.  JAMES  A.  HAMILTON. 

"March  28,  1832. 

"  MY  DEAE  SIR  :  Your  letter  of  the  25th  instant  has  just  reached  me.  The  affairs 
of  the  Bank  I  anticipated  to  be  precisely  such  as  you  have  intimated.  When  fully 
disclosed,  and  the  branches  looked  into,  it  will  be  seen  that  its  corrupting  influence 
has  been  extended  everywhere  that  could  add  to  its  strength  and  secure  its  rechart- 
er.  I  wish  it  may  not  have  extended  its  influence  over  many  members  of  Congress. 
I  wish  this  for  the  honor  of  our  beloved  country.  Ours  is  a  government  based  upon 
the  virtue  and  intelligence  of  the  people,  and  every  temptation  should  be  kept  as  far 
from  us  in  public  life  as  possible,  and  all  our  acts  and  endeavors  ought  to  be  to  mor 
alize,  not  demoralize,  the  people. 

"No  Minister  to  England  will  be  nominated  until  Mr.  Yan  Buren  returns,  and 
perhaps  not  before  the  next  meeting  of  Congress ;  and  I  have  not  permitted  myself 
to  think  of  his  successor.  If  Mr.  Rives  returns,  and  when  he  returns,  I  will  send  a 
Minister  to  France.  Mr.  E.  Livingston  has  his  eye  on  this  mission,  but  it  will  re 
quire  some  deep  reflection — his  place  would  be  hard  to  fill — and  before  it  is  made 
vacant,  a  proper  selection  must  be  made.  "When  I  see  you  I  will  be  more  able  to 
give  you  my  views.  No  sl,ep  will  be  taken  in  either  until  Mr.  Yan  Buren  arrives. 

"Believe  me  to  be  your  friend,  &c." 

MARTIN  VAN  BUKEN  TO  JAMES  A.  HAMILTON. 

"  LONDON,  April  1,  1882. 

"Mif  DEAR  SIR:  I  owe  you,  with  many  other  friends,  an  apology  for  not  having 
written  to  you,  but  I  know  I  can  trust  to  your  good  sense  and  good  feeling  for  not 
having  made  you  an  exception.  I  am  off  for  Paris  in  the  morning,  and  write  this 
principally  to  say  that  I  have  sent  by  the  Sovereign,  Captain  Champlin,  to  your 
care,  three  boxes,  Nos.  13,  24,  and  25,  containing  plate  and  private  papers,  which  I 
beg  you  to  keep  for  me  till  my  return.  The  treatment  which  I  have  received  from 
the  King,  his  Ministers,  and  all  the  foreign  functionaries  here,  since  the  announce 
ment  of  my  rejection,  has  been  of  the  most  kind  and  delicate  character,  and  has,  I 
confess,  been  very  gratifying. 

"Yours,  &c." 

PRESIDENT  JACKSON  TO  JAMES  A.  HAMILTON. 

"WASHINGTON,  April  16,  1832. 

"  MY  DEAR  SIR  :  I  received  your  letter  recommending  Captain  Webb,  and  am 
now  engaged  examining  the  long  roll  of  applicants  for  the  Ordnance  Department. 
Have  not  yet  come  to  a  final  conclusion  of  what  selection  will  be  made.  I  received 


REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON.  245 

your  last  of  the  llth  instant,  and  sincerely  regretted  to  hear  of  the  melancholy 
attack  of  Mr.  Noah  —  hope  he  lias  recovered,  as  I  have  heard  nothing  from  him  since. 
I  beg  you  to  hasten  the  return  of  my  manuscript-book.*  I  wish  to  be  ready  the 
first  opportunity  that  may  present  to  make  the  reply.  Fail  not  to  have  it  here 
soon. 

"I  am,  very  respectfully,  yours,  &c." 

Louis  McLANE  TO  JAMES  A.  HAMILTON. 

"  WASHINGTON,  April  29,  1832. 

"  DEAE  SIR  :  I  received,  the  day  before  yesterday,  your  letter  respecting  the 
President's  manuscript.  I  can  conceive  of  no  possible  good  that  could  attend  such 
a  step  in  the  present  posture  of  affairs,  and  I  am  satisfied  that  it  would  be  productive 
of  unhappiness  to  the  President,  and  of  incalculable  injury  to  his  cause  and  his 
friends.  It  would  be  most  unwise,  at  the  present  time,  to  make  any  issue  between 
the  President  and  the  individual  principally  concerned.  It  ought  properly  to  have 
no  concern  with  the  coining  struggle,  and  for  the  purpose  of  personal  and  historical 
satisfaction,  a  period  less  disturbed  by  party  and  political  strife  will  be  much  more 
favorable.  I  doubt  if  you  could  do  Mr.  Calhoun  a  greater  favor  than  to  make  an 
issue  in  which  he  would  see  some  hope  of  resuscitation.  We  already  have  causes 
of  inquietude  enough,  and  this  would  tend  to  increase  them.  I  speak  without  going 
more  into  details,  from  my  unfeigned  interest  iti  the  President,  and  an  earnest  desire 
to  promote  his  individual  happiness  and  public  renown;  and  I  shall  feel  it  to  be  my 
bounden  duty  if  he  will  permit  me  to  counsel  him  to  peace  and  tranquility  to  exert 
his  mind  and  patriotism  to  restore  harmony  to  his  country,  and  advance  the  pros 
perity  of  his  fellow-citizens,  and  to  leave  the  gratification  of  his  individual  feelings, 
and  even  the  vindication  of  his  just  military  fame,  to  a  fitter  opportunity.  Rely 
upon  it  that  our  policy  is  not  to  be  provoked  into  angry  collisions  by  the  coarseness 
and  violence  of  our  opponents.  Theirs  is  a  desperate  cause,  as  that  of  a  factious  and 
feeble  minority  always  is.  Ours  is  the  cause  of  the  majority  of  the  people,  and  will 
become  weak  when  we  lose  our  temper  or  dignity.  Let  us  rely  upon  the  wisdom 
and  patriotism  of  our  measures,  and  avoid,  as  far  as  possible,  all  individual  jars. 

"  I  am,  dear  sir,  respectfully,  &c." 

JAMES  A.  HAMILTON  TO  Louis  McLANE. 


YOKE,  May  6,  1832. 

"  MY  DEAR  SIR:  I  have  not  had  a  moment's  time  to  acknowledge  your  letter  of 
the  29th  ultimo,  and  I  cannot  now  reply  to  it  further  than  to  say,  that  if  it  is  not 
absolutely  certain  that  he  is  to  gain  by  the  publication  a  positive  advantage,  it 
ought  not  to  be  made.  I  agree  with  you  as  to  our  position  and  the  course  to  be  pur 
sued,  and  after  giving  the  subject  further  consideration,  if  my  former  convictions  are 
changed  to  doubts,  which  is  almost  already  done  by  the  fact  that  you  differ  from 
me,  I  will  write  to  the  President  as  you  suggest.  I  do  not  learn  from  your  letter 

*  Reply  to  Calhoun,  sent  to  me  to  be  examined,  with  a  request  that  I  would  revise 
and  correct  it.  I  did  so,  and  urgently  advised  him  not  to  publish.  I  believe  it  was  not 
published. 


246  REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES\A.    HAMILTON. 


whether  you  are  informed  of  the  scope  of  the  manuscript  I  visited  Washington  in 
relation  to  the  Bruen  business.  I  intended  to  have  conferred  freely  with  you  on 
this  subject,  and  also  in  relation  to  the  Custom  House  concerns,  which,  I  think,  in 
many  respects  require  attention,  but  which  cannot  be  so  well  explained  by  letter. 

"The  expected  failures  have  commenced.  Three  were  announced  on  Friday; 
and  several  intimated  yesterday.  The  difficulty  of  obtaining  money,  although  very 
great,  is  increasing  dtiily.  The  bonds  of  Peterson  &  March — a  failure  of  a  month 
ago — are  now  becoming  due,  and  all  the  parties — three  foreign  Consuls — have  run 
away.  The  debt  is  about  $30,000. 

"  With  sincere  regards,  yours,  &c." 

JAMES  A.  HAMILTON  TO  PRESIDENT  JACKSON. 

"  NEW  YORK,  June  15,  1832. 

"  MY  DEAR  SIR  :  As  it  is  understood  that  the  opponents  of  compromise  intend  to 
call  upon  our  Legislature  to  pass  resolutions  which  will  aid  them,  it  becomes  there 
fore  the  duty  of  the  friends  of  Union  and  your  Administration  to  defeat  that  at 
tempt,  and  to  endeavor  to  induce  the  Legislature  to  pass  resolutions  in  favor  of  com 
promise.  To  that  end,  I  intend  to  go  to  Albany  and  spend  a  few  days  there  during 
the  Session.  I  feel  assured  if  nothing  is  done  to  promote,  something  will  be  done  to 
frustrate,  our  wishes. 

"  The  state  of  things  in  England  is  such  as  I  have  supposed  might  render  it 
deserving  of  consideration  whether  we  ought  not  to  be  represented  there  in  a 
stronger  manner  than  we  now  are.  Should  there  be  revolution,  an  American  Min 
ister  of  talent  and  character,  without  improper  interference,  could  do  much  to  ben 
efit  both  countries,  and  the  liberal  party  will  feel  that  they  have  a  right  to  such  a 
measure  at  your  hands. 

"I  always  feel  at  liberty  to  communicate  any  suggestions  that  occur  to  me,  with 
out  fearing  the  imputation  from  you  of  improper  interference. 

"  With  the  truest  attachment,  your  servant  and  friend,  &c." 

MARTIN  VAN  BUREN  TO  JAMES  A.  HAMILTON. 

"  WASHINGTON,  July  15,  1832. 

"  MY  DEAR  SIR  :  I  have  only  time  to  say  a  word  to  you  in  behalf  of  my  old 
friend  the  Chevalier.  Do  not  let  the  cholera  kill  bis  man  of  jewels,  and  answer  Mr. 
Livingston's  letter  as  soon  as  you  can.  I  am  very  anxious  that  the  application  which 
has  been  made  by  the  Dutch  Government  should  succeed,*  if  it  can  be  with  propriety 
so  arranged,  and  I  am  sure  it  will  give  you  pleasure  to  contribute  all  in  your  power. 
The  Tariff  Bill  has  passed  under  the  most  favorable  circumstances.  The  Bank  Bill 
has  this  moment  failed  by  a  vote  of  19  to  23.  The  veto  is  operating  powerfully  as 
far  as  we  hear,  and  the  Session  is  winding  up  finally.  My  arrival  could  not  have  been 
more  opportune,  and  I  have  thus  far  been  highly  gratified  with  my  visit  here.  Ke- 
member  me  kindly  to  Mrs.  H.  and  the  young  ladies,  and  believe  me  to  be, 

"Very  truly  yours,  &c." 

*  To  send  Polari,  the  thief,  to  Holland.     It  was  done. 


11EMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON.  247 

JAMES  A,  HAMILTON,  U.  S.  District  Attorney,  TO  V.  MAXEY,  Solicitor  of  the 

Treasury. 

"  NEW  Yo:  K,  July  27, 1832. 

"Sin:  The  persons  confined  at  Bellevue  Prison,  charged  with  offences  against 
the  United  States  (Polari  except ed),  ten  in  number,  were  discharged  on  the  25th 
inst.  on  their  own  recognizances.  Judge  Belts,  on  heing  informed  of  the  course  I 
intended  to  pursue  in  relation  to  these  men,  wrote  to  me  thus :  '  I  am  glad  you  have 
concluded  to  discharge  the  prisoners.  The  hazard  to  life  in  keeping  them  in  close 
confinement  must  be  imminent,  and  I  do  not  believe  the  character  of  their  offences 
would  justify  to  the  public  feeling  so  dangerous  an  exposure.'  The  disease  is  dimin 
ishing  in  the  city,  but  extending  to  every  part  of  the  country.  I  sincerely  hope  you 
may,  but  I  do  not  believe  you  will,  escape  it.  Your  obedient  servant,  &c." 

MARTIN  VAN  BUREN  TO  JAMES  A.  HAMILTON. 

"  KINDERHOOK,  August  5,  1832. 

"  MY  DEAR  SIR:  Your  letter  is  received.  I  found  the  old  chief  laboring  under 
his  veto,  but  the  moment  he  was  delivered  of  it  he  was,  as  usual,  perfectly  at  his 
ease  and  in  the  best  of  spirits.  It  is  most  clear  that  that  is  destined  to  be  the  most 
popular  act  of  his  life.  You  can  have  no  conception  of  the  universal  interest  which 
the  great  body  of  the  people  take  in  this  matter,  and  the  almost  uniform  side  they 
also  take.  I  have  seen  the  bitterest  of  his  opponents  who  feel  constrained  to 
speak  well  of  it.  Things  are  going  on  very  well  at  Washington.  Mr.  Livingston 
goes  to  France  as  soon  as  Mr.  Kives  leaves  it.  The  Maine  business  is  in  as  favor 
able  a  train  as  circumstances  permit.  It  would  not  be  discreet  to  trust  to  the  mail, 
at  these  times,  more  explicit  replies  to  some  of  your  queries.  We  must,  therefore, 
let  them  be  until  I  have  the  pleasure  of  seeing  you.  The  election  prospects  are 
generally  good.  Pennsylvania  is  as  safe  as  Tennessee.  If  I  am  to  judge  by  the  speci 
mens  of  public  feeling  which  I  have  seen,  or  the  representations  of  our  friends,  I 
should  say  that  we  are  quite  safe  here.  Nothing,  however,  that  can  with  propriety 
be  done,  should  be  omitted." 

PRESIDENT  JACKSON  TO  JAMES  A.  HAMILTON. 

"  November  2,  1832. 

"My  DEAR  SIR:  I  have  just  received  your  letter  of  the  30th  ult.  for  which  I 
thank  you. 

"  I  am  well  advised  of  the  views  and  proceedings  of  the  great  leading  Nullifiers 
of  the  South  in  my  native  State  (S.  0.),  and  weep  for  its  fate,  and  over  the  delusion 
into  which  the  people  are  led  by  the  wickedness,  ambition,  and  folly  of  their  leaders. 
I  have  no  doubt  of  the  intention  of  their  leaders:  first  to  alarm  the  other  States, 
that  they  may  submit  to  their  views  rather  than  a  dissolution  of  the  Union  should 
take  place.  If  they  fail  in  this,  to  cover  their  own  disgrace  and  wickedness  to  nul 
lify  the  Tariff  and  secede  from  the  Union. 

"  We  are  wide  awake  here.  The  Union  will  le  preserved;  rest  assured  of  this. 
There  has  been  too  much  blood  and  treasure  shed  to  obtain  it,  to  let  it  be  surren 
dered  without  a  struggle  ;  our  liberty  and  that  of  the  whole  world  rest  upon  it,  as 


248  REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON. 

well  as  the  peace,  prosperity,  and  happiness  of  these  United  States.  It  must  be  per 
petuated.     I  have  no  time  to  say  more.     My  health  is  good,  improved  by  the  travel. 
"  With  a  tender  of  my  kind  salutations  to  you  and  your  amiable  family, 

4i 1  am,  sincerely  your  friend." 

MARTIN  VAN  BUKEN  TO  JAMES  A.  HAMILTON. 

44  November  16,  1832. 

"MY  DEAR  SIK:  I  am  sorry  you  cannot  go  with  us,  but  your  business  is  of  more 
importance.  I  think  they  could  have  no  objection  to  pay  up.  *  *  *  has  received 
his,  and  has,  I  presume,  no  objection  to  be  reimbursed  by  me. 

44 1  have  some  delicate  writing  to  do  which  requires  more  leisure  that  I  can  have 
in  this  city,  unless  I  can  hide  myself.  If  there  is  no  earthly  objection  or  inconven 
ience  in  it,  I  propose  to  come  to  your  house  from  Judge  Oakley's  to-morrow  night, 
and  stay  with  you  until  Monday  morning,  under  the  pretence  here  that  I  have  gone 
into  the  country.  Let  me  know  how  this  will  suit,  and  whether  you  dine  at 
Oakley's.  Yours,  &c." 

PRESIDENT  JACKSON  TO  JAMES  A.  HAMILTON. 

44  November  26,  1832. 

44  Yours  of  the  23d  is  this  moment  received  and  duly  considered.  Before  this 
'reaches  you,  you  will  have  received  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury's  letter  upon  the 
subject  of  the  suits,  &c.,  as  approved  by  me,  which  will  be  your  guide. 

44 1  am  sorry  we  are  disappointed  in  not  seeing  you  here.  When  your  leisure  will 
permit,  we  expect  that  pleasure.  I  have  no  time  to  say  more. 

'4 1  am,  respectfully  your  friend." 

PRESIDENT  JACKSON  TO  JAMES  A.  HAMILTON. 

44  WASHINGTON,  December  6,  1832. 

'4  Yours  of  the  3d  is  just  at  hand.  I  accord  with  you  fully  in  the  propriety  of 
the  people  giving  fully  and  freely  their  sentiments  and  opinions  on  Nullification,  and 
the  course  pursued  by  South  Carolina  in  her  late  proceedings. 

44  The  ordinance  passed,  when  taken  in  connection  with  the  Governor's  Mes 
sage,  is  rebellion  and  war  against  the  Union.  The  raising  of  troops  under  them  to 
resist  the  laws  of  the  United  States  is  absolute  treason.  The  erisis  must  be,  and  as  far 
as  my  constitutional  and  legal  powers  authorize,  will  be,  met  with  energy  and  firm 
ness.  Hence  the  propriety  of  the  public  voice  being  heard — and  it  ought  now 
to  be  spoken  in  a  voice  of  thunder,  that  will  make  the  leaders  of  the  nullifiers 
tremble,  and  cause  the  good  citizens  of  South  Carolina  to  retrace  their  steps, 
and  adhere  to  that  Constitution  of  perpetual  union  they  have  sworn  to  support.  This 
treasonable  procedure  against  the  Union,  and  not  only  our  liberties  but  the  liberties 
of  the  world, — this  nullifying  movement  in  the  South, — has  done  us  great  injury 
abroad,  and  must  not  only  be  promptly  met,  but  put  down  by  public  opinion.  It  is, 
therefore,  highly  proper  for  the  people  to  speak  out  all  over  the  Union.  I  am  pre 
paring  a  Proclamation  to  the  people  of  the  South,  and  as  soon  as  officially  advised 
of  these  rebellious  proceedings,  will  make  a  communication  to  Congress.  I  can  say 
no  more,  as  I  am  surrounded  at  present,  and  bid  you  for  the  present  adieu." 


REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.    HAMILTON.  249 

One  of  the  most  painful  events  of  my  life  was  imposed  upon  me  in  the  per 
formance  of  my  duties  as  District  Attorney  of  the  United  States. 

lu  1832,  three  persons  were  arrested  and  brought  into  New  York  charged 
with,  and  who  were  unquestionably  guilty  of,  most  atrocious  piracy  and 
murder. 

The  Captain  and  part  of  the  crew  were  killed,  the  vessel  was  stranded  and 
lost. 

Gibbs,  a  black  man,  and  a  boy  of  about  sixteen  years  of  age,  were  arrested. 
The  evidence  of  guilt  was  not  so  full  as  to  insure  a  conviction,  unless  one  of 
these  parties  should  be  made  State's  evidence,  which  would  discharge  such  one 
from  trial.  The  duty  and  responsibility  of  selecting  the  person  to  be  made  a 
witness  rested  with  the  Attorney  ;  and  thus  the  responsibility  was  thrown  upon 
him  of  deciding  which  of  these  three  persons  should  le  saved  from  death.  To 
have  the  life  or  death  of  a  human  being  in  one's  hands,  was  a  most  painful 
condition.  I  deliberated  much  and  most  anxiously,  I  endeavored  to  obtain 
independent  testimony  sufficient  to  convict,  but  in  vain ;  I  could  not  avoid  the 
responsibility,  and  I  selected  the  boy  as  the  witness,  as  probably  the  least 
guilty,  and  by  his  testimony  and  the  partial  confession  of  Gibbs  that  the  Cap 
tain  had  been  killed  and  the  vessel  stranded  without  stating  who  did  this  wick 
edness,  Gibbs  and  the  black  man  were,  after  a  most  carefully  contested  trial,  found 
guilty,  sentenced,  and  executed.  The  boy  was  set  at  liberty.  The  criminals 
alleged  that  the  boy  was  as  guilty  as  they  were.  He  was  an  English  boy.  I 
advised  and  assisted  to  return  him  to  his  own  country,  and  I  heard  nothing 
more  of  him.  He  was  very  penitent  and  very  grateful  to  me  for  saving  his 
life.  He  was  intelligent  enough  to  appreciate  what  had  been  done,  and  in  what 
extreme  peril  he  had  been  placed. 

EDWARD  LIVINGSTON,  Secretary  of  State,  to  JAMES  A.  HAMILTON. 

"  June  7,  1831. 

"The  President  has  examined  the  papers  in  relation  to  the  disclosures  made  by 
Gibbs,  and  has  directed  me  to  inform  you  that  you  are  at  liberty  to  employ  *  *  *  * 
in  such  a  manner  as  you  think  will  best  attain  the  object  of  ascertaining  the 
truth  of  the  confession,  and  securing  the  proof  necessary  to  convict  those  concerned 
in  the  transaction." 

JAMES  A.  HAMILTON  TO  PRESIDENT  JACKSON. 

"  January,  1833. 

"Mr  DEAR  SIR  :  I  have  just  read  a  second  time  your  message  of  the  16th  in 
stant  (as  to  Nullification),  and  cannot  refrain,  in  justice  to  my  own  feelings  and 
principles,  and  to  my  present  relations  to  you,  from  expressing  my  entire  approval, 
and,  I  may  add,  the  pride  I  feel  in  all  you  have  done  on  the  subject  to  which  it  re 
fers.  To  express  all  the  admiration  your  course  has  excited,  would  not  entirely  com 
port  with  delicacy  or  propriety.  Your  views  of  the  principles  of  our  Government 
are  those  alone  on  which  it  can  be  administered  and  preserved ;  and  allow  me  to  say, 


250         REMINISCENCES  OE  JAMES  A.  HAMILTON. 

from  a  very  careful  search  after  public  opinion  as  expressed  by  individuals,  by  the 
public  papers,  by  meetings,  and  by  the  public  functionaries  (Governors  and  Legis 
latures)  of  the  different  States,  they  are  the  views  of  the  nation,  notwithstanding 
the  faint  echo  of  former  opinion,  which  a  small  majority,  perhaps  in  the  Virginia 
Legislature,  are  straggling  to  give  out. 

"  I  regret,  deeply  regret  that  our  Legislature  should  not  have  acted  on  this  sub 
ject  ;  it  was  due  to  you  emphatically  ;  to  the  rank  of  the  State  and  to  the  feelings 
of  her  citizens  that  New  York  should  come  forward  in  her  strength. 

<k  With  that  freedom  in  which  I  have  been  accustomed  to  commune  with  you  I 
say  that  I  deeply  regret  that  considerations  of  any  kind  whatever  should  have  in 
duced  this  restraint  at  such  an  epoch  as  this :  I  know  no  party,  or  interest,  or  feel 
ings,  only  such  as  belong  to  the  country  ;  her  permanent  interest  and  glory  ought 
to  be  the  Polar  star  of  every  man  connected  in  any  degree  with  public  affairs. 

"  Some  of  the  Virginia  doctrines  as  to  State  rights — I  mean  those  which  can  direct 
ly,  or  even  remotely,  sanction  the  right  of  secession — resulted  from  a  state  of  feelings 
and  interests  not  the  most  propitious  to  the  most  enlightened  views  of  the  origin  and 
character  of  our  Government.  They  have  not  outlived  with  the  great  Public  the 
occasion  which  produced  them;  and  they  ought  not  now  to  be  reiterated;  and  yet  I 
fear  there  are  some  among  them  who  wait  for  a  voice  from  Virginia ;  and  who  fear 
if  they  acquiesce  in  your  views,  which  are  those  of  the  nation,  that  the  influence  of 
their  party  will  be  diminished. 

"  This  is  a  radical  error.  That  party  in  this  country  which  believes  that  princi 
ple  alone  can  permanently  succeed,  is  that  one  whose  principles  are  founded  on  an 
enlightened  patriotism,  having  for  the  object  of  its  whole  exertions,  first,  the  pre 
servation  of  the  Union  ;  and  next,  the  administration  of  our  happy  form  of  Gov 
ernment  in  simplicity  and  truth. 

"  United,  we  must  in  the  course  of  time  and  ere  long  become,  by  population  and 
wealth  the  most  powerful  nation  in  the  world;  and,  let  me  add,  if  we  shall  be  governed 
by  a  high  degree  of  Christian  civilization  we  will  be  a  blessing  and  a  guide  to  all 
peoples.  On  the  contrary,  if  we  are  governed  as  nations  hitherto  havebeen, — by  a  love 
of  military  renown  alone, — ice  will  be  a  scourge  to  our  race. 

"  I  write  to  you  with  freedom  and  in  confidence,  and  yet  I  do  not  express  half 
I  feel  or  think. 

"  Before  I  close  this  too  long  letter,  allow  me  to  say,  knowing  as  I  do  the  harass 
ing  extent  of  the  engagements  of  yourself  and  confidential  friends  at  this  juncture, 
that  if  I  can  be  of  any  use  to  you  in  any,  even  the  most  subordinate,  situation,  I 
will  immediately  repair  to  Washington,  and  pass  a  month  at  least  devoted  to  any 
service  which  may  promote  the  public  welfare.  I  do  not  seek  a  participation  in 
advising;  but  merely  in  executing  under  your  directions.  I  can  so  arrange  my 
busines>,  as  by  my  absence  not  to  impair  my  official  usefulness  here." 
"  With  the  truest  attachment,  your  friend." 

NOTE. — Finding  that  the  majority  of  the  Legislature  at  Albany,  the  party 
of  the  Administration,  and  the  partizans  of  Van  Buren  were  putting  off  the 
expression  of  opinion  in  approval  of  the  President's  course — His  message  or 
Proclamation,  I  wrote  several,  letters  to  leading  men  in  Albany  urging  them 
to  pass  strong  resolutions  approving  of  the  course  of  the  President,  and 


REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON.  251 

denouncing  nullification  ;  but  without  success.  This  backwardness  arose  from 
a  fear  that  the  approval  of  the  views  of  the  President  in  regard  to  the  constitu 
tion,  the  subordination  of  the  States,  and  the  repudiation  of  the  right  or 
power  of  a  state  to  nullify  the  laws  of  Congress,  or  to  withdraw  from  the  Union, 
might  offend  the  party  in  Virginia.  I  addressed  a  letter  to  Van  Buren  on  the 
subject  in  which  I  expressed  the  hope  that  he  would  use  his  influence  with  his 
political  friends  in  the  Legislature,  to  pass  resolutions  approving  the  course  of 
the  President.  This  letter  he  returned  to  me,  having  opened  it,  without  a 
word  of  explanation.  This  unfriendly,  nay,  offensive  course,  resulted  from  Van 
Buren's  fear  of  offending  the  dominant  political  party  of  Virginia. 

PRESIDENT  JACKSON  TO  JAMES  A.  HAMILTON. 

"  WASHINGTON,  February  23,  1833. 

"I  am  indebted  to  you  for  replies  to  many  of  your  kind  letters;  and  the  only 
apology  I  can  offer  is  the  continued  press  of  business,  and  lately,  want  of  good 
health.  I  have  been,  I  may  truly  say,  tolerably  pressed  with  business  from  sunrise 
to  12  at  night. 

"  Your  last  was  by  your  amiable  mother,  with  whom  I  have  been  much  pleased, 
and  am  gratified  to  find  that  she  retains  all  her  faculties,  and  has  clear  recollections 
of  our  past  history,  in  which  her  deceased  husband  acted  so  conspicuous  a  part. 

She  informed  me  that  she  walked  every  day  from  Mr. 's  to  the  capitol  I  regret 

very  much  that  my  engagements  have  been  such  that  I  could  not  pay  more  attention 
to  her  and  her  family  than  I  have  done. 

"I  have  been  looking  for  you  here.  When  will  you  be  with  us?  "Will  you 
come  with  Mr.  Van  Buren?  I  expect  the  pleasure  of  seeing  you  here  before  the  4th 
of  March. 

"The  papers  will  have  given  you  the  union  between  Mr.  Clay  and  Mr.  Calhonn. 
How  strange  their  position !  Nullification  cannot  be  recognized  as  a,  peaceful  and 
constitutional  measure,  and  the  American  system  of  Mr.  Clay  being  on  the  wane-, 
a  union  between  these  two  extremes  is  formed ;  and  I  have  no  doubt  the  People 
will  duly  appreciate  the  motives  which  have  led  to  it.  I  have  good  reason  to  be 
content,  even  gratified,  with  my  own  course,  as  I  find  these  men  are  obliged  to 
adopt  it  to  give  peace  and  harmony  to  the  Union. 

"  I  have  to  attend  the  funeral  at  11.    I  must  close.    Believe  me  your  friend." 


JAMES  A.  HAMILTON  TO  PRESIDENT  JACKSON. 

"  NEW  YORK,  February  28,  1833. 

UMY  DEAR  SIR:  I  had  the  pleasure  yesterday  to  address  a  letter  to  you,  but 
inadvertently  omitted  the  subject  of  this  letter.  I  am  informed  by  a  gentleman 
whose  knowledge  of  the  views  of  the  United  States  Bank  is  only  second  to  that  of 
its  President,  and  therefore  repeat  to  you  (with  the  assurance  that  you  may  rely 
upon  it),  that  the  bank  counts  upon  being  rechartered.  Its  purpose  is  for  the  next 
two  years  to  fortify  itself  beyond  all  hazard  by  calling  in  its  responsibilities  gradually, 
to  an  amount  at  which  they  will  be  entirely  manageable,  and  also  by  securing  its 


y 


252  REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON. 

debts.  This  operation  will  be  performed  under  the  avowed  idea  that  it  is  necessary 
and  preliminary  to  winding  up  its  concerns.  The  State  Banks,  old  and  new — and 
particularly  the  latter,  it  is  believed — will  consequently  extend  their  discounts.  The 
United  States  Bank  will  employ  a  part  of  its  means  in  purchasing  exchange,  and 
otherwise  securing  a  large  credit  in  London ;  and  at  the  proper  time,  about  the 
expiration  of  the  period  referred  to,  it  will  by  withholding  bills  and  by  other  means 
within  its  power  cause  exchange  to  advance  so  as  to  cause  the  exportation  of  specie 
and  thus  occasion  a  run  upon  all  the  moneyed  institutions.  This  it  will  be  prepared 
for.  The  affairs  of  the  State  Banks  will  consequently  be  so  deranged  as  to  compel 
them  to  stop  specie  payments.  The  immense  injury  to  the  whole  nation  resulting 
from  that  event,  it  is  believed,  and  not  without  foundation,  will  induce  a  stronger 
public  feeling  in  favor  of  a  recharter  of  the  Bank  as  the  only  means  of  restoring  a 
sound  currency;  and  that  will  be  pressed  by  the  friends  and  retainers  of  the  Bank 
upon  a  new  Congress  and  your  successor,  with  a  force  that  they  hope  he  will  be 
unable  to  resist.  The  project  is  feasible  and  must,  if  attempted,  whether  successful 
or  not,  be  productive  of  infinite  mischief,  because  the  whole  monetary  system  of  the 
country  will  be  deranged.  The  first  state  of  things  resulting  from  the  multiplication 
of  State  Banks  which  is  going  on  to  an  unequalled  extent  will  be  that  money  will 
be  abundant;  that  is  to  say,  that  discounts  will  be  freely  made,  and  that  from  these 
facilities  prices  will  rise,  and  there  will  be  excessive  over-trading.  The  reduction 
of  duties  by  the  new  tariff  will  cooperate  with  the  other  circumstances  to  induce 
this  excess.  The  next  state  of  things  is  the  reaction  which  will  not  be  far  removed 
from  its  cause,  and  is  as  certain  as  fate.  It  will  be  pushed  by  the  United  States 
Bank  to  the  consequences  and  for  the  end  to  which  I  have  referred.  Having,  as  I 
hope  you  have,  settled  the  Southern  difficulties,  this  subject  seems  to  me  to  come 
next  in  order  for  consideration,  as  it  is  in  consequence.  The  serpent  is  scotched,  not 
killed.  It  has  power  as  long  as  it  can  wind  and  move  its  immeasurable  length 
along.  Its  exertions  will  be  violent  because  it  is  a  struggle  for  existence  in  which 
there  will  be  no  regard  paid  to  the  interests  of  the  country  which  gave  it  life. 
Should  these  be  seriously  involved,  the  reputation  of  your  Administration  may 
not  escaped  unquestioned. 

"  Should  I  hear  anything  more,  or  should  any  new  thoughts  occur  to  me,  I  will 
write  to  you  without  reserve. 

"With  the  truest  attachment,  your  friend." 


A  LETTER  TO  A  DISCREET  FRIEND. 

"WASHINGTON,  March  19,  1833. 

"I  am  up  to  my  eyes  in  business.  Enjoying  all  the  confidence  of  the  President 
and  the  gentlemen  about  him,  particularly  McLane,  I  cannot  tell  you  how  readily 
I  take  to  my  former  employments  here;  and  how  gladly  I  would  plunge  into  the 
troubled  waters  again.  There  is  an  excitement  in  this  large  game  which  is  most 
congenial  with  my  feelings  and  temperament.  I  have  very  narrowly  escaped  being 
brought  here;  and,  indeed,  I  think  events  will  turn  up  in  such  a  form  as  will  call  me. 
I  must  say  that  I  would  not  regret  the  change,  you  know  how  mounting  my  ambi 
tion  is.  All  well.  Yours, 

"JAMES  A.  HAMILTON." 


REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON.  253 

REMOVAL  OF  THE  DEPOSITS. 

I  visited  President  Jackson,  on  his  arrival  at  New  York.  During  the  in 
terview  he  said,  "I  wish  you  to  be  with  me  as  much  as  you  can.  I  am  to  have 
a  public  dinner,  and  I  wish  you  not  only  to  be  there,  but  to  sit  next  to  me." 
The  evening  before  the  dinner,  he  said :  "  Colonel !  come  to  my  room  to-mor 
row,  just  before  the  dinner  hour,  and  we  will  go  in  together."  I  did  so,  and 
was  seated  next  to  him.  Before  we  left  the  room,  he  gave  me  several  papers  ; 
told  me  to  read  them  with  care  and  give  him  my  opinion,  in  writing,  on  the 
subject.  These  papers  were  written  by  three  or  four  different  persons,  urging 
the  President  to  remove  the  public  moneys  deposited  in  the  Bank  of  the  United 
States  and  its  branches. 

When  I  returned  these  papers,  which  I  did  immediately,  they  were  accom 
panied  by  a  short  note  stating  that  the  subject  was  one  of  such  vast  importance 
that  I  could  not  treat  it  without  more  time  and  deliberation  than  I  then  had ;  that 
I  would  inform  myself  by  conferring  with  the  most  distinguished  bankers,  and 
give  him  the  result.  I  added,  "  My  first  impression  is,  that  the  measure  pro 
posed  was  a  very  questionable  one,  and  must  lead  to  great  disturbance  in  com 
mercial  affairs." 

Mr.  McLane,  Secretary  of  State,  had  previously  called  upon  me  to  obtain 
the  opinions,  in  writing,  of  distinguished  bankers  in  New  York  on  this  subject. 
To  that  end,  I  called  upon  several  leading  men,  and  invited  them  to  a  meeting 
to  talk  over  the  subject  of  the  removal  of  the  deposits.  At  this  meeting,  all 
agreed  that  the  measure  would  be  difficult  of  accomplishment  and  disastrous  in 
its  effects  upon  the  business  of  the  country  ;  that  the  State  banks  could  not  be 
so  combined  as  to  supply  the  place  of  the*  Bank  of  the  United  States. 

I  had,  at  the  same  time,  an  interview  with  the  Hon.  Albert  Gallatin.  He 
expressed  the  most  decided  opinion  against  the  removal.  He  insisted  that  a 
Bank  of  the  United  States  was  an  indispensable  fiscal  agent  of  the  Treasury,,  as 
his  experience  had  convinced  him.  He  asked,  "  What  can  induce  the  President 
to  take  such  a  course  ?  In  answer,  referring  to  the  refusal  of  the  Bank  to 
make  an  appointment  he  desired,  I  said  :  "  Kesentment  t  "  He  replied,  "  Re 
sentment !  Resentment!  the  affairs  of  Government  can  only  be  successfully 
conducted  by  cool  reasoning  and  the  lessons  of  experience." 

I  submitted  to  Mr.  Isaac  Bronson  the  annexed  inquiries,  to  which  he  gave 
the  annexed  answers : 

Answers  to  questions  propounded  by  MR.  HAMILTON,  in  respect  to  the  proposed 
transfer  of  deposits  of  public  funds  from  the  Bank  of  the  United  States  to 
the  State  Banks,  and  the  use  of  State  Banks  as  the  future  receivers  of  public 
moneys. 

"  Question  1st.  If  the  deposits  were  withdrawn  from  the  United  States  Bank,  ar»d 
placed  in  certain  State  Banks,  would  the  power  of  the  former  be  materially  dimin 
ished,  and  of  the  latter  increased  thereby  ? 


254  REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.    HAMILTON. 

"  1st.  I  answer  in  the  negative.  The  notes  of  the  Bank  must  still  be  received  in 
payment  of  the  Government  dues.  The  advantages  of  an  extended  circulation  would 
continue  to  be  enjoyed  by  it.  The  only  effect  then  on  the  Bank  would  be  a  reduc 
tion  of  profits,  or  a  loss  of  interest  on  the  average  amount  of  permanent  deposits. 
The  Bank,  with  a  moneyed  capital  of  thirty-five  millions  and  a  circulation  and  private 
deposits  of  twenty  to  twenty-five  millions  more,  could  not  feel  very  sensibly  a  with 
drawal  of  two  or  three  millions.  After  the  Bank  had  reduced  its  loans  by  the  amount 
of  Government  deposits  withdrawn,  it  would  still  have  ample  means  of  pressing  on 
the  State  Banks. 

"  If  it  desired  to  do  so,  it  might  curtail  the  breadth  of  its  credits,  thereby  obtain 
ing  a  command  of  its  loans,  and  then,  by  reducing  the  amount,  bring  the  State  Banks 
in  debt  at  pleasure.  The  power  of  resistance  on  the  part  of  the  State  Banks  is  only,  in 
proportion  to  the  amount  that  they  refrained  from  using,  in  the  ordinary  mode  of 
deriving  profit  from  means.  But  reasoning  from  experience,  it  is  not  to  be  supposed 
that  the  State  Banks  would  refrain  from  loaning  out  the  deposits,  and  consequent 
ly  their  power  of  resistance  would  not  be  increased.  Assuming,  for  the  pur 
pose  of  the  present  inquiry,  that  there  would  be  no  standing  accumulation  of  de 
posits  beyond  the  amount  transferred  from  the  Bank  of  the  United  States  to  the 
State  Banks,  that  a  large  portion  of  subsequent  receipts  of  moneys  would  be  com 
posed  of  distant  bank  notes,  and  that  the  State  Banks  would  loan  out  the  Govern 
ment  deposits,  their  power  of  resistance  might  be  impaired,  rather  than  strengthened. 
They  must  necessarily  hold  in  reserve,  to  meet  the  general  expenditures,  an  amount 
of  their  own  proper  means  equal  to  that  portion  of  receipts  -which  consists  of  distant 
Branch  notes,  until  these  notes  could  be  sent  to  the  Branches  and  returned  in  avail 
able  funds. 

"  Question  %d.  It  is  asserted  that  the  "Western  branches  of  the  United  States 
Bank  have  become  indebted  to  the  Atlantic  Banks  to  the  extent  of  sixteen  millions, 
from  the  necessary  flow  of  credits  issued  there  to  the  Atlantic.  And  it  is  believed 
that  if  the  public  deposits  should  be  made  with  the  State  institutions,  that  these 
Western  branches  would  become  indebted  to  the  Banks  of  deposit,  and  that  thus  the 
latter  would  acquire  a  control  over  the  former.  Would  this  be  the  effect  of  the 
change  ?  And  if  it  would  not — why  not  ? 

"2d.  The  Western  branches  are  unquestionably  indebted  to  the  Atlantic  branches 
and  Parent  Bank  in  a  large  amount,  and  the  cause  of  that  indebtedness  existing  in 
the  actual  course  of  business,  the  effect  would  be  the  same  upon  the  exchange  of  de 
posits  to  the  State  Banks ;  and  I  consider  this  the  most  serious  feature  of  the  pro 
posed  change  to  the  State  Banks.  If  it  gave  them  the  means  of  checking  the  issues 
of  the  Western  branches,  it  would,  in  the  same  or  a  greater  degree,  be  the  cause  of 
weakness  at  home,  and  subject  them  to  the  control  of  both  the  Bank  of  the  United 
States  and  other  State  Banks;  and  the  latter  would  not  probably  be  disposed  to 
more  lenity  toward  the  favorites  of  the  Government  than  the  former. 

"  Question  3d. — Would  the  change  in  the  places  of  deposit  of  the  public  moneys 
alter  the  relation  of  debtor  and  creditor  as  between  the  United  States  Bank  and 
those  State  Banks  that  might  be  selected  as  the  places  of  deposit? 

"  3d. — Not  if  the  Bank  of  the  United  States  reduced  its  loans  by  an  amount  equal  to 
the  sum  of  its  deposits  withdrawn.  If  the  State  Banks  loan  out  their  deposits,  they 
would  cease  to  be  creditors ;  but  whether  they  did  or  did  not,  the  Bank  of  the 


REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON.  255 

United  States  would  not  be  their  debtor,  if  it  paid  the  amount  transferred  from  it  to 
the  State  Banks  by  a  reduction  of  its  loans. 

"  Question  4th. — Is  there,  generally  speaking,  as  great  or  a  greater  amount  due  from 
the  State  Banks  throughout  the  Union  to  the  United  States  Bank  than  the  probable 
amount  of  the  permanent  deposits  ? 

"4th. — This  question  can  be  answered  precisely  by  reference  to  the  statements 
furnished  by  the  Bank  to  Government.  Not  having  a  series  of  their  statements,  I 
can  only  give  my  impression  that  the  indebtedness  of  the  State  Banks  to  the  Bank 
of  the  United  States  is  not  ordinarily  more  than  one  fourth  of  the  amount  of  the 
average  of  the  public  deposits. 

"  Note. — The  Banks  of  this  city  are  now  indebted  one  million  to  the  United  States 
Bank.  Last  fall  they  were  two  millions. 

"  Question  5th. — If  the  deposits  were  withdrawn  from  the  United  States  Bank, 
would  it  be  required,  in  its  present  situation,  to  curtail  its  discounts?  And  if  it  were 
compelled  to  do  so,  could  the  Banks  of  deposit  supply  the  amount  of  curtailment,  or 
would  not  they  also  be  compelled  to  diminish  their  accommodation? 

"5th.— Unquestionably  the  Bank  of  the  United  States  must  reduce  its  discounts 
by  an  amount  equal  to  the  average  sum  of  public  deposits  withdrawn  from  it.  It 
could  not  otherwise  pay  over  the  Government  deposits  except  by  reducing  its  specie, 
which  I  think  it  could  not  do  safely,  and  would  not  permanently,  in  the  position  in 
which  it  would  be  placed  by  a  withdrawal  of  the  Government  deposits;  and  as  three 
or  four  months  hence  is  suggested  as  the  probable  time  of  withdrawal,  if  done  at 
all,  the  Bank  will  not  fail  to  make  the  necessary  curtailments  so  as  to  avoid  re 
ducing  its  specie,  if  it  is  not  in  fact  already  prepared  for  the  proposed  measure.  If 
the  existing  amount  of  circulation  and  credits  be  not  greater  than  the  legitimate 
demands  of  trade  require,  which  is  more  than  questionable ;  and  if  the  balance  of 
payments  in  our  foreign  trade  should  not  run  against  us ;  and  if,  also,  no  conflict 
should  ensue  between  the  Bank  of  the  United  States  and  the  State  Deposit  Banks, 
the  latter  might  safely  supply  the  amount  of  credits  and  circulation  which  the  former 
must  necessarily  withdraw  from  public  use ;  less,  however,  by  the  average  amount 
paid  of  distant  Branch  notes  received  in  payment  of  revenue.  But  that  a  conflict 
would  ensue  I  cannot  doubt ;  and  if  for  no  other  cause  the  receipt  of  distant  Branch 
notes  will  furnish  one  in  the  efforts  of  the  State  Deposit  Banks  to  restrain  the  issue  of 
these  notes  by  frequent  calls  for  their  redemption.  As  to  the  state  of  our  foreign 
exchanges,  I  think  they  will  run  against  us.  Imported  goods  are  now  paying  a  fair 
profit,  and  as  it  has  always  happened  so  it  will  occur  again :  the  amount  of  importa 
tions  will  increase  until  they  not  only  cease  to  be  profitable,  but  until  they  become 
excessive,  and  result  in  actual  losses. 

"There  is  perhaps  no  operation  in  banking  more  universally  understood  than 
that,  a  Bank  in  a  single  city  reducing  its  loans,  others  in  the  same  city  must  re 
duce  likewise.  And  that  so  soon  as  this  affects  the  price  of  commodities,  more 
distant  Banks  are  compelled  to  contract  their  credits  and  circulation.  If,  then,  the 
Bank  of  the  United  States  commences  a  systematic  reduction,  the  State  Banks  must 
either  place  themselves  in  the  power  of  the  former,  or  curtail  their  loans  ;  and  not 
curtailing,  a  stoppage  of  specie  payments  would  be  inevitable. 

"  Question  6th . — Ought  the  present  United  States  Bank  to  be  rechartered  ?  lias  its 
management  for  the  last  two  or  three  years  been  such  as  to  deserve  the  public  con 
fidence  and  promote  its  interest? 


256  REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES  A.  HAMILTON. 

"  Cth. — To  the  first  branch  of  this  inquiry  I  answer  unhesitatingly  in  the  negative. 
I  give  the  same  answer  to  the  second  branch.  On  this,  however,  I  beg  to  enlarge. 
Up  to  the  close  of  1833,  and  until  I  saw  the  statements  of  the  Bank  under  date  2d 
July,  1832,  I  advocated  a  renewal  of  the  charter,  but  with  some  material  modifica 
tions.  After  analysing  the  statement  and  duly  reflecting  on  the  measures  of  the 
Bank  and  the  motives  of  action  which  it  developed,  and  looking  also  to  the  conse 
quences  that  would  follow,  I  came  to  the  conclusion  that  there  was  an  inherent  vice 
in  the  system  which  forbade  the  hope  of  introducing  such  radical  changes  as  expe 
rience  had  shown  to  be  indispensable  to  preserve  a  sound  currency,  and  to  prevent 
its  deleterious  influence  upon  the  great  monetary  interests  of  our  country  and  upon 
our  invaluable  public  institutions. 

"If  all  the  evil  consequences  did  not  ensue  that  the  reckless  issue  of  credits  and 
circulation  in  1831  was  calculated  to  produce,  it  was  to  be  attributed  solely  to  the 
absence  of  a  foreign  demand  for  specie.  The  specie  basis  of  our  circulation  was 
alarmingly  reduced,  and  it  only  wanted  a  moderate  foreign  demand  to  produce  an 
uncontrollable  panic.  Mitigated,  however,  as  the  case  was  by  the  absence  of  foreign 
demand  for  specie,  it  was  sufficiently  severe  on  the  importation  of  foreign  goods 
in  New  York ;  but  as  ISTew  York  had  been  allowed  the  use  of  much  less  of  the 
Bank  funds  than  Philadelphia,  the  latter  thus  suffered  more  severely,  and  disastrous 
results  have  continued  to  occur  during  a  longer  period  in  Philadelphia  than  in  New 
York. 

"  Question  7th. — Could  there  be  a  combination  of  State  Banks  connected  with  and 
to  perform  the  fiscal  operations  of  the  Government,  so  formed  as  to  supply  the  place 
of  the  United  States  Bank,  as  the  agent  of  the  Treasury,  and  also  to  perform  the 
more  essential  service  to  the  country  of  checking  and  giving  credit  to  the  currency 
of  the  State  Banks? 

"  7th. — I  should  say  not.  I  cannot  see  how  such  a  combination  can  be  formed  by 
State  Banks  as  to  answer  the  purpose  indicated,  and  at  the  same  time  preserve  their 
individuality.  To  form  an  efficient  combination,  such  as  would  be  indispensable  to 
the  purposes  of  Government  and  the  great  interests  of  the  country,  they  must  be 
subjected  to  one  controlling  will,  and  this  power  must  be  placed  at  some  one  com 
manding  point  in  respect  to  commerce  and  moneyed  transactions  ;  they  must  merge 
the  individual  interest  into  one  common  concern,  and  all  the  means  must  be  resolved 
into  one  common  stock.  This  \vould  be,  in  fact,  a  Bank  of  the  United  States. 
********** 

"  Each  State  Bank  holding  the  Government  funds  would  endeavor  to  make  for 
itself  the  greatest  possible  advantage  out  of  them,  without  reference  to  the  interests 
of  others.  Jealousies  and  controversies  would  therefore  arise  upon  the  transfer  of 
funds  from  one  to  another,  and  the  Government  would  be  beset  with  representations 
of  their  respective  grievances,  with  complaints  of  its  partiality  and  claims  for  its 
favor.  But  supposing,  what  is  improbable,  that  the  plan  worked  well  in  a  time  of 
internal  and  external  quiet,  and  while  the  balance  of  payments  was  not  against  us  on 
our  foreign  trade,  would  it,  in  case  of  some  dissension  at  home,  be  safe  for  Gov 
ernment  to  have  its  fiscal  resources  in  possession  of  the  State  Banks  and  conse 
quently  in  the  power  of  States  ? 

"The  same  spirit  that  prompted  me  once  to  propose  the  application  of  the 
taxes  imposed  by  the  General  Government  to  the  use  of  individual  or  a  combination 


REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON.  257 

of  StateSj  and  to  stop  the  payment  of  import  on  foreign  goods,  would  not  hesitate  to 
urge  the  adoption  of  the  next  step,  that  of  seizing  upon  the  actual  funds  of  the 
Government ;  and  the  Banks,  actuated  by  the  spirit  of  the  community  in  which  they 
are  placed,  would  scarcely  refrain  from  affording  the  opportunity  for  effecting  such 
a  measure.  In  the  event  of  a  foreign  war,  producing,  as  it  probably  would,  an 
adverse  course  of  exchange,  it  would  not  be  in  the  power  of  the  Government  to 
prevent  a  suspension  of  specie  payments.  Our  paper  currency  fills  all  the  avenues  of 
circulation  to  the  extent  of  their  utmost  capacity,  and  requires  all  the  support  of  the 
most  unhesitating  confidence  to  sustain  it;  and  this  must  continue  while  small  notes 
are  permitted  to  dispense  with  the  use  of  specie  in  the  smaller  transactions  of  the 
community.  Let  this  confidence  become  impaired,  and  it  would  almost  certainly, 
by  the  vicissitudes  of  war,  and  hoarding  superadded  to  the  foreign  drain,  effect 
a  suspension  of  specie  payments.  The  history  of  our  currency  during  the  late 
war  will  tell  the  rest. 

"  If  State  Banks  be  used  as  the  receivers  of  the  public  revenue,  the  notes  of  such 
banks  should  be  receivable  everywhere  in  payment  of  Government  dues,  or  the  public 
accommodation  would  be  materially  impaired;  but  if  made  so  receivable,  the  banks 
will  almost  instantly  avail  themselves  of  the  facility  thus  furnished  of  extending 
their  issues,  and  thereby  produce  greater  inequalities  in  the  beneficial  use  of  Gov 
ernment  deposits. 

';  The  course  of  business,  as  well  as  the  disbursements  of  Government,  draws  the 
available  currency  from  the  South  and  West  to  the  North  and  East  upon  the  Atlan 
tic.  The  former  consequently  become  debtors  to  the  latter.  "Would  there  not  be 
much  difficulty  in  the  adjustment  of  balances  ? 

"  My  opinion  is,  that  it  would  produce  a  prolific  source  of  discord  among  the 
Deposit  Banks,  and  not  a  little  embarrassment  to  the  Government  itself.  If  any  thing 
like  a  safety-fund  system  should  be  attempted,  I  presume  it  would  require  both  the 
sanction  of  the  State  laws  and  of  the  stockholders  of  each  Bank. 

"  This  could  hardly  be  accomplished  without  consolidation,  and  this  would  form 
a  Bank  of  the  United  States;  but  if  the  combination  could  be  effected  without  con 
solidation,  and  each  Bank  be  made  answerable  for  all  the  rest,  the  evils  of  misman 
agement  would  be  greater  and  less  easily  corrected  than  if  each  were  responsible  only 
for  its  own  acts. 

"  Question  8th.  If  the  Government  should  withdraw  its  deposits  from  the 
United  States  Bank,  would  that  measure  increase  or  diminish  the  probability  that 
that  Bank  would  obtain  a  renewal  of  its  charter  in  despite  of  the  veto  of  the 
President  ? 

"  8t7i.  The  probability  of  renewal  would,  in  my  opinion,  be  very  much  increased. 
Next  to  an  actual  renewal,  no  measure  of  the  Government  would  be  so  gratifying  to 
the  Bank.  I  know  it  to  be  desired  by  political  men  friendly  to  the  Bank.  It  would 
have,  or  could  be  made  to  have,  a  powerful  influence  on  Pennsylvania.  It  would 
furnish  an  excuse  for  every  offensive  means  the  Bank  might  choose  to  adopt. 
The  community  would  be  the  victim. 

"If  let  alone,  it  will  in  all  probability  endeavor  to  keep  our  moneyed  affairs 
tolerably  easy  whilst  the  hope  of  recharter  exists,  and  this  hope  will  not,  I  think,  be 
abandoned  until  another  be  proposed  to  take  its  place.  When  it  ceases  to  look  to  a 
renewal,  it  will  then  adopt  the  course  most  beneficial  to  the  stockholders,  curtailing 
its  loans  so  gradually  as  to  allow  them  to  be  absorbed  by  other  Banks,  or  paid  with- 

IT 


258  REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES  A.   HAMILTON. 

out  the  sacrifice  of  property  that  always  ensues  from  rapidly  reducing  credit  and 
circulation. 

"  NEW  YORK,  April  4,  1833. 

"p.  g. — The  receipts  of  the  Treasury  from  imposts  during  a  year  from  this  date, 
it  is  believed,  will  not  be  less  than  seventeen,  and  they  may  amount  to  twenty  mil 
lions.  The  permanent  deposit  cannot  be  estimated  at  more  than  two,  but  it  may  be 
as  large  as  three  millions  of  dollars.  Prom  the  course  of  the  public  business  the 
deposits  accumulate  during  the  early  part  of  the  year,  commencing  from  the  adjourn 
ment  of  Congress  (that  is  the  enactment  of  the  appropriation  bills),  and  are  drawn 
low  toward  the  end.  These  assumptions  are  proper  to  be  borne  in  mind,  in  connec 
tion  with  the  object  of  the  following  inquiries.  It  is  probable,  if  the  United  States 
should  determine  to  cease  to  deposit  with  the  United  States  Bank,  that  the  present 
funds  in  the  Bank  would  not  be  withdrawn  before  the  expiration  of  from  ninety 
to  one  hundred  and  twenty  days." 

Mr.  Van  Buren  accompanied  the  President  on  Iris  eastern  journey.  Before 
leaving  Washington,  he  had  expressed  to  Cass,  McLane,  and  others  his  decided 
disapproval  of  the  President's  purpose  to  withhold  the  deposits  from  the  Bank. 
McLane  frequently  referred  to  this  concurrence  of  Van  Buren  in  bis  views,  as 
did  Cass. 

In  the  course  of  the  journey,  Yan  Buren  finding  the  President  was  deter 
mined  upon  this  most  unnecessary  and  pernicious  measure,  changed  his  opinions 
before  they  reached  Concord,  when,  as  McLane  alleged,  the  President  imme 
diately  determined  to  return  with  all  haste  to  Washington,  Yan  Buren  accom 
panying  him.  The  latter  on  his  arrival  called  upon  McLane,  and  informed  him 
of  the  President's  determination  and  his  change  of  opinion.  McLane  reproach 
fully  said,  "  You  now  advocate  the  removal  in  obedience  to  the  wishes  of  the 
President."  He  replied,  "  I  found  the  President  was  so  determined  that  I 
could  not  oppose  him."  This  recreancy  on  the  part  of  Mr.  Yan  Buren  was  most 
painful  to  Mr.  McLane,  who,  in  letters  to  his  friends,  referred  to  it  as  very 
unworthy. 

MAJOR  WILLIAM  B.  LEWIS  TO  JAMES  A.  HAMILTON. 

WASHINGTON,  June  22,  1833. 

"  MY  DEAR  COL.  :  Your  kind  letter  of  the  17th  instant  has  been  received.  You 
had  a  gay  time  of  it  while  the  President  was  in  New  York.  The  whole  world, 
from  a1!  account?,  must  have  been  there  to  welcome  and  receive  him.  It  must  have 
been  a  splendid  reception,  and  what  is  more  gratifying,  it  was  not  less  cordial  than 
splendid.  Did  the  good  old  gentleman  have  time  to  call  on  your  family?  I  hope 
Mrs.  Hamilton  and  Eliza  did  not  miss  seeing  him.  And  the  old  lady,  your  mother, 
where  was  she?  The  General,  you  know,  might  call  on  her,  if  no  other.  We  re 
ceived  a  letter  from  the  President  yesterday,  written  at  Hartford,  by  which  we  learn 
his  health  continues  to  improve.  He  appeared  to  be  much  pleased  with  his  reception 
in  Connecticut.  The  Yankees,  I  expect,  will  not  only  be  civil  but  kind  to  him  during 
his  sojourn  among  them.  In  Boston,  a  great  display,  I  have  no  doubt,  will  be  made. 
In  order,  system,  and  arrangement,  it  is  not  improbable  but  they  will  excel  even  *N~ew 


REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON.  259 

York.  But  they  have  not  the  population  of  your  great  city,  nor  the  heart  with 
which  its  people  were  animated.  Let  us,  however,  leave  the  President  in  the  hands 
of  his  "Yankee  friends  for  the  present,  and  turn  our  thoughts  upon  another  subject. 
How,  my  friend,  do  things  move  on,  politically,  in  the  Empire  State?  How  many 
Richards  are  we  to  have  in  the  field  at  the  next  Presidential  election  ?  Are  Clay's 
friends  disposed  to  risk  another  race  on  him,  or  do  they  begin  to  look  upon  him  as 
a  broken  down  horse?  It  is  my  opinion  they  will  not  venture  another  stake  on 
him.  You  may  rely  upon  it,  he  will  be  given  up  by  the  great  body  of  his  former 
friends.  Who,  then,  will  be  the  opposition  candidate  ?  Mr.  Webster  is  spoken  of, 
but  I  doubt  whether  he  is  disposed  longer  to  sail  under  that  flag.  So  far  it  has 
proved  to  be  an  ensign  of  defeat  and  mortification  to  him  and  his  friends.  I  feel 
confident,  if  circumstances  permit,  he  will  haul  it  down  and  run  up  another.  Wheth 
er  the  new  one  will  be  a  Webster,  or  Van  Buren,  or  a  McLane  flag,  I  know  not. 
If  he  should,  however,  contrary  to  my  present  impressions,  be  pressed  into  the  ser 
vice  of  the  opposition  proper,  and  induced  by  them  to  become  a  candidate  for  the 
Presidency,  it  will  be  done  only  for  the  purpose  of  cutting  up  the  electoral  vote  and 
throwing  the  choice  into  the  house.  Should  this  be  the  settled  policy  of  the  opposi 
tion,  and  an  arrangement  entered  into  by  the  high  contracting  parties  to  that  effect, 
you  may  expect  to  see  Calhoun  or  P.  P.  Barbour,  or  some  other  Nullifier  of  the 
South  taken  up  and  run  in  that  section  of  the  Union.  This  will  be  done  to  divide 
and  distract;  but  unless  I  am  greatly  deceived  in  the  signs  of  the  times,  Mr.  Justice 
McLean,  of  Ohio,  is  the  man  to  whom  the  largest  fragments  of  the  opposition  will 
eventually  adhere.  He  will  be  the  Bank  candidate,  and  that  influence  will  control 
all  others.  He  will  be  supported  unanimously  by  his  Methodist  brethren  and  by 
many  of  the  quasi  Jackson  men,  because,  of  course,  he  will  be  called  a  Jackson 
Man  !  Arrangements  are  now  being  made  in  Pennsylvania  to  give  him  the  appear 
ance  of  great  strength  in  that  Jackson  Democratic  State  at  the  4th  July  celebrations. 
From  the  present  appearance  of  things,  I  am  of  the  opinion  that  Judge  McLean  will 
prove  the  most  powerful  opponent  with  whom  we  shall  have  to  contend ;  but  if  our 
friends  will  be  true  to  themselves  and  the  party,  vigilant  and  active—  yet  judicious 
and  discreet — we  have  nothing  to  fear  from  that  or  any  other  quarter.  I  wish  Cal 
houn  may  be  a  candidate.  I  have  a  rod  in  pickle  fur  him  whenever  he  makes  his 
appearance.  lie  will  find  himself  in  a  not  less  enviable  predicament  than  the  Craw 
ford  and  Hamilton  correspondence  placed  him.  I  shall  be  able  to  give  the  people 
of  the  United  States  an  insight  of  his  real  character  and  designs.  The  time  has  not 
yet  come.  I  again  ask,  what  is  the  state  of  things  in  New  York?  Will  Van  Buren's 
friends  all  stand  firmly  by  him  ?  Has  he  gained  strength  since  the  last  November 
elections,  and  is  he  still  gaining?  Will  not  Swartwout  support  him  at  the  next  elec 
tion  ?  What  is  Major  Noah  about ;  and  what  the  present  feelings  and  course  of 
your  City  Postmaster  ?  What  are  Vnn  Buren's  calculations  with  regard  to  the  N~ew 
England  States  ?  How  many  of  them  will  be  with  us,  and  how  will  Webster  ulti 
mately  go  ?  Will  he  fall  into  our  ranks  or  not  ?  I  think  he  would  if  he  were  the 
least  encouraged.  Would  it  be  good  policy  to  give  him  any  encouragement  ?  I  think 
he  is  tired  of  belonging  to  a  small  minority  party.  I  do  riot  think  we  should  court 
Mr.  Webster  or  any  other  person,  but  at  the  same  time  I  think  we  should  not  treat 
him  or  his  friends  harshly.  I  would  not  invite,  nor  would  I  repel  any  man  or  set  of 
men.  If  they  think  proper  to  adopt  our  principles  and  fall  in  with  us,  I  say  let  them 
do  so.  This  is  my  notion,  but  I  know  it  does  not  accord  with  the  feelings  of  some 


260  REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES  A.  HAMILTON. 

of  our  friends.  You  see,  my  friend,  I  have  carved  out  a  heavy  job  for  you.  I  should 
like  to  hear  from  you  in  answer  to  the  above  interrogatories,  but  not  before  it  will  be 
entirely  convenient.  Believe  me  to  be  sincerely  yours,  &c." 


WILLIAM  B.  LEWIS  TO  COL.  JAMES  A.  HAMILTON. 

""WASHINGTON,  August  20,  1833. 

"  MY  DEAE  COL.  :  Yours,  covering  a  letter  to  the  President,  was  received  in  due 
course  of  mail,  and,  as  requested,  the  letter  to  the  President  was  forwarded  to  him 
•without  delay.  Your  previous  letter  which  I  was  authorized  and  requested  to  snow 
to  Mr.  McLane  was  not  received  until  he  had  left  the  city  for  New  York,  and  sup 
posing  that  you  would  see  him  and  have  a  full  and  frank  conversation  with  him,  with 
regard  to  the  matters  spoken  of  in  the  letters  referred  to,  I  have  concluded  not  to 
show  it  to  him  until  I  receive  further  advice  from  you.  However,  believing  justice 
to  you  required  that  the  President  should  understand  the  ground  of  the  frequent 
assaults  upon  you  and  Swartwout,  I  thought  it  was  right  that  he  should  hear  what 
you  had  to  say  upon  the  subject,  and  therefore  took  the  liberty  of  sending  the  letter, 
which  was  intended  for  another,  to  him.  Perhaps  I  was  wrong  in  taking  such  an 
unauthorized  liberty  with  you,  but  it  was  done  with  the  best  motive  I  assure  you, 
and  with  the  belief  that  it  would  be  gratifying  to  the  President  and  beneficial  to  you. 
I  sent  it  to  him  nearly  a  week  before  the  receipt  of  your  last  letter,  inclosing  one 
for  him.  I  am,  my  dear  Sir,  truly  and  sincerely  yours,  &c." 

PRESIDENT  JACKSON  TO  JAMES  A.  HAMILTON  (Private.) 

"  WASHINGTON,  September  8, 1833. 

"DEAE  SIE:  I  have  postponed  answering  your  letter  of  the  31st  of  August  last, 
for  the  purpose  of  obtaining  the  correspondence  you  allude  to,  of  your  father's,  on 
;the  subject  of  changing  the  deposits  to  prevent  runs  upon  the  Bank  which  would 
produce  a  great  pressure  upon  the  community.  I  have  not  been  able  to  lay  my  hands 
•on  it.  Am  informed  your  brother  has  this  correspondence.  Will  you  have  the  good 
ness  to  obtain  them  for  me?  "Will  you  please  provide  me  such  information  as  is  in 
your  power,  showing  the  pressure  of  the  United  States  Bank  on  the  State  Banks? 
It  is  surely  the  duty  of  the  Executive  to  administer  the  government  for  the  benefit 
and  protection  of  all,  not  for  the  few,  and  such  evidence  would  well  warrant  the 
Executive  Government  to  use  its  deposits  to  check  oppression  wherever  it  may  be 
attempted.  Please  write.  Give  me  all  information  in  your  power,  and  as  we  are 
making  inquiry  whether  through  the  State  Banks  we  can  carry  on  the  fiscal  opera 
tions  of  the  Government,  and  preserve  a  sound  and  wholesome  currency,  I  will 
thank  you  for  your  views ;  and  whether  we  ought  not  to  commence  it  before  the 
meeting  of  Congress  by  directing  all  collections  after  a  certain  day  to  be  made  in  the 
State  Banks.  That  will  oblige  themselves  to  come  into  certain  arrangements.  Give 
me  your  views  on  these  questions,  on  the  receipt  of  this. 

"Yours  very  respectfully,  &c. 

"  P.  S. — I  find  Mr.  Crawford  made  the  deposits  in  State  Banks  without  any  hes 
itation  as  to  his  power,  long  after  the  United  States  Bank  was  chartered,  and  made 
••the  bills  of  State  Banks  paying  specie  for  their  bills,  receivable  in  payment  of  public 


REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON.  261 

dues  for  land  as  late  as  1820  and  1822.  There  can  be,  I  suppose,  no  question  of  the 
power  of  the  Executive  through  his  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  to  either  change  the 
deposits  or  direct  other  bank  bills  than  those  of  the  United  States  to  be  taken  in 
payment  of  the  revenue,  provided  United  States  bills  are  not  excluded.  Answer 
this. 

PRESIDENT  JACKSON  TO  JAMES  A.  HAMILTON. 

"  WASHINGTON,  September  13, 1833. 

"DEAR  SIB:  Yours  of  the  llth  inst.  is  just  to  hand.  The  correspondence  of 
your  father  with  the  Banks,  and  the  powers  exercised  by  him  over  the  deposits 
would  be  very  desirable  to  me.  I  must  depend  upon  you  for  them  as  I  do  not  be 
lieve  Mr.  Duane  has  much  desire  to  see  this  correspondence.  I  have,  and  will  thank 
you  for  them  or  a  synopsis  of  them,  as  well  as  all  the  information  you  can  obtain  on 
the  other  point  named  in  my  former  letter.  Believe  me  to  be, 

"  Your  friend,  &c. 
"P.  S.  I  have  been  quite  unwell  for  a  few  days  past — am  better." 

JAMES  A.  HAMILTON  TO  PRESIDENT  ANDREW  JACKSON 

"  NEW  YORK,  September  13, 1833. 

"  DEAR  SIR  :  I  am  prepared  to  give  a  hasty  reply  to  the  inquiries  contained  in 
your  letter  of  the  8th  inst.  They  will  be  considered  in  their  order  and  perhaps  in 
distinct  letters. 

"In  the  first  place,  in  compliance  with  your  wish  that  I  should  obtain  such  in 
formation  as  was  within  my  reach  showing  the  pressure  of  the  United  States  Bank 
on  the  local  institutions  in  this  city,  I  have  conversed  with  several  disinterested  men 
well  acquainted  with  the  subject,  and  others  who  are  engaged  in  moneyed  transactions 
and  institutions,  who  are  more  or  less  affected  by  the  change  of  measures  of  the 
Banks.  They  all  agree  that,  although  there  has  been  much  overtrading  in  stocks  as 
well  as  merchandize,  and  although  the  collection  of  an  uncommonly  large  amount  of 
duties,  cash,  and  credit  has  induced  an  extraordinary  demand  for  money,  yet  that 
if  the  United  States  Bank  had  not  changed  its  measures  both  toward  individuals 
and  the  State  institutions,  there  would  have  been  no  difficulty  in  the  commercial 
community.  The  facts  I  understand  to  be  these  :  the  business  of  the  country  gen 
erally  has  been  very  prosperous,  and,  as  is  almost  always  the  case,  it  has  produced  a 
sort  of  an  infatuation  among  the  money-makers  of  all  descriptions  (and  who  is  there 
in  our  Country  who  is  not  of  that  class  ?).  Consequently,  almost  all  so  engaged  have 
extended  their  operations  through  the  facilities  of  the  Bank?,  and  they  are  at  such 
times  always  ready  to  afford  to  the  utmost  limit  of  their  credit,  in  the  confidence 
that  these  facilities  would  be  continued  as  long  as  the  Banks  were  not  forbidden  to 
do  so  by  the  course  of  the  foreign  exchange  or  from  any  other  cause.  At  the  time 
these  facilities  were  given  and  theretofore,  the  United  States  Bank  extended  its  dis 
counts  as  the  others  did,  and  allowed  the  State  institutions  to  become  indebted  to  it 
in  an  aggregate  balance  of  four,  five,  or  six  hundred  thousand  dollars,  without  call 
ing  for  payment  in  specie.  Under  these  circumstances  I  am  informed  :  1st,  that 
within  three  or  four  weeks  the  revenue  paid  into  the  United  States  Bank  on  account 


262  REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES  A.  HAMILTON. 

of  the  Government  has  been  much  larger  than  usual,  and  to  an  extraordinary 
amount.  2d,  That  the  United  States  Bank  has,  during  that  period,  not  only  not  in 
creased  but  that  it  has  diminished  its  discounts.  It  has  refused  to  loan  money  to  its 
dealers  upon  the  very  test  security  to  be  repaid  in  five,  ten,  fifteen,  or  thirty  days,  or 
at  pleasure.  3d,  That  it  determined  to  call  upon  the  State  Banks  for  payment  in 
specie  of 'any  balance  over  an  aggregate  of  $200.000.  4th,  That  in  pursuance  of 
that  determination,  it  has  within  the  above  period  withdrawn  from  the  State  Banks 
about  $350,000  in  specie,  and  consequently  that  these  banks  have  been  compelled  to 
suspend  or  reduce  their  discounts  from  one  to  two-thirds  their  usual  amount.  The 
following  case  has  occurred:  A  applies  to  the  branch  in  this  city  for  a  loan  paya 
ble  at  its  pleasure  on  the  most  unquestionable  security  :  it  is  refused,  and  the  only 
arrangement  that  would  be  made  was  that  it  was  to  purchase  a  foreign  draft  or  bank 
check  on  Philadelphia  for  which  it  deducted,  according  to  the  exigency  of  the  case, 
one  fourth  or  three  eighths  per  centum.  It  is  to  be  remarked  that  the  expense  of 
transporting  specie  from  Philadelphia,  at  this  time,  was  ten  shillings  per  one  thou 
sand  dollars.  B  applies  directly  afterward  for  a  similar  draft  on  Philadelphia,  and 
the  officer  of  the  bank  here  turns  round  and  asks  him  one  quarter  per  cent,  for  the 
draft,  thus  receiving  as  an  inducement  to  cash  a  check  of  a  bank  here  on  a  bank  in 
Philadelphia  one  fourth  or  three  eighths  per  cent.,  and  at  the  same  moment  selling 
such  check  at  one  fourth  per  cent,  advance.  This  is  what  Mr.  McDuffie  extols  as 
a  currency  provided  by  the  United  States  Bank  superior  to  gold  or  silver  currency. 
Let  us  see  the  effect  of  this  change  of  measures  on  the  part  of  the  United  States 
Bank  upon  the  State  institutions  and  the  commercial  community.  It  is  the  same 
thing  (when  an  increased  amount  of  revenue  is  received),  whether  the  Bank  holds  on 
to  what  it  receives,  or  diminishes  its  discount.  If  it  holds  on  to  the  increased 
amount  received,  and  at  the  same  time  diminishes  its  discounts,  the  effect  is  tremen 
dous.  If  it  continues  its  line  of  discount  to  the  same  amount  it  did  before  the  in 
creased  receipts,  the  effect  is  not  so  ruinous,  but  it  is  greatly  prejudicial  or  not,  ac 
cording  as  the  increased  amount  received  is  great  or  not,  in  either  case.  ,As  the  du 
ties  must  be  paid,  the  merchants  must  borrow  from  the  State  Banks  as  much  more 
as  is  the  increased  amount  to  be  paid,  and  consequently  the  credits  issued  to  them 
by  the  State  Banks  must  go  to  the  United  States  Bank,  and  if  the  excess  beyond  the 
usual  aggregate  balance  is  only  called  for,  it  must  be  paid  in  specie  at  great  expense 
to  these  banks  and  inconvenience  to  their  dealers;  but  if  that  aggregate  is  dimin 
ished  one  half  or  two  thirds,  the  banks  and  merchants  will  be  sorely  pressed,  if  not 
crushed.  To  make  this  matter  perfectly  plain,  let  us  suppose  that  the  whole  amount 
of  discounts  to  this  community  in  one  week  is  $1,500,000,  of  which  the  United  States 
Bank  famishes  $500,000,  and  the  nine  State  Banks  the  rest,  or  $1,000,000,  and  that 
the  ordinary  amount  of  duties  to  be  paid,  is  $250,000,  which  is  paid  by  the  issues  of 
all  these  banks  in  an  equal  proportion  to  the  discounts :  that  is  to  say,  one  third  in 
credits  given  by  the  United  States  Bank,  and  two  thirds  by  the  credits  given  by  the 
other  Banks.  This  being  the  usual  course,  if  the  amount  of  duties  to  be  paid  in, 
creases  or  diminishes,  the  demand  does  so  also,  and  the  several  banks  make  their 
loans  accordingly — it  being  understood  between  the  State  Banks  and  the  United 
States  Bank,  that  the  former  are  not  to  be  called  upon  to  redeem  these  issues  so  ab 
sorbed  in  duties  until  the  aggregate  amounts  to  $500,000.  Shortly,  the  amount  of 
duties  to  be  paid  increases  to  $500,000  a  week.  The  United  States  Bank  is  the  re 
cipient  of  the  whole — it  refuses  to  increase  its  discounts — the  State  Banks  make  a 


REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES  A.  HAMILTON.  263 

great  effort  to,  and  do  supply  this  increased  amount  of  duties  to  be  paid  by  the 
merchants,  and  when  that  is  done  their  balances  to  the  United  States  Bank  are  in 
creased,  and  being  so,  the  United  States  Bank  determines  not  to  give  them  their  ac 
customed  credit,  but  to  redeem  at  one  half  or  one  third,  and  demand  specie  for  the 
surplus.  The  hazard  of  the  State  Banks  becomes  imminent,  and  to  relieve  them 
selves  they  are  compelled  to  call  upon  their  debtors  for  payment;  which  necessity, 
particularly  if  the  latter  are  still  required  to  pay  an  increased  amount  of  duties,  in 
volves  a  great  diminution  in  the  prices  of  commodities  forced  into  market  to  obtain 
money,  and  ultimate  ruin.  Such  has  been  the  course  of  the  United  States  Bank,  and 
such  are  the  effects. 

"  Such  are  the  results  of  my  inquiries.  If  any  more  or  different  information  is 
obtained,  it  shall  be  communicated  without  delay.  As  you  say,  'it  is  surely  the 
duty  of  the  Executive  to  administer  the  government  for  the  benefit  and  protection 
of  all,  and  not  for  the  few  ; '  and  I  add  that  to  that  end  you  should  so  dispose  of 
the  revenue  not  required  for  the  immediate  purposes  of  the  Government  as  that  it 
may  protect  and  sustain  the  commercial  classes  against  the  pressure  of  the  giant 
Bank.  This  state  of  things,  in  addition  to  the  many  and  forcible  reasons  heretofore 
existing  for  cutting  off  all  connection  between  the  Bank  and  the  Government,  seems 
to  me  fully  to  justify  such  a  course  on  your  part.  But  I  consider  the  question, 
whether  you  will  make  the  change  or  not,  as  settled.  The  mission  of  Mr.  Kendall 
was  an  avowal  of  your  determination  which  cannot  be  recalled,  and  which  the  rep 
utation  of  your  administration  requires  should  be  fulfilled,  particularly  as  it  is  under 
stood  that  he  was  entirely  successful.  You  are  aware  that  I  have  heretofore  ques 
tioned  the  expediency  of  such  a  measure,  and  that  this  resulted  from  my  fears  of  its 
effect  upon  the  State  Banks;  that  is  to  say,  that  in  consequence  of  the  revenue  being 
payable  in  unavailable  paper,  (Western  and  South- Western  banknotes)  its  receipt  by 
the  State  institutions,  (if  they  were  to  discount  upon  it)  would  be  a  source  of  weak 
ness  rather  than  of  strength  ;  and  to  show  that  this  fear  was  not  entirely  groundless, 
our  friend  Kendall  in  conversation  with  me  here  admitted  that  for  a  short  period 
after  the  fact  of  the  change,  the  State  Banks  could  not  use  the  funds  they  would 
receive  as  the  foundation  of  an  increase  of  their  loans.  I  will,  in  the  course  of  this 
communication,  point  out  a  very  simple  arrangement  which  will  entirely  obviate 
that  evil.  Your  first  question  is,  *  whether  the  State  Banks  can  carry  on  the  fiscal 
operations  and  preserve  a  sound  and  wholesome  currency? '  To  both  branches  of 
the  question  I  answer  in  the  affirmative.  True — at  the  same  time,  however,  I  must,  y 
referring  to  experience,  express  my  fears  whether  they  will  not-,  unrestrained,  run 
into  excesses  which  will  inflate  the  currency,  and  consequently  make  it  unsound. 
The  Treasury  can  undoubtedly  curtail  them,  but  if  it  cannot  do  so  entirely,  it  is  then 
the  business  of  Congress  to  exercise  its  powers.  The  discussion  of  the  latter  part  of 
the  question  does  not,  therefore,  properly  belong  to  that  of  moving  the  deposits. 
Mr.  Gallatin,  as  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  used  the  Banks  with  success  as  the  fiscal 
agents  of  the  Treasury,  and  "when  I  asked  him,  a  few  months  ago,  whether  they 
could  perform  that  duty,  he  replied  that  he  had  no  doubt  they  could.  The  truth  is, 
it  is  more  difficult  to  find  reasons  to  believe  that  they  could  not  (being  properly  or 
ganized  for  that  purpose)  carry  on  the  fiscal  operations  of  the  Treasury,  than  it  is  to 
furnish  reasons  why  they  should  be  able  to  do  so.  They  must  avail  themselves 
of  the  course  of  the  exchanges  of  the  country  resulting  from  its  business  as  the 
United  States  Bank  does,  in  order  to  perform  the  same  operations.  That  Bank  does 


264  REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES  A.  HAMILTON. 

not  create  or  regulate  that  exchange — it  only  affords  it  a  channel.  The  State  Banks 
could  do  the  same,  although  perhaps  not  so  conveniently  or  profitably.  However, 
whatever  speculations  or  theories  there  may  be  indulged  on  this  subject,  experience 
is  a  better  guide, — and  that  you  have, — to  prove  that  they  can  be  so  used  successfully. 
And  let  me  add,  that  as  the  present  Bank  is  to  be  wound  up,  and  as  no  other  is 
created  to  supply  its  place,  the  Treasury  must  make  the  attempt  to  use  the  State 
Banks  as  its  agents,  and  that  without  delay.  Nothing  else  seems  to  me  to  be  left 
for  it. 

"  The  next  question  propounded  is  as  to  the  time  when  the  change  should  be  made. 
The  answer  to  this  question  depends  upon  the  mode  of  making  the  change.  If  the 
funds  now  in  the  United  States  Bank  are  to  remain  there,  and  the  collections  are  to 
be  made  immediately  by  the  new  agents,  and  if  my  opinion  of  the  unavailable  char 
acter  of  the  funds  to  be  received  is  correct,  then  the  change  ought  not  to  be  made  at 
this  period  of  pressure,  because  it  would  increase  that  evil ;  but  if  the  mode  I  pro 
pose  be  adopted,  the  change  ought  to  be  made  on  the  1st  or  before  the  20th  of  Oc 
tober — that  is  to  say,  without  the  least  delay.  1st,  because  it  will  immediately  en 
able  the  State  Banks  to  relieve  the  commercial  community  from  the  existing  pres 
sure,  and  thus  recommend  the  measure  in  the  strongest  manner  to  the  good  opinion 
of  the  public  ;  and  2d,  because  whenever  it  is  done,  there  Avill  be  a  great  clamor  (the 
interested  few  always  make  more  noise  than  the  indifferent  multitude),  and  time 
should  be  given  for  this  to  subside  before  Congress  meets,  which  it  will  do  in  the 
course  of  a  month.  The  experiment  having  thus  been  mad?,  if  it  be  not  proved  suc 
cessful  it  will  certainly  not  have  produced  all  the  evils  that  have  been  anticipated, 
and  the  friends  of  the  administration  who  are  opponents  of  the  Bank,  will  come  to 
"Washington  with  renewed  confidence  and  spirit.  Xow,  as  to  the  mode  of  making 
the  change,  you  are  aware  that  all  moneys  paid  for  duties  are  paid  on  bonds  lodged 
for  collection  in  the  Branch  Bank  or  at  the  desk  of  the  Cashier  of  the  Custom  House 
and  carried  into  the  Bank  to  the  credit  of  the  Collector,  and  thus  remain  subject  to 
his  check  until  he  pays  them  over  to  the  United  States.  The  21st  section  of  the 
Collection  law  of  1799  (the  only  law,  I  believe,  on  the  subject)  requires  the  Collect 
ors  to  make  up  the  accounts  and  pay  over  the  public  moneys  to  the  Treasury,  pur 
suant  to  the  orders  of  the  Secretary.  Under  this  authority  it  has  been  the  practice 
(there  is  no  written  authority  to  that  effect  on  the  subject  now  in  the  Custom  House 
here)  of  the  Collector  to  carry  every  Monday  morning  to  the  credit  of  the  Treasurer 
of  the  United  States  in  the  Branch  Bank  of  the  United  States  any  balance  of  public 
moneys  that  may  stand  to  his  (the  Collector's)  credit  in  that  Branch,  or  be  elsewhere 
under  his  control,  by  a  check  drawn  by  the  Collector  in  favor  of  the  Treasurer  of  the 
United  States  and  deposited  in  the  Bank,  and  that  thus  the  public  moneys  stand,  on 
Monday  of  each  week,  to  the  credit  of  the  Treasurer  of  the  United  States,  and  sub 
ject  to  his  control  in  the  United  States  Bank,  instead  of  standing  as  it  did  during 
the  previous  week  to  the  credit  of  the  Collector  and  subject  to  his  order.  This  being 
the  case,  let  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  order  the  several  Collectors  weekly  or 
semi-weekly  to  carry  the  balances  standing  to  their  (the  Collectors')  credit  in  the 
United  States  Bank  or  its  Branches  to  the  credit  of  the  Treasurer  of  the  United 
States  in  the  State  Bank,  designated  by  a  check  or  checks  drawn  by  the  Collector 
in  favor  of  the  State  Banks,  and  thus  all  the  difficulties  as  to  unavailable  funds 
are  at  an  end.  Thus  the  effect  of  the  change  would  be  to  immediately  affect 
the  State  Bank's  fund,  upon  which  they  could  discount  and  thus  relieve  the 


REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON.  265 

mercantile  community,  'without  the  fear  of  becoming  indebted  to  the  United  States 
Bank ;  whereas,  if  the  collections  of  the  revenue  were  immediately  transferred 
to  the  State  Banks,*  they  would  receive  in  its  payment  Western  brink-notes 
which  would  burthen  them  at  first  and  consequently  greatly  increase  the  present 
pressure.  This  arrangement  is  required  to  be  merely  temporary,  and  to  give  a 
helping  hand  to  sustain  them  against  the  monster  while  he  has  strength  and  in 
clination  to  do  mischief.  The  residue  of  the  remarks  I  have  to  make  upon  these 
and  the  other  subjects  of  your  letter  will  be  reserved  for  a  future  communica 
tion.  I  have  the  honor  to  be,  with  very  great  respect, 

"Yours,  &c." 

JAMES  A.  HAMILTON  TO  PRESIDENT  JACKSON. 

"NEW  YORK,  September  16,  1833. 

"  DEAR  SIR  :  Your  letter  of  the  13th  instant  is  this  moment  received.  I  have 
examined  with  care  my  father's  papers,  among  them  several  letters  are  found  from 
William  Seaton,  Cashier  of  the  Bank  of  New  York,  to  my  father,  written  during  the 
years  1791-92-93  and  94,  but  more  from  my  father  to  him.  Among  these,  the  only 
important  letter  is  that  from  which  an  extract  is  inclosed.  From  this,  it  is  perfectly 
clear  that,  in  consequence  of  the  pressure  of  the  Branch  Bank,  in  this  city,  upon  the 
Bank  of  New  York,  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  ordered  the  Collector  of  New 
York  to  deposit  public  moneys  in  the  Bank  of  New  York.  I  will  go  to  the  Custom 
House  here  to  see  what  I  can  obtain  farther  on  the  subject.  If  it  should  by  the 
records  of  that  office  appear,  that  cotemporaneously  with  this  letter  the  Collector 
deposited  in  the  New  York  Bank,  having  theretofore  made  his  deposits  in  the 
Branch,  the  inference  is  unmistakable.  I  will  also  endeavor  to  obtain  from  the  New 
York  Branch  copies  of  my  father's  letters,  and  may  thus  obtain  that  of  the  25th  of 
July,  which  is  referred  to  in  the  extract  inclosed. 

"Yours,  &c." 

WILLIAM  SEATON,  Cashier  of  the  Bank  of  New  York,  TO  GENERAL  ALEXANDER 

HAMILTON. 

"NEW  YORK,  August  6,  1792. 

"  MY  DEAR  SIR  :  Shortly  after  I  received  your  kind  letter  of  the  25th,  I  found, 
by  a  letter  from  your  department,  you  were  gone  to  make  a  tour  in  Jersey — there 
fore  delayed  answering  it.  You  will  observe,  by  the  annexed  return,  that  the  Col 
lector  has  begun  to  comply  with  your  kind  orders,  and  it  will  be  a  very  pleasant 
circumstance  that  he  continue  to  do  so,  for  the  Branch  is  certainly  getting  on  very 
fast,  and  I  think  (in  confidence,)  their  direction  rather  wish  to  take  every  advantage 
in  drawing  in  of  our  specie.  They  make  pretty  frequent  and  heavy  drafts,  and 
rather,  I  think,  unnecessarily  so — because,  whenever  the  interchange  of  notes  leaves 
a  balance  in  their  favor,  a  draft  for  specie  soon  follows.  I  would  not  wish  to  com 
plain  just  now,  but  if  I  find  they  persist  in  thus  drawing  in,  I  must  implore  the  aid 
of  your  all  powerful  hand  to  convince  them  we  are  not  destitute  of  aid  in  the  hour 
of  need.  "  Yours,  &c." 

*The  3d  Section  of  the  Act  of  May  10th,  1800,  made  it  the  duty  of  the  Collectors 
of  New  York,  Philadelphia,  &c.,  to  deposit  bonds  for  duties  for  collection  in  the  United 
States  Bank  or  its  Branches. 


2GG  REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON. 

WILLIAM  B.  LEWIS  TO  JAMES  A.  HAMILTON. 

""WASHINGTON,  September  22,  1833. 

"You  have  seen,  my  dear  sir,  that  the  Globe  has  announced,  by  authority,  the 
determination  of  the  President  to  remove  the  public  deposits  from  the  United  States 
Bank.  It  has  been  said,  you  know,  that  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  will  not  con 
sent  to  make  the  order.  This  will  not  deter  the  President,  who,  after  having 
resolved  upon  a  thing,  never  looks  back.  He  will  not  permit  any  Secretary,  you 
may  be  assured,  to  stand  between  him  and  the  execution  of  a  measure  which  he 
deems  of  vital  importance  to  the  country.  The  thing  will  be  definitely  settled  to 
morrow,  and  if  Mr.  Duane  will  not,  or  cannot,  make  the  order,  I  have  no  doubt  but 
he  will  be  superseded  by  the  appointment  of  Mr.  Taney  Secretary  of  the  Treasury, 
(not  pro  tern,  but  permanently)  who  has  been  decided'y  with  the  President  in  relation 
to  this  matter,  from  beginning  to  end.  I  beg  you  will  attach  no  credit  to  the  reports 
of  other  Cabinet  Ministers  going  out.  I  know  there  is  no  truth  whatever  in  the 
rumor  at  this  time,  nor  do  I  believe  that  any  contingency  will  or  can  arise  which 
will  make  such  a  step  at  all  necessary. 

"  Sincerely  yours,  &c." 

MARTIN  VAX  BUREN  TO  JAMES  A.  HAMILTON. 

"New  YORK,  December  8,  1833. 

"MY  DEAR  SIR:  I  wish  you  would  read  the  inclosed  letter  from  me,  and  seal  it, 
and  then  write  to  our  friend  Van  Sholten  and  send  the  package  to  him  through 
the  firm  of  Rogers  &  Co.  It  did  not  enter  into  my  imagination,  whilst  considering 
your  plan  in  regard  to  your  future  course,  with  the  single  view  of  ascertaining  what 
would  best  promote  your  own  happiness  and  that  of  your  family,  that  there  was 
any  thing  in  the  case  which,  more  than  malice  of  my  enemies,  could  torture  into 
matter  of  censure.  I  do  not  think  so  now,  but  reflecting  upon  your  kin(J  and  con 
siderate  observations,  and  mindful,  as  Mr.  Duane  says,  of  the  consciousness  of  the 
age,  I  have  thought  the  subject  of  them  of  sufficient  importance  to  suggest  the  pro 
priety  of  your  coming  to  a  conclusion  without  any  advice  from  me.  I  would,  on  no 
account,  omit  to  advise  with  your  connections,  and  make  them  sensible  of  the  pro 
priety  of  the  course  you  adopt;  and  the  more  you  reflect  upon  it,  the  more  I  am 
persuaded  you  will  be  convinced  that  propriety  and  your  own  happiness  will  be 
best  consulted  by  separating  the  present  from  the  hereafter  entirely,  leaving  the 
latter  wholly  to  the  control  of  time  and  circumstances.  You  see  how  the  wind 
blows  at  Washington,  and  that  we  who  cannot  but  be  in  the  fight  will  have  a  rough 
sea.  So  be  it.  What  cannot  be  cured  must  be  endured.  Sincerely  wishing  you 
better  health, 

"  I  am,  very  cordially  yours,  &c. 

"  P.  S. — You  may  destroy  Van  Sholten's  letter,  and  be  sure  to  write  the  good 
old  man  an  affectionate  one." 


RESIGNATION  OF  THE  OFFICE  OF  DISTRICT  ATTORNEY. 

On  the   13th  of  December,  I  addressed  the  following  letter  to  President 
Jackson : 


REMINISCENCES  OF  JAMES  A.  HAMILTON.         267 

"DEAR  SIR:  The  impression  I  entertained,  as  communicated  in  a  former  letter, 
that  my  health  Trculd  not  permit  me  much  longer  to  perform  the  very  arduous  du 
ties  of  my  office,  is  confirmed  by  the  best  medical  advice  I  can  obtain.  I  must  there 
fore  beg  you  not  to  consider  me  as  desiring  a  renomination.  As  the  unfinished  busi 
ness  of  the  office  will  be  best  concluded  under  my  direction,  I  propose,  unless  you 
should  prefer  a  different  course,  to  yield  the  place  to  my  successor  immediately  after 
the  next  April  Term  of  the  Circuit  Court. 

"  With  the  truest  attachment,  your  friend,  &c." 

To  this  letter  I  received  the  following  reply  : 

PRESIDENT  JACKSON  TO  JAMES  A.  HAMILTON. 

"  WASHINGTON,  December  24,  1833. 

"My  DEAR  SIR:  Your  letters  of  the  13th  instant  have  been  duly  received.  I 
sincerely  regret  your  indisposition  and  the  determination  the  counsel  of  your  physi 
cian  has  induced  you  to  adopt.  Whilst  I  sympathize  with  you  and  your  friends  in 
the  cause  which  induces  your  retiring  from  office,  I  shall  sincerely  feel  your  absence 
from  that  station  which  you  have  filled  with  so  much  honor  and  talent  and  benefit 
to  the  public  interest.  Go  where  you  may  for  the  restoration  of  your  health,  you 
carry  with  you  my  best  wishes  for  its  restoration,  your  happiness  and  prosperity, 
and  that  of  your  amiable  family. 

"  I  will  barely  remark  your  commission  expires  on  the  18th  March.  If  you  wish 
April  to  wind  up  your  business,  am  I  to  understand  that  you  wish  a  nomination  to 
the  Senate  for  that  purpose?  If  so,  be  pleased  to  intimate  it,  and  your  wish  will  be 
gratified. 

"  Please  present  me  kindly  to  your  amiable  lady  and  family  and  your  dear 
mother,  and  believe  me,  respectfully, 

"Your  friend,  ANDREW  JACKSON." 

JAMES  A.  HAMILTON  TO  PRESIDENT  JACKSON. 

"  NEW  YORK,  December  28,  1833." 

"  MY  DEAR  SIR  :  I  had  the  honor  yesterday  to  receive  your  very  flattering  and 
friendly  letter  of  the  24th  instant.  In  reply  to  that  part  of  it  in  which  you  express 
a  readiness  to  renominate  me,  I  feel  bound  frankly  to  say,  that  I  do  not  think  the 
object  (continuing  in  office  for  a  month  or  six  weeks  after  my  term  expires  to  wind 
up  the  business),  of  sufficient  importance  to  induce  such  a  measure,  and  as  I  could 
not  advise  it  to  be  done  in  the  case  of  another,  I  cannot  wish  it  in  my  own.  When 
I  intimated  a  disposition  to  continue  my  duties  until  the  end  of  the  April  term  of 
the  Circuit  Court,  I  was  influenced  merely  by  a  regard  for  the  public  interests, 
tinder  an  impression  that  the  suits  I  had  conducted,  and  particularly  those  I  had 
argued  with  success  in  the  Court  below,  would  be  better  tried  by  me  than  my  suc 
cessor,  and  that  this  could  be  done  by  my  holding  over.  The  same  end  can,  how 
ever,  be  attained  by  my  giving  him  my  assistance,  which  I  will  most  cheerfully  do. 

"  I  remain,  my  dear  sir,  with  the  truest  attachment,  your  friend,  &c. 

Before  my  resignation  was  sent  to  the  President,  I  addressed  a  letter  to 


268  REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON. 

Virgil  Maxcy,  Solicitor  of  the  Treasury,  requesting  him  to  inform  me  -whether 
there  was  a  charge  of  any  kind  against  me  on  his  records,  in  any  form  what 
ever ;  to  which  he  replied  that  there  was  no  claim  upon  me  whatever,  but  on 
the  contrary,  that  the  country  was  greatly  indebted  to  me  for  my  various  and 
most  useful  services. 


CHAPTER    VIII. 

FROM  JANUARY  1834,  TO  MARCH  1841. 

The  Bank  question — Views  of  President  Jackson — Projects  submitted — Letters  from 
Mr.  Van  Buren — President  Jackson  refuses  to  modify  his  plans — Efforts  to  aid 
the  Government — Attempt  to  assassinate  the  President — War  threatened — The 
great  fire  in  the  city  of  New  York — Account  of  the  way  in  which  it  was  arrested 
— Hirst  visit  to  Europe— Sketches  of  distinguished  people — A  visit  to  Talley 
rand. 

WILLIAM  B.  LEWIS  TO  COL.  JAMES  A.  HAMILTON. 

"  WASHINGTON,  January  25,  1834. 

"  MY  DEAR  COL.  :  You  requested  me  to  give  you  a  glimpse  of  matters  and  things 
in  Washington.  This  I  would  do  with  great  pleasure,  if  there  was  any  thing  here  of 
interest  or  worth  seeing,  that  you  will  not  find  in  the  papers  of  this  city.  There  is 
but  one  subject  at  this  time  which  engrosses  much  attention.  The  Bank  question 
absorbs  all  others,  and  will  continue  to  do  so  until  Congress  conies  to  some  decision 
in  relation  to  the  matter,  and  God  only  knows  when  that  will  be  the  case.  The  de 
bate  in  both  Houses  seems  interminable.  Many  speeches  have  been  made,  and  many 
more  have  been  prepared  and  are  in  preparation.  However,  I  think  we  have  noth 
ing  to  fear  from  a  fall  and  protracted  discussion  of  the  subject.  I  have  no  doubt  but 
we  are  stronger  in  the  House  now  than  we  were  at  its  commencement,  and  I  think 
we  are  still  gaining  strength.  The  present  impression  is,  that  in  the  House  there 
will  be  a  majority  on  the  final  vote,  of  not  less  than  twenty  in  favor  of  the  Adminis 
tration.  In  the  Senate,  it  is  conceded  the  majority  will  be  against  it.  The  rumor 
about  the  distinguished  individual  to  whom  you  refer,  and  the  President  being  en 
gaged  in  framing  a  charter  for  a  new  United  States  Bank,  is  utterly  destitute  of 
foundation.  The  President  has  had  no  conversation  with  that  gentleman  upon  the 
subject  of  a  new  Bank,  nor  is  he  willing  to  listen  even  to  any  proposition  from  any 
quarter  upon  that  subject,  until  the  question  now  pending  before  Congress  is  decided. 
It  will  then  become  the  duty,  perhaps,  of  Congress  to  legislate  upon  the  subject  as 
proposed  by  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  in  his  report  to  Congress. 

"  Truly  and  sincerely  yours,  &c." 

PRESIDENT  ANDREW  JACKSON  TO  JAMES  A.  HAMILTON. 

"WASHINGTON,  February  2,  1834. 

"  MY  DEAR  SIR  :  Yours  of  the  29th  ultimo  is  just  received,  with  your  views  on  a 
Bank.  I  cannot  concur  or  approve  your  plan.  We  have  begun  the  experiment  of 


270  REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON. 

testing  the  system  of  carrying  on  the  fiscal  operations  of  the  Government  through 
the  agency  of  State  Banks.  For  myself  I  am  determined  to  test  it,  and  have  no 
doubt  but  it  will  work  well  in  the  end,  and  give  a  more  uniform  currency  than  any 
United  States  or  National  Bank  ever  has,  or  can  do,  and  introduce  a  metallic  cur 
rency  throughout  the  Union  sufficient  for  the  laboring  class  by  putting  out  of  issue 
and  circulation  all  notes  under  twenty  dollars.  There  is  no  real  general  distress.  It 
is  only  with  those  who  live  by  borrowing,  trade  on  loans,  and  the  gamblers  in  stocks. 
It  would  be  a  godsend  to  society  if  all  such  were  put  down.  This  will  leave  capital 
to  be  employed  by  individuals  either  combined  or  otherwise  without  the  sanction  of 
Government,  and  leave  all  to  trade  on  their  own  credit  and  capital  without  any  in 
terference  by  the  general  Government;  except  using  its  power  by  giving  through  its 
mint  a  specie  currency,  and  by  its  legislation  a  standard  value  to  keep  the  coin  in  the 
country.  I  must  stop.  The  church  bells  are  ringing,  and  I  must  attend.  "With  my 
best  wishes,  adieu.  This  being  a  hasty  scrawl,  without  correction,  is  for  yonr  own 
eye. 

"  Yours,  &c." 

The  following  project  and  other  papers  are  referred  to  : 

BANKS. 

New  Relief  Bank  in  Scotland.  Ruined  by  over-issues  and  drawing  and  re 
drawing.  See  the  Wealth  of  Nations,  p.  59.  See  the  Wealth  of  Nations,  p.  56> 
as  to  the  effect  of  accommodation  paper.  P.  65,  Mr.  Law's  Mississippi  Scheme. 
See  M.  Duverney,  Extracts  of  Political  Reform  upon  Commerce  and  Finances. 
Ib.  p.  CG.  Bank  of  England  incorporated  by  Act  of  Parliament,  27th  July, 
1694.  It  advanced  to  Government  £1,200,000  for  an  annuity  of  £100,000  or 
£96,000  a  year  at  the  rate  of  8  per  cent,  and  £4,000  a  year  for  expenses  of 
management.  In  1697,  its  stock  was  increased  to  £1,100,171.10.  In  1696, 
thalers  had  been  40-50  and  60  per  cent,  discount,  and  bank-notes  20  per  cent, 
discount,  and  it  stopped  payment  during  the  recoinage.  1708.  In  pursuance  of 
7  Anne,  chapter  7,  it  paid  into  the  Exchequer  £400,000,  making  in  all  £1,600,- 
000  which  it  had  advanced  upon  its  annuity  of  £96,000  and  £4,000  for  expenses. 
By  same  Act  is  cancelled  Exchequer  bills  to  £1,775, 027, 217, 10-f  a  6$  and  was 
allowed  to  take  in  subscriptions  to  double  its  capital,  and  then  from  this  year 
its  capital  amounted  to  £4,402,343,  and  it  had  advanced  to  Government  the  sum 
of  £3,375,027-17,10£.  By  a  call  of  15$  in  1709  and  10|  in  1710,  the  stock  was 
made  about  £1,157,652  sterling.  In  pursuance  of  3d  George  I.,  chapter  8,  the 
Bank  delivered  up  £20,000,000  Exchequer  bills  to  be  cancelled,  making  its  ad 
vances  to  Government  £5, 375, 027-17. 10£.  In  pursuance  of  8  George  I.,  chap 
ter  21,  the  Bank  purchased  South  Sea  Company  Stock  to  £4,000,000 — total, 
£9,375,027-17,10.  1722. — It  took  in  subscriptions  to  enable  it  to  make  this 
purchase,  and  thus  increased  its  capital  by  £3,400,000  so  that  its  capital  was 
£8,959,995-14,8.  This  sum  less  than  its  advances.  1746.— In  this  year  it 
advanced  to  Government,  and  consequently  its  undivided  capital  amounted  to 
£11,686,800,  and  its  divided  capital,  or  debts  due  to  stockholders,  was  £10,780,- 


REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON.  271 

000.  In  4  George  III.,  chapter  25,  it  paid  to  Government  £110,000  for  a  renewal 
of  its  charter.  The  rate  of  interest  it  has  received  has  been  from  8  to  3  per 
cent.  For  some  years  past  its  dividends  have  been  5£$.  No  other  Banking 
Company  in  England  can  be  established  by  Act  of  Parliament,  or  consist  of 
more  than  six  persons. 

It  receives  and  pays  annuities  due  to  creditors. 

It  circulates  Exchequer  bills. 

It  advances  to  Government  the  annual  amount  of  the  land  and  malt  taxes, 
which  are  frequently  not  paid  till  years  afterward. 

BANKS  OF  DEPOSIT—THAT  OF  AMSTERDAM. 

The  credits  on  the  books  of  the  Bank  being  guaranteed  by  the  Government, 
were  always  equal  in  value  to  the  true  and  legal  standard  of  its  currency  ;  and 
better  than  the  ordinary  currency,  the  value  of  which  was  depreciated  by  its 
being  made  up  of  light  and  clipped  coin,  and  the  baser  coin  of  the  adjoining- 
countries.  The  difference  has  been  as  much  as  9  per  cent. 

In  1609,  the  Bank  of  Amsterdam  was  established  under  the  guarantees  of 
the  city.  It  received  foreign  and  light  coin  on  deposit  at  its  real  and  intrinsic 
value,  deducting  the  expense  of  coinage  and  management.  For  the  value,  after 
these  deductions,  it  gave  a  credit  on  its  Banks,  which  was  called  "Bank 
Money." 

All  bills  over  6,000  guilders  were  made  payable  in  "  Bank  Money,  and  con 
sequently  the  value  was  certain  ;  and  this  law  made  it  necessary  that  every 
merchant  should  have  a  credit  there  to  pay  his  foreign  bills ;  which  was  obtained 
by  making  a  deposit.  These  deposits  constituted  the  capital  5  ^  per  cent,  was 
paid  for  keeping  them  in  silver,  and  %  for  those  in  gold. 

NOTE. — This  paper  was  prepared  and  a  copy  sent  to  President  Jackson, 
that  he  might  be  informed  correctly  as  to  the  Bank  of  England.  A  memoir 
was  also  prepared  and  sent  to  him,  giving  a  brief  history  of  Banking  and  Bills 
of  Exchange,  from  the  beginning;  embracing  the  Bank  of  Genoa  and  Amster 
dam,  with  their  origin  and  functions.  This  was  done  because,  although  the 
President  talked  much  about  a  Bank  he  could  form  connected  with  the  Treas 
ury,  it  was  believed  he  had  very  little  knowledge  of  the  subject. 

PROJECT. 

A  project  to  establish  Offices  of  Deposit  to  assist  the  Fiscal  operations  of 
the  Government,  and  to  establish  a  uniform  currency : 

"1st.  Offices  of  deposit  shall  be  established  in  New  York,  Philadelphia,  &c., 
(selecting  such  places  on  the  sea-board  and  the  interior  as  are  most  convenient  for 
receiving  the  public  revenue),  and  such  other  places  as  Congress  may  from  time  to 
time  select. 

"  2d.  These  offices  shall  be  under  the  direction  of  five  Commissioners,  one  of  whom 
to  be  designated  as  President,  to  be  appointed  as  Congress  may  direct.  These  officers 


272  REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON. 

shall  be  appointed  for  one  year,  and  shall  not  be  appointed  longer  than  for  three 
years  in  succession. 

"  3d.  The  Commissioners  for  the  time  being  shall  have  power  to  appoint,  with 
the  approbation  of  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  a  Cashier  and  such  other  officers, 
clerks,  and  servants  under  them,  as  shall  be  necessary  for  executing  the  business  of 
the  said  office ;  and  to  allow  them  such  compensation,  with  the  assent  of  the  Secre 
tary  of  the  Treasury,  as  shall  for  the  services  respectively  be  reasonable :  and  shall 
be  capable  of  exercising  such  other  powers  and  authorities  for  the  well  governing 
and  ordering  of  the  said  officers,  as  shall  be  prescribed,  fixed,  and  determined  by  the 
laws,  regulations,  and  ordinances  of  the  said  office  of  deposit. 

u  4th.  The  Revenues  of  the  Government  of  the  United  States  shall  be  deposited 
in  these  offices,  to  be  held  by  the  said  Commissioners  in  trust  for  the  said  Govern 
ment,  or  to  the  credit  of  such  officers  thereof  as  Congress  may  direct. 

"5th.  The  said  Commissioners  of  the  said  offices  respectively  shall  furnish  the 
Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  from  time  to  time,  as  often  as  he  may  require,  not  exceed 
ing  once  a  week,  with  statements  of  the  amount  of  the  deposits  made  in  their  ofiices 
respectively ;  and  also  with  the  amount  of  notes  issued  by  them  respectively,  distin 
guishing  the  amounts  of  deposits  on  public  and  private  account,  the  amount  of  specie 
or  public  stock  on  hand ;  and  the  said  Secretary  shall  have  a  right  to  inspect  such 
general  accounts  on  the  books  of  the  Bank  as  shall  relate  to  such  statement ;  y>ro- 
vided  that  this  shall  not  be  construed  into  a  right  in  the  Commissioners  to  state  the 
names  and  amounts  of  individual  depositors,  or  in  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  to 
inspect  the  account  of  any  private  individuals  with  the  Bank. 

u  6th.  The  said  Commissioners  shall  receive  on  deposit,  and  hold  in  trust  to  the 
use  of  the  person  who  may  deposit  the  same,  any  sum  of  money  of  any  individual,  or 
individuals,  or  body  corporate,  and  give  the  depositor  credit  on  their  books  for  the 
same  in  gold  or  silver  coin  of  the  United  States,  or  in  gold  coin  of  Spain,  or  the  do 
minions  of  Spain,  at  the  rate  of  100  cents  for  every  28  grains,  and  sixty-hundredths 
of  a  grain  of  the  actual  weight  thereof,  or  in  other  gold  or  silver  coin,  at  the  several 
rates  prescribed  by  the  1st  Section  of  an  Act,  regulating  the  currency  of  foreign  coins, 
of  the  United  States,  passed  10th  April,  1806. 

"7th.  The  said  Commissioners  of  the  respective  offices  shall,  at  their  said  offices, 
redeliver  to  the  depositor,  upon  his  check,  the  amount  of  such  deposit,  in  goM  or 
silver  coin,  at  the  rate  above  mentioned ;  or  in  the  notes  of  the  said  office,  payable 
on  demand  in  like  coin,  deducting  from  the  amount  of  said  deposit  J  of  one  per  cent, 
for  the  safe-keeping  of  the  same. 

"8th.  Each  depositor  may,  upon  giving  notice  of  his  intention  to  leave  his  funds 
deposited  for  the  term  of  ninety  days,  receive  a  note  payable  at  the  end  of  that  period, 
with  interest  at  the  rate  of  —  per  cent,  per  annum ;  andif  the  said  note  shall  be  pre 
sented  for  payment,  and  paid  before  it  shall  have  become  due,  the  interest  shall  not, 
nor  shall  any  part  thereof  be  paid  thereon.  The  Commissioners  shall  be  at  liberty, 
upon  the  presentation  of  any  such  post  note  before  it  falls  due,  to  pay  the  same  or 
not,  as  the  interest  or  convenience  of  the  said  office  may  require.  If  any  post  note 
shall  not  be  presented  at  the  office  where  it  was  issued,  when  it  falls  due,  or  within 
three  days  thereafter,  the  interest  on  said  note  shall  not  be  computed  for  a  longer 
time  than  up  to  the  day  it  became  payable. 

"  9th.  The  said  Commissioners  may  issue  notes  upon  deposits  payable  on 
demand,  or  payable  at^the  end  of  ninety  days,  on  interest  as  is  above  stated,  but  no 


REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON.  273 

note  shall  be  issued  for  a  sum  less  than  five  dollars.  All  notes  issued  by  the  Com 
missioners  of  said  offices  respectively  shall  be  signed  by  the  President  and  Cashier 
of  such  office,  and  payable  to  bearer  at  their  offices  respectively. 

"  10th.  The  Commissioners  of  such  offices  respectively  may  from  time  to  time, 
under  the  direction  and  with  the  assent  of  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  invest  in 
the  public  stock  of  the  United  States,  or  of  the  several  States,  10  per  cent,  of  the  gross 
amount  of  the  deposits  made  in  their  respective  offices.  The  said  stock  to  be  held 
by  the  said  Commissioners  in  trust  to  pay  the  amount  of  the  said  deposits,  the  notes 
issued  thereon,  and  the  interest  to  accrue  on  such  of  the  said  notes  as  may  be  at 
interest,  as  is  hereinbefore  stated,  and  they  shall  receive  the  interest  or  dividends 
on  said  stock,  and  reinvest  the  same  in  other  public  stocks,  which  stock  shall  be  held 
by  the  said  Commissioners  in  trust  as  aforesaid. 

"  llth.  The  notes  or  bills  of  the  said  Commissioners,  originally  made  payable  on 
demand,  or  which  shall  have  been  payable  on  demand,  shall  be  receivable  in  all  pay 
ments  to  the  United  States  unless  otherwise  directed  by  Congress. 

"  12th.  The  said  Commissioners,  when  directed  by  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury, 
shall  give  the  necessary  facilities  for  transferring  the  public  funds  from  place  to  place 
within  the  United  States  or  the  Territories  thereof,  and  for  distributing  the  same  in 
payment  of  the  public  creditors,  and  shall  also  do  and  perform  the  several  and 
respective  duties  of  the  Commissioners  of  loans  for  the  several  States,  or  of  any  one 
or  more  of  them  when  required  by  law. 

"  13th.  Adopt  the  18th  and  19th  sections  of  the  Act  to  incorporate  the  Bank  of  the 
United  States,  passed  April  10,  1816  (see  Ingersoll's  Digest,  Edition  1821,  p.  93), 
allowing  them  so  as  to  make  them  conform  to  this  project. 

COLLECTION"  OF  PUBLIC  KEYENUE. 

"  14th.  All  bonds,*  contracts,  or  other  engagements  for  the  payment  of  money 
to  the  United  States,  as  well  as  all  money  received  by  any  of  its  officers  or  other 
persons  belonging  to  the  United  States,  shall  forthwith  and  without  delay  be  de 
posited  for  collection  or  safe  keeping  in  such  one  of  the  said  offices  as  shall  be  most 
convenient  to  the  said  officer  or  other  person  who  may  take  the  said  bonds,  &c.,  or 
collect  and  receive  the  said  moneys,  and  as  may  be  designated  for  that  purpose  by 
the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  the  Commissioner  of  the  Land  Office,  or  the  Agent 
of  the  Treasury. 

"  15th.  The  Collectors  of  the  several  ports  of  the  United  States  shall  daily  and 
every  day,  as  bonds  are  executed  to  secure  the  payment  of  duties  to  the  United  States, 
deposit  for  collection  copies  of  the  said  bonds  in  such  one  of  the  said  offices  of 
deposit  as  may  be  most  convenient  to  the  Custom  House  of  said  port,  and  as  shall 
be  designated  by  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  and  the  said  Collector  so  depositing 
the  said  bonds  shall  be  charged  with  the  same.  The  said  Collector  shall  also  daily 
and  every  day  deposit  in  the  said  office  all  sums  of  money  received  by  him  in  pay 
ment  of  duties,  or  on  deposit  to  secure  the  payment  of  duties,  and  all  sums  of  money 
received  by  him  for  fees,  fines,  penalties,  forfeitures,  or  otherwise  being  the  receipts 
of  his  said  office,  and  shall  be  charged  with  the  amount  of  the  same. 

"  16th.   The  said  Collector  who  shall  be  so  charged  with  the  said  bonds,  or  with 

*  The  duties  at  this  time  were  paid  by  bonds. 

18 


274  REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON. 

the  said  sums  of  money,  shall  be  discharged  from  the  amount  of  such  of  the  said 
bonds  as  shall  be  paid  whenever  he  shall  draw  for  the  same  to  the  credit  of  the 
Treasurer  of  the  United  States,  and  also  for  the  amount  of  such  of  the  said  bonds 
as  are  not  paid  whenever  they  are  transferred  to  the  account  of  the  District  Attor 
ney  of  the  United  States  in  manner  hereafter  mentioned.  And  the  said  Collector 
shall  be  credited  with  such  of  the  said  sums  of  money  so  deposited  as  aforesaid  by  and 
charged  to  him  as  he  shall  disburse  in  the  course  of  the  business,  or  expenses  of 
his  office,  and  as  he  shall  transfer  to  the  credit  of  the  Treasurer  of  the  United  States 
in  manner  hereafter  mentioned. 

u  17th.  All  payments  by  the  said  Collector  shall  be  made  upon  the  check  of  the 
Cashier  of  his  Custom  House,  countersigned  by  the  Collector  or  one  of  his  deputies, 
and  made  payable  to  the  order  of  the  person  receiving  the  same  ;  and  the  said  check 
shall  on  the  back  thereof  contain  a  brief  statement  of  the  account  for  which  the 
said  check  is  given ;  whether  for  a  return  of  deposits,  or  for  payment  of  salaries,  or 
other  expenses. 

u  18th.  Whenever  any  such  bond  or  bonds  shall  remain  unpaid  on  the  day  it 
falls  due,  it  shall  be  the  duty  of  the  said  Commissioner  to  cause  a  copy  of  said  bond  or 
bonds,  as  soon  after  the  said  office  shall  be  closed  as  may  be,  to  be  sent  to  the  office  of 
the  District  Attorney  of  the  United  States  for  the  said  district,  and  charge  him  with 
the  same  in  account  with  the  said  bank,  and  the  said  District  Attorney  shall  forthwith 
put  the  said  bond  in  suit,  and  prosecute  the  same  with  effect ;  and  the  said  Attorney 
shall  be  discharged  from  the  amount  of  the  said  bonds  so  charged  against  him,  or 
such  parts  thereof  as  shall  be  paid,  and  for  the  residue  thereof  whenever  he  shall 
deposit  in  the  said  bank  a  certificate  of  the  Clerk  of  the  District  Court  of  the  dis 
trict  to  which  he  is  appointed,  that  a  judgment  has  been  recovered  on  such  bond, 
and  that  an  execution  has  been  issued  therein  against  the  property  of  the  defendant, 
against  whom  the  the  said  judgment  is  entered,  together  with  the  certificate  of  the 
Marshal  of  the  said  or  any  other  district,  that  he  has  received  such  execution  from 
the  said  Attorney,  or  if  none  of  the  parties  to  the  said  bonds  or  their  representa 
tives  are  found  by  the  said  Marshal,  the  said  District  Attorney  shall  be  discharged 
from  the  amount  of  said  bonds  whenever  he  shall  deposit  in  the  said  Bank  a  certi 
ficate  of  the  Clerk  of  said  Court  that  a  writ  has  been  returned  non  est  inventus. 
The  District  Attorney  shall  be  paid  his  costs  in  such  suits  to  be  taxed  by  the  Judge 
of  the  Court  in  which  the  same  is  instituted  by  the  Collector  by  whom  the  said 
bond  was  taken,  whenever  he  shall  be  discharged  from  the  amount  of  any  of  the 
bonds  so  charged  against  him,  provided  the  said  costs  have  not  been  paid  by  the 
defendants  in  the  said  suits. 

"19th.  The  Marshal  who  shall  receive  the  said  execution  from  the  District  At 
torney  shall  be  charged  with  the  amount  directed  to  be  levied  thereupon,  and  shall 
be  discharged  from  the  same  by  payment  into  the  said  office  of  deposit  the  amount 
collected  by  him  on  the  said  execution,  or  upon  depositing  in  the  said  office  of 
deposit  a  certificate  of  the  Clerk  of  said  Court  and  of  the  said  District  Attorney, 
that  the  said  execution  has  been  returned  unsatisfied. 

'-  20th.  All  further  proceedings  for  the  purpose  of  recovering  the  amount  due 
upon  the  said  bojhds  or  judgments,  must  be  upon  a  case  submitted  to  the  Agent  of 
the  Treasury,  and  by  his  direction. 

U21st.  The  receivers  of  moneys  for  the  sale  of  lands  must  be  required  to  make 
deposits,  &c.,-but  not  being  sufficiently  acquainted  therewith,  I  omit  remark.  " 


REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON.  275 

Notes  explanatory  of  the  above  were  sent  with  the  Project. 

u  1st.  The  offices  are  independent  of  eacli  otficr.  These  offices  are  rendered  distinct 
and  independent  of  each  other,  because  there  does  not  arise  out  of  their  formation 
or  purposes  an  indispensable  connection.  When  the  funds  of  the  Government  are 
transferred  by  either  to  another,  such  funds  will  be  received  as  a  deposit ;  and  so 
carried  to  the  credit  of  the  officer  of  the  Government  to  whose  Department  they 
belong ;  and  the  transfer  will  be  made  in  money  of  standard  value  or  notes  converti 
ble  into  such  money.  If  notes  issued  upon  private  deposits,  they  will  be  received 
in  any  of  the  offices  in  payment  of  debts  to  the  Government,  and  may  be  re-issued 
for  public  purposes,  but  there  will  not  be  an  indispensable  obligation  to  pay  them 
at  any  other  office  than  that  whence  they  originated.  If  those  issued  at  New 
Orleans  are  carried  into  Ohio,  and  then  carried  to  the  Bank  or  Office  of  Deposit  in 
payment  of  a  debt  due  to  the  Government  for  land,  they  will  be  received,  and  the 
Government  will  disburse  those  funds  there;  or  the  office  there  having  these  notes, 
will  be  enabled  to  draw  through  the  office  at  Ne\v  York,  or  any  other  office,  upon 
New  Orleans,  or  through  New  Orleans  upon  New  York,  as  the  exigencies  of  the 
Government  or  the  course  of  Exchange  may  require.  Or  if  the  planter  of  Tennessee 
receives  for  his  cotton  the  notes  of  the  office  at  New  Orleans,  and  with  these  pajs 
his  dobt  t'>  his  merchant  or  to  the  Government  at  home,  these  notes  may  be  trans 
ferred  by  the  merchant  who  obtains  his  goods  at  New  York,  Baltimore,  or  Philadel 
phia  to  either  of  these  places,  and  then  the  shipper  at  such  place  who  purchases 
and  sends  the  cotton  from  New  Orleans  to  Europe  or  brings  it  to  New  York  or  for 
the  manufacturers  will  seek  these  notes,  as  a  convenient  means  for  paying  his  debt 
at  New  Orleans,  and  thus  the  currency  or  exchanges  between  the  different  parts  of 
the  country,  s>>  far  as  the  operations  of  those  offices  extend,  will  be  sound,  and  as 
equ  ;1  as  it  ever  can  be  ;  being  subject  always  to  those  differences  of  exchange  which 
depend  upon  demand  and  supply,  or  the  relation  of  Debtor  and  Creditor. 

"  As  there  is  no  necessary  connection,  so  there  is  no  dependence  of  one  of  these 
offices  upon  any  other.  Therefore,  and  for  various  other  very  cogent  reasons,  the 
officers  of  what  in  the  present  bank  are  deemed  branches,  are  not  to  be  appointed  by 
a  Principal  office;  but  all  are  alike  selected  by,  and  dependent  upon,  the  Government 
and  its  agents,  consequently  the  deep  local  jealousies  excited  by  the  present  system 
will  happily  be  avoided.  The  number  of  Commissioners  is  limited  to  five,  because 
a  greater  number  is  unnecessary  discreetly  to  manage  the  affairs  of  the  offices, 
and  a  less  number  might  not  bo  safe.  These  officers  ought  to  be  paid  (except  the 
President,  who  should  be  amply  compensated  for  the  employment  of  his  whole  time) 
a  slight  remuneration  for  their  services  out  of  the  profits  of  the  office.  To  avoid 
this  expense  in  part,  I  have  supposed  it  might  be  considered  proper  to  make  the 
Judg3  of  the  District,  the  District  Attorney,  and  the  Collector,  or  one  or  two  of  these 
officers,  directors  ex-officio ;  of  which  an  additional  advantage  "would  be  that  the 
District  Judge,  being  permanent,  would  acquire  and  carry  along  in  the  administra 
tion  of  its  affairs  that  knowledge  from  experience,  which  is  so  important  to  an 
enlightened  discharge  of  these  duties;  and  the  ground  for  clamor  which  must 
bo  expected  to  be  raised  against  this  plan,  from  the  extended  patronage  and  power 
of  the  Government,  through  these  appointments,  would  be  removed. 

"  If  the  Commissioners  had  the  power  to  make  loans  or  discounts,  the  strongest 
and  most  obvious  reasons  would  require  that  the  number  should  be  far  greater 


276  REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON. 

The  managers  of  such  an  institution  should  not  only  be  numerous,  but  they  should 
be  engaged  in  business,  as  merchants  or  traders — in  order  that,  by  the  extended 
sphere  of  their  intercourse  with  the  mercantile  community,  they  might  bring  to  the 
Board  of  Directors  an  intimate  and  correct  knowledge  of  the  business  affairs  and 
character  of  their  dealers,  and  of  the  course  of  the  business  of  the  country;  whereas, 
in  such  an  institution  as  this,  where  nothing  is  trusted,  where  all  dealers  are 
received  alike,  none  can  from  any  circumstances  be  entitled  to  a  preference,  or  be 
objects  of  suspicion. 

u  The  course  of  the  business  of  these  officers  would  require  these  managers  also 
to  be  informed  of  the  situation  of  the  public  stocks,  and  as  far  as  anticipations 
could  safely  be  relied  upon,  of  its  probable  future  value,  in  order  that  the  investments 
they  are  authorized  to  make  might  be  judicious ;  further  than  this  the  business  of 
these  officers  would  be  almost  merely  clerical.  The  6th,  8th,  and  9th  Articles  refer 
to  deposits  by  individuals ;  interest,  and  deposit  fee.  The  deposits  by  individuals 
is  authorized  in  order  to  create  a  currency  of  a  sound  character,  and  thus  generally 
to  benefit  the  community ;  but  coupled  with  the  provisions  of  the  8th  Article,  it 
will  be  of  infinite  value  as  a  security  to  all  classes  of  the  community,  as  well  the 
large  and  small  dealers  as  the  thrifty  poor.  The  danger  of  loss  to  those  who  keep 
their  funds  locked  up  at  home  is  great  not  only  from  fire  or  theft,  but  because  being 
within  reach  and  idle  the  possessor  is  induced  to  expend  more  liberally  in  his 
pleasures  or  his  household  than  he  would  do  if  his  means  were  at  interest ;  he  is 
also,  by  having  his  funds  in  his  hands,  induced  more  readily  to  yield  to  the  applica 
tion  of  his  friends  for  temporary  loans  ;  or  to  engage  in  speculation.  Whereas,  if 
he  has  a  safe  and  advantageous  place  of  deposit,  of  ready  resort,  and  from  which 
he  can  draw  his  money  at  any  time  his  own  interest  dictates,  it  will  not  be  exposed 
to  the  dangers  to  which  I  have  referred,  all  of  which,  except  the  loss  by  fire  or  theft, 
in  a  limited  degree  attend  deposits  without  interest  in  ordinary  banks.  Persons 
who  are  under  the  necessity  of  collecting  and  accumulating  their  gains  in  order  to 
meet  engagements  at  given  periods,  will  make  their  deposits  at  interest,  and  will 
give  the  notice  required,  because  they  will  find  that  they  can  at  any  time  sell  the 
pest  note  at  interest  to  the  amount  stipulated  to  be  paid  by  it,  together  with  a  great 
part  of  the  interest,  whenever  they  may  require  their  funds  in  order  to  meet  their 
'engagements.  The  same  course  will  be  pursued  by  those  who  live  upon  other 
means,  and  those  who  are  under  the  necessity  of  keeping  funds  to  be  invested  in 
their  business,  whenever  the  state  of  the  market  or  the  course  of  their  proceedings 
may  require  them  to  use  their  funds.  Indeed,  a  course  of  most  obvious  reasoning, 
founded  upon  the  ready  convertibility  of  these  post  notes  into  money,  the  absolute 
security  and  these  being  at  interest,  renders  it  manifest  that  most  if  not  all  the 
deposits  willbe  made  for  ninety  days,  at  least ;  and  that  these  notes  will  form  a  very 
large  portion  of  the  circulating  medium,  provided  "the  warehouse  rent"  or  amount 
for  safe  keeping  paid  on  depositing  or  renewal  is  not  too  high ;  and  the  interest 
allowed  is  not  so  low  as  to  take  away  almost  all  the  profit. 

"  Let  us  test  the  truth  of  this  position  by  a  practical  illustration :  A,  a  retail 
dealer,  who  has  a  note  to  pay  at  another  bank  of  2,000  dollars  on  a  particular  day, 
say  thirty  days  in  advance,  receives  from  his  business  or  his  debtors  that  sum  of 
money ;  as  he  cannot  invest  it  in  stocks,  because  of  the  fluctuations,  or  in  merchandise, 
because  by  being  compelled  to  sell  at  a  given  period,  he  may  sustain  a  loss,  he  can 
not  loan  it  to  his  friend,  because  he  thus  incurs  the  risk  of  that  friend's  solvency 


REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON.  277 

and  impunctuality.  At  present,  it  is  deposited  in  a  bank  where  it  is  profitably  used, 
or  lie  keeps  it  nt  home  incurring  all  the  risks  to  which  I  have  referred.  But  should 
these  offices  be  established,  he  will  deposit  his  money  at  interest,  pay  the  fee  on 
depositing  it,  take  the  post  note,  and  when  the  time  arrives  at  which  he  must  use 
his  money  he  will  sell  or  exchange  the  note  for  the  principal  thereof,  and  the 
interest  which  may  have  accrued  thereon,  for  thirty  days. 

"  Or  this  dealer,  instead  of  being  a  depositor,  will,  to  avoid  the  fee  on  deposit 
purchase  a  note  which  has  a  sufficient  length  of  time  to  run  to  meet  his  engagement, 
and  the  interest  he  pays  in  addition  to  the  principal  for  the  note  on  which  he  will 
not  receive  interest,  will  be  compensated  by  his  not  paying  the  deposit  fee.  These 
notes  will  always  bear  a  price  in  market  so  precisely  equal  to  their  intrinsic  value, 
which  will  be  greater  than  specie,  that  they  will  never  be  presented  for  payment 
until  they  become  due,  and  thus  they  will  take  the  place  of  all  notes  not  of  equal 
security  and  bearing  an  equal  rate  of  interest ;  and  to  obtain  which  an  equal  sum 
is  paid  upon  their  first  issue.  And  thus  it  is  most  probable,  that  the  rule  requiring 
notice  to  be  given  of  an  intention  to  leave  the  deposit  in  bank  for  the  required 
period  will  be  almost  nugatory. 

"  The  notice  is,  however,  required  to  be  given,  in  order  to  authorize  the  com 
missions  without  the  risk  of  being  unable  to  meet  their  engagements,  to  invest  the 
amounts  deposited  in  stocks,  and  upon  advantageous  terms,  for  it  is  by  such  invest 
ments  that  they  are  to  be  enabled  to  pay  the  interest  upon  deposits.  But  as  it  is 
not  intended  that  the  profits  arising  from  the  deposit  fee  on  the  surplus  interest 
should  be  a  source  of  revenue  to  the  Government,  the  amount  of  the  fee  will  be 
made  as  low,  and  the  rate  of  interest  as  high,  as  can  be  consistently  with  the  pay 
ment  of  the  expenses  of  the  several  Institutions. 

"  But  as  the  dividends  on  stocks  purchased  by  the  Commissioners  will  not  be 
payable  except  at  stated  periods,  and  as  the  interest  or  deposits  will  become  due 
and  payable  or  be  reinvested  every  day,  the  offices  will  be  required  to  pny  com 
pound  when  they  will  only  receive  simple  interest,  and  as  the  offices  mny  be  re 
quired  to  purchase  stocks  at  a  premium,  and  mny  not  receive  more  than  par,  or 
sell  them  at  a  depreciation,  and  thus  incur  a  loss,  it  is  necessary  in  regulating  the 
rate  of  interest  to  be  paid  on  the  notes  to  take  these  suggestions  into  view,  in 
regulating  the  rate  of  interest  and  deposit  fee. 

"  Wth.  Power  to  Commissioners  to  invest  in  stoclcsper  cent,  of  gross  receipts.  This 
power  is  given  to  the  Commissioners  in  order  to  enable  them  to  meet  the  expenses 
of  these  Institutions,  and  to  pay  the  interest  on  deposits.  There  can  be  no  danger 
that  from  this  provision  the  Bank  will  be  unable  to  meet  its  engagements.  The 
Government  deposits  will  probably  amount  to  twenty-five  millions;  10  per  cent,  on 
that  will  be  two  and  a  half  millions,  which  is  not  more  than  one  half  of  the 
surplus  which  has  remained  in  the  Treasury  for  the  last  five  years,  and  will  not  be 
greater;  this  will  remain  unappropriated  during  the  continuance  of  peace;  this, 
therefore,  is  a  fund  always  at  hand  to  meet  a  pressure,  if  one  could  possibly  happen, 
and  the  interest  on  this  two  and  one  half  millions,  supposing  there  are  DO  individual 
deposits  that  are  not  at  interest  at  4£  per  cent.,  will  yield  a  sum  of  at  least  100,000 
dollar^  per  annum,  to  meet  expenses  and  interest  on  deposits.  In  addition,  it  may 
be  fairly  inferred  that  a  considerable  number  of  the  notes  not  at  interest,  will  be 
kept  in  circulation;  such  notes  will  be  issued  on  all  payments  by  the  Government,, 
and  also  notes  at  interest,  owing  to  inattention  or  from  their  having  wandered  too 


278  REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON. 

far  from  home^ frequently  and  for  a  considerable  length  of  time  remain  past  due, 
and  will  not  consequently  draw  interest,  while  others  will  be  lost  and  destroyed. 
These  are  circumstances  that  may  fairly  be  calculated  upon  as  affording  a  reasonable 
presumption  that  no  evil  or  inconvenience  can  result  from  this  proposed  investment 
often  per  cent,  of  the  gross  receipts;  or  from  the  payment  of  interest  on  deposits 
at  3xf ,  should  it  extend  even  to  the  whole  amount  of  the  deposits  made  by  individuals. 

"An  objection  may  be  made  that  these  investments  are  hazardous,  because  the 
Stocks  of  the  United  States  are  fast  diminishing,  and  will  shortly  altogether  cease 
to  be  a  means  of  investment,  when  resort  must  be  had  to  the  Stock  of  the  States. 
In  answer  to  this,  it  may  be  said  that,  whenever  the  means  of  secure  and  profitable 
investments  cease,  the  offices  will  cease  receiving  deposits  on  interest,  at:d  will  be 
restrained  from  making  investments;  but  although  the  Stocks  of  the  United  States 
should  he  paid  off,  assuredly  those  of  some  of  the  States,  will  afford  appropriate 
sources  of  investments,  and  it  is  believed  they  will  continue  to  exist  for  an  indefinite 
period  of  time.  The  amount  of  investments,  the  kind  of  stock,  whether  United 
States  or  States,  and  which  of  the  States,  as  well  as  the  rate  at  which  they  are  to  be 
purchased,  are  all  subject  to  the  determinations  of  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury ; 
while  the  character  of  the  Commissioners,  and  their  continuance  in.  office,  which 
will  depend  upon  the  faithful  and  prudent  execution  of  their  trusts,  affords  some 
security  to  the  public. 

"The  simplicity  of  this  machine,  is  such  as  always  to  enable  the  Government 
to  supervise  and  control  its  operaiions.  Its  actual  state  is  so  readily  ascertained ; 
the  amount  of  specie,  and  of  stock  on  hand,  and  the  amount  of  debts  of  the  offices 
are  susceptible  of  immediate  and  precise  ascertainment,  and  in  this  respect  this 
Project  differs  most  widely  from  a  Bank  of  Discount  whose  situation  mu>t  always 
depend  upon  the  solvency  of  its  debtors,  and  is,  therefore,  if  its  business  has 
approached  the  limit  of  its  ability,  always  uncertain  to  say  the  limit  of  it. 

"  \\th.  Collection  of  the  public  revenue. — 1st.  The  provisions  to  this  end  are 
governed  by  a  conviction  that  no  part  of  the  revenue  should  remain  a  moment  in 
the  possession  of  the  receiver  of  it,  or  subject  to  his  control  further  than  may  be 
necessary  to  meet  lawful  and  current  disbursements;  and  particularly  that  he  should 
not  have  the  power  of  mingling  them  with  his  own  funds,  and  thus,  under  the 
allurement  of  even  the  best  founded  expectations  of  returning  them,  be  indue,  d  to 
lend  them  to  others  or  to  employ  them  himself. 

"2d.  All  Duty  Bonds  are  required  to  be  deposited,  and  thus,  if  they  a"e  paid, 
as  is  sometimes  the  case,  before  they  become  due,  as  well  as  when  they  arrive  at 
maturity,  the  money  is  paid  into  the  bank,  and  there  fixed  beyond  the  control  of 
the  collector  or  his  agents:  again,  when  the  bonds  lay  over  unpaiil  at  maturity,  by 
being  immediately  charged  against  the  District  Attorney,  the  Collector  or  his 
Cashier  cannot  receive  a  gratuity  for  forbearing  to  put.  them  in  suit,  or  receive  a 
check  payable  at  a  future  day,  as  they  might  now  do;  they  are  beyond  his  control ; 
and  another  officer  receives  them,  whose  ii.ttrest  as  well  as  duty  it  is  immediately 
to  put  them  in  suit,  and  perhaps  there  might  be  properly  added  an  article  requiring 
the  District  Attorney  to  make  weekly  reports  of  all  suits  instituted  on  Bonds,  and 
the  Marshal  to  make  a  like  return  of  all  writs  received  by  him ;  and  thus  the  one 
would  he  a  check  upon  the  other,  while  the  weekly  returns  of  the  Bank  of  the 
Bonds  paid,  or  those  put  in  suit,  would  be  a  test  of  the  accuracy  of  the  Collector, 
District  Attorney,  and  Marshal. 


REMINISCENCES  OF  JAMES  A.  HAMILTON.         279 

u  As  soon  as  a  bond  lays  over,  the  duties  of  the  Collector  in  regard  to  it  cease, 
nnd  those  of  another  officer  begin;  and  the  one  ought,  therefore,  to' be  discharged, 
and  the  other  charged  with  its  amount,  and  as  soon  as  there  is  judgment  recorded 
and  execution  issued,  the  duties  of  another  officer  (the  Marshal)  commence,  and  he 
is  then  chargeable  with  the  amount.  In  this  way,  the  Government  will  secure  the 
most  prompt  and  efficient  measures  to  obtain  judgment  and  executions,  and  after 
executions  to  obtain  whatever  amount  can  be  raised  out  of  the  property  of  the 
debtors,  or  the  best  evidence  that  he  has  no  property.  A  very  large  amount  of 
money  in  some  of  the  collective  districts  is  received  daily  for  duties  and  fees,  and 
on  deposit  this  money  is  subject  to  the  control  of  the  Cashier  or  Collector,  and  may 
bo  carried  by  either  of  them  under  the  present  system  to  their  private  account,  and 
thus  be  held  by  them  or  mingled  with  their  own  funds.  And  they  ought,  in  order 
to  avoid  the  evils  and  temptations  consequent  upon  such  a  state  of  things,  be  required 
to  return  every  day,  as  soon  as  the  Custom  House  closes,  to  the  Bank  the  amount 
received,  with  a  copy  of  the  entries  of  such  receipts.  The  returns  required  to  he 
made  by  the  Collector  could  be  tested  at  the  Treasury  by  those  required  to 
be  made  by  these  offices — and  thus  as  much  fidelity  and  accuracy  would  be  obtained 
as  is  practicable.  It  is  hardly  necessary  for  me  to  add  that  these  suggestions  are 
not  made  in  order  to  correct  known  evils,  but  that  they  are  drawn  from  that  course 
of  reflection  which  naturally  results  from  the  fallibility  of  man,  and  the  frauds  which 
history  toadies  us  all  governments  have  been  exposed  to. 

IT.  DISBURSEMENT  OF  PUBLIC  MONEYS. 

"Under  the  present  system,  or  rather  from  the  want  of  Legislative  regulations 
the  disbursing  officers  receive  the  public  funds  upon  the  warrant  of  the  Treasury, 
or  the  check  of  the  Treasurer;  and  they  carry  them  to  their  private  accounts  if  de 
posited  at  all,  or  they  keep  them  by  them.  Both  courses  are  irregular,  and  ought 
to  be  changed.  Public  funds  ought  always  to  be  carried  to  the  credit  of  the  dis 
bursing  officer  in  his  official  character,  and  those  accounts  with  the  Banks  in  which 
they  are  kept  ought  always  to  be  open  to  the  inspection  of  the  officers  of  the  Depart 
ment  to  which  such  disbursing  officer  is  accountable  ;  nay,  more,  the  Bank  in  which 
the  deposit  is  made  ought  to  be  designated,  and  copies  of  the  accounts  of  such  officers 
ought  to  be  rendered  to  the  Treasury  at  given  periods,  and  all  checks  which  are 
paid  ought,  whenever  the  officer's  account  is  balanced  in  his  Bank  book,  to  be  re 
turned  to  the  Department  or  officer  at  Washington  who  settles  his  account  as  a 
check  upon  his  vouchers.  In  addition,  no  public  moneys  ought  to  be  drawn  by  a 
disbursing  officer  from  the  place  of  deposit,  except  on  a  check  payable  to  the  order 
of  the  person  to  whom  it  is  given,  having  on  the  back  of  it  a  short  receipt  for  the 
money.  The  consequence  of  these  regulations  will  be  that,  in  ordinary  times,  no 
officer  will  be  a  defaulter,  except  so  far  as  his  vouchers  may  be  irregular,  or  through 
mistake  he  may  have  misapplied  his  funds  by  paying  on  account  which  does  not 
come  within  his  sphere  of  duties. 

''January,  1834.  JAMES  A.  HAMILTON." 

These  efforts  to  enlighten  the  President,  made  at  his  request,  were  wholly 
unavailing.  He  had  determined,  before  he  came  to  Washington,  to  destroy  the 
Bank  of  the  United  States;  and  after  that  was  done  to  use  the  State  Banks  as 


280  REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES  A.  HAMILTON. 

the  fiscal  agents  of  the  Government.     The  result  was  a  most  disastrous  infla- 

o 

tion  of  the  currency,  reckless  speculation,  and  the  extended  ruin  of  1837. 

MARTIN  VAN  BUREN  TO   JAMES  A.  HAMILTON. 

"WASHINGTON,  February  11,  1834. 

uMy  DEAR  SIR  :  The  extreme  pressure  of  my  avocations  has  hitherto  prevented 
me  from  saying  what  I  ought  long  since  to  have  done,  that  I  appreciate  aright  your 
motives  in  the  letter  you  have  written  me  upon  the  subject  of  the  removals,  &c. ;  and 
that  although  we  may  not  agree  upon  all  points,  I  shall  never  think  otherwise  than 
well  of  your  disposition  and  intentions.  The  President  informed  me  some  days  since 
that  he  had  written  you ;  and  you  will  see  by  the  Globe  of  this  morning  a  repetition 
of  his  views.  The  times  will  be  hard,  and  the  struggle  a  great  one  ;  but  the  patriot 
ism  and  fortitude  of  the  people  will  triumph  over  all  obstacles.  Be  sure  of  it. 

"Yours  truly,  in  haste,  &c." 

WILLIAM  B.  LEWIS  TO  COL.  JAMES  A.  HAMILTON. 

"  WASHINGTON,  February  18,  1834. 

"MY  DEAR  COLONEL:  I  have  been  trying,  for  the  last  three  days,  to  acknowledge 
the  receipt  of  yours  of  the  10th  instant,  without  being  able  to  do  so,  and  have  time 
only  now  to  say  a  very  few  words.  In  the  first  place,  then,  there  is  no  truth  in  the 
report  that  Mr.  McLane  is  going  out  of  office.  He  has  no  intention  of  resigning,  I 
am  sure;  and  I  am  equally  certain  that  the  President  does  not  wish  him  to  resign. 
Harmony  and  good  feeling  exist  in  the  Cabinet,  and  the  President's  confidence  in  its 
members  individually  is  undiminished.  In  the  next  place,  the  President  will  not 
listen  to  any  proposition  with  regard  to  a  new  Bank,  any  more  than  he  will  to  the 
renewal  of  the  charter  of  the  present  Bank.  He  is  determined  to  try  the  State  Banks 
as  fiscal  agents.  If  the  Government  cannot  get  along  with  them,  he  says  it  will  then 
be  time  enough  to  charter  another  United  States  Bank.  I  think  your  suggestions 
with  regard  to  some  plan,  in  case  the  local  Banks  will  not  answer,  is  marked 
with  sound  discretion,  and  entitled  to  much  weight.  An  able  general  never  goes 
into  battle  without  providing  the  means  of  a  safe  retreat  in  case  he  should  fail  in 
beating  his  enemy. 

"Yours  sincerely,  &c." 

MONEY  EAISED  TO  SUCCOK  THE  POST  OFFICE  DEPAKTMENT. 

Having  been  informed  that  Major  Barry,  the  Post-Master  General,  was 
much  distressed  for  want  of  means  to  carry  on  his  Department,  I  addressed  a 
letter  to  him  on  the  13th  March,  1834,  offering,  provided  the  President  should 
approve  of  my  doing  so,  to  raise  for  him  as  much  money  as  he  required. 

On  the  15th  March,  he  wrote  to  me  thus  : 

"I  have  received  your  very  kind  letter  of  the  13th  instant.  Have  prepared  and 
forwarded  several  bills,  say  $5,000  each,  to  the  amount  of  $50,000,  to  Col.  James  Ree- 
side,  to  be  signed  by  him  on  the  Post  Office  Department,  payable  to  your  order, 
which  I  have  had  accepted,  with  a  request  that  Col.  Reeside  will  repair  at  once  to 
New  York  and  see  you  on  the  subject.  .  This,  if  the  matter  can  be  arranged,  will  be 


REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON.  281 

of  signal  service  to  the  Department,  and  enable  it  to  rub  through    the  present 
pressure.     *     * 

"  The  President  sent  your  letter  to  him  to  me,  and  duly  appreciates  the  noble  offer 
you  make.  It  has  made  an  indelible  impression  on  the  mind  and  heart  of  your  sin 
cere  and  grateful  friend 

"  W.  T.  BARRY." 

JAMES  A.  HAMILTON  TO  THE  Hox.  "W.   T.  BARRY,  Post-Master  General. 

"  NEW  YORK,  March  25,  1834. 

"  DEAR  SIR  :  In  my  endeavors  to  raise  funds  required  on  the  drafts  furnished  by 
Mr.  Reeside,  I  found  that  they  were  discredited  by  the  Banks,  and  generally  with 
individuals.  I,  therefore,  except  as  to  one  which  I  cashed  myself,  substituted  my 
own  notes,  secured  by  *  New  York  Life  Insurance  and  Trust  Company  Stock.'  The 
particulars  of  these  operations  are  as  follows : 

"1.  My  note  for  $5,000,  dated  March  19,  payable  on  the 
22d  May  next,  discounted  at  the  Bank  of  New  York. 

Proceeds $  4,947  40 

"  2.  My  note  to  Mr.  At  water,  dated  19th  March,  for  $20,000, 
payable  in  four  months,  with  interest  on  the  face  of 
the  note  at  the  rate  of  6$  per  annum.  Prime,  Ward 

&  King — proceeds  at  that  rate  of  interest 19,590  14 

NOTE. — 1  paid,  in  addition  to  the  above  rate  of  interest, 
the  sum  of  $050,  being  3^  for  usury,  J$  for  bro 
kerage.  This  amount  Mr.  Gouverneur,  P.  M.,  has 
agreed  to  pay  me. 

"3.  Mr.  Eeeside's  draft,  dated  15th  March,  for  $5,000, 
payable  loth  May  next,  discounted  at  the  Manhattan 

Bank.     Proceeds 4,947  40 

"  4.  My  note  for  $5,000,  dated  24th  March,  @,  60  days,  dis 
counted  at  the  Manhattan  Bank.  Proceeds 4,947  50 

Total  a'nount  subject  to  your  order,  as  per  former 

letter $34,432  44 

"I  will  deposit  the  drafts  I  hold  for  collection,  or  substitute  others  you  may  fur 
nish,  corresponding  with  the  days  of  payment  of  my  notes,  as  you  please.  The  only 
point  of  interest  with  me  is,  that  my  stock  should  not,  by  a  failure  of  punctual  pay 
ment,  be  subjected  to  a  sale,  as  I  should  thus  incur  a  loss  of  several  thousand  dollars. 

"Your friend,  &c." 

THE  HON.  W.  T.  BARRY  TO  JAMES  A.  HAMILTON. 

"April  12,  1834. 

"DEAR  SIR:  From  some  queries  made  by  the  Examining  Committee  in  relation 
to  Loans  of  the  Post  Office  Department,  I  am  satisfied  that  by  some  means  they  are 
informed  of  your  agency,  &c.,  &c.  I  have  left  all  the  matters  entirely  in  the  hands 
of  Mr.  Gouverneur,  P.  M.,  and  can  know  nothing  of  his  and  your  arrangements,  as 
to  terms,  &c.,  &c.  I  hold  the  Department  bound  to  guarantee  whatever  Mr.  Gou 
verneur  stipulates  for,  as  he  acts  upon  full  authority,  and  has  my  entire  confidence. 

"Sincerely  &  truly  yours." 

This  effort  to  assist  a  member  of  the  administration,  gave  me  much  trouble 


282  REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES'  A.  HAMILTON. 

and  some  vexation,  at  the  hazard  of  serious  pecuniary  loss.  The  loans  I  made 
to  obtain  funds,  were  required  to  be  renewed  from  time  to  time.  I  was  drawn 
into  a  correspondence  which  commenced  in  1834,  was  extended  to  1838,  and 
embraced  over  forty  letters.  It  is  quite  unnecessary  to  say  that  I  was,  in  no 
manner  whatever,  benefitted  by  it.  The  books  of  account  of  that  department 
were  so  defective  that,  when  Mr.  Kendall  went  into  the  office  of  Post-Master 
General,  I  was  called  upon  by  him  to  make  a  statement  of  the  transaction, 
which  I  did  in  a  letter  now  before  me,  addressed  to  Amos  Kendall,  Post-Mas 
ter  General,  dated  March  2,  1836,  and  another  to  the  same,  dated  the  22d  of 
the  same  month. 

WILLIAM  13.  LEWIS  TO  COL.  JAMES  A.  HAMILTON. 

"  WASHINGTON,  March  30,  1834. 

"Mr  DEAR  COL.:  I  am  glad  you  intend  exerting  yourself  at  your  charter  election. 
Your  services  are  due  to  the  Old  Chief,  who  has  always  been  your  friend,  if  not  to 
others.  This  is  his  last  and  greatest  struggle,  and  we  should  neither  desert  him,  nor 
even  be  lukewarm  in  this,  his  greatest  need.  If  he  succeeds — and  I  have  now  no 
doubt  of  it — in  prostrating  the  Bank,  and  overthrowing  his  enemies,  his  evening  sun 
will  be  brighter  and  more  glorious  than  his  morning  sun.  Thing?  are  looking  well 
to  the  South.  Virginia,  I  feel  confident,  will  be  regenerated  and  redeemed.  The 
opposition  in  the  Senate  are  cast  down  and  look  desponding.  Clay's  last  speech 
upon  his  resolutions,  was  considered  a  failure  by  his  own  friends;  but  he  carried  his 
resolutions,  and  even  Webster  voted  for  them.  Yours  truly,  &c. 

"  P.  S. — Have  you  any  doubt  of  succeeding  at  your  election  1  I  hope  not;  yet  I 
confess  I  have  my  fears.  The  strongest  ground  to  take  with  the  people  is  the  fact 
that,  under  the  existing  arrangement  with  the  State  Banks,  the  whole  revenue  col 
lected  through  your  Custom  House  is  left  to  be  disbursed  in  your  own  city,  instead 
of  being  transferred  to  a  neighboring  rival  city.  Our  friends  should  ring  the  changes 
upon  this  view  of  the  case  in  every  quarter  of  the  city.  Tell  Swartwout  to  pull  off 
his  coat  and  roll  up  his  sleeves  also ;  but,  perhaps,  as  he  has  to  go  through  the  '  glo 
rious  Senate,'  it  would  not  be  prudent  for  him  to  do  so.  Price,  as  his  nomination  will 
be  certainly  confirmed  before  the  8th,  must  do  his  own  and  Swartwout's  part  too. 
The  Senate  was  on  Executive  business  yesterday  evening.  I  have  not  heard  what 
they  have  done — perhaps  they  acted  on  Price's  nomination,  and  confirmed  it;  but  1 
have  no  information  upon  the  subject.  Yours,  &c." 

WILLIAM  B.  LEWIS  TO  COL.  JAMES  A.  HAMILTON. 

"  WASHINGTON,  December  10,  1834. 

"  MY  DEAR  COL.  :  I  know,  my  dear  sir,  no  reason  why  you  and  1  shall  not  cor 
respond  with  the  same  confidence  and  freedom  that  has  heretofore  characterized  our 
intercourse.  My  confidence  is  undiminished,  and  my  friendship  and  personal  regard 
the  same  now  that  it  has  heretofore  been,  and  I  hope  and  believe  it  will  ever  so  con 
tinue.  I  know  it  is  the  disposition  of  some  to  doubt  the  sincerity  or  fidelity  of  all 
who  do  not  approve  indiscriminately,  everything  that  is  said  and  done  by  those  who 
are  called  the  leaders  of  the  party.  Not  so  with  me,  nor  is  it  so  with  him  for  whom 


REMINISCENCES  OF  JAMES  A.  HAMILTON.         283 

both  you  and  I  have  so  long  and  so  zealously  toiled.  Even  I,  after  25  years'  devo 
tion  to  that  individual,  am  suspected  of  a  want  of  fidelity  by  some  of  the  exclitsives 
of  the  present  day.  I,  however,  regard  them  not,  and  I  hope  you  will  be  equally  in 
different  to  the  slanders  of  such  contemptible  creatures.  Congress,  as  yet,  has  done 
nothing.  I  suppose  they  will  get  under  way  next  week.  The  opposition  leaders 
are  at  a  loss  what  to  do  in  relation  to  that  part  of  the  Message  which  speaks  of  our 
affairs  with  regard  to  France.  They  have  the  disposition  to  assail  it,  but  I  think 
they  are  afraid  of  the  effect  it  may  have  both  upon  our  country  and  France.  Be 
sides,  many  of  the  leading  opposition  men  are  directly  or  indirectly  interested  in 
those  claims,  and  it  is  believed,  if  strong  opposition  is  made  to  the  Message,  it  may 
encourage  France  to  delay  the  payment.  One  of  the  on  dits  of  the  day  is,  that  Judge 
White  of  Tennessee  will  certainly  be  run  for  the  Presidency.  I  am  unable  to  say 
whether  the  minor  is  or  is  not  well  founded,  as  I  have  had  no  conversation  with 
either  the  Judge  or  his  immediate  friends.  Of  one  thing  I  feel  confident,  however, 
that  he  will  not  suffer  himself  to  be  used,  or  rather  used  up,  by  the  opposition. 

"  Truly  yours,  &c." 

COL.  WM.  B.  LEWIS  TO  COL.  JAMES    A.  HAMILTON. 

"  WASHINGTON,  February  2,  1835. 

"  MY  DEAR  COL.  :  You  will  have  seen  an  account  before  this  reaches  you  of  the 
diabolical  attempt  to  assassinate  the  President.  The  account  in  the  Globe  may  be 
relied  on  as  correct,  to  which  I  refer  you  for  such  additional  facts  and  circumstances 
in  relation  to  that  horrid  aff.iir  as  may  from  time  to  time  transpire.  It  is  intended 
to  keep  the  public  correctly  informed  with  regard  to  the  matter  through  that  chan 
nel. 

"  Your  truly,  &c." 

This  attempt  was  made  by  a  madman. 

JAMES  A.  HAMILTON  TO  PRESIDENT  JACKSON. 

"NEW  YORK,  February  16,  1835. 

"  MY  DEAR  SIR  :  An  arrival  yesterday  brings  us  Havre  dates  to  the  13th  ultimo. 
Your  Message  had  reached  that  place  and  had  been  duly  forwarded  to  Paris.  We 
consequently  have  no  notice  of  its  effect  upon  the  government.  The  opposition  pa 
pers  of  Havre  affect  to  consider  its  tone  as  the  result  of  an  understanding  between 
the  Executives  of  the  two  countries.  The  Paris  papers,  anticipating  the  tone  of  the 
Message,  affect  to  consider  it  as  the  result  of  the  efforts  of  those  who  are  interested- 
in  the  claims.  These  preposterous  views  lead  me  to  believe  that  the  Chambers  have 
not  come  to  their  senses,  and  consequently  that  there  will  be  nothing  left  to  us  but 
to  take  such  measures  as  may  be  necessary  to  vindicate  our  rights  and  honor. 

"  Under  a  strong  conviction  that  eventually  there  will  be  war,  I  now  proffer  my 
services  in  any  employment,  civil  or  military,  at  home  or  abroad,  in  which  I  can  be 
useful.  I  prefer  the  Army,  because  there  may  be  more  honor  won  there  than  in  any 
other  line,  and  in  reference  to  any,  however  humble,  pretensions  I  might  have,  al 
low  me  to  state  briefly  my  course  during  the  last  war. 

"  When  the  contest  thickened,  and  there  was  reason  to  believe  that  the   Army 


284  REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON. 

over  which  you  achieved  so  brilliant  a  victory  at  New  Orleans,  might  be  destined 
for  this  city,  I  tendered  my  services  to  Gov.  Tompkins  in  any  situation  in  which  I 
could  be  useful.  He  accepted  them  most  readily,  and  upon  an  emergency  appointed 
me  to  the  humble  post  of  an  Assistant  Deputy  Quartermaster,  requiring  me  at  the 
same  time  to  perform  the  duty  of  Issuing  Commissary.  I  cheerfully  weighed  out 
*beef,  pork,  and  bread  for  the  whole  brigade  for  about  a  fortnight,  when  I  was  ap 
pointed  its  Brigade  Major  where  I  served  to  the  close  of  the  war. 

"  It  having  been  contemplated  to  raise  a  considerable  force  by  the  State,  Mr. 
Van  Buren  has  the  merit  of  carrying  the  project  out.  The  governor  informed  me 
that  he  would,  when  the  force  should  ba  raised,  give  me  a  regiment.  I  refer  to  these 
circumstances,  together  with  my  advanced  age  and  condition,  and  my  recent  connec 
tion  with  the  government,  that  you  may  take  them  into  view  in  giving  me  military 
employment,  without  meaning,  however,  to  make  terms  with  my  country,  entitled 
as  she  is  to  my  best  services  in  any  situation  in  which  I  can  be  useful  to  her, 
"With  sincere  respect, 

"Your  friend,  &c." 

COL.  WILLIAM  B.  LEWIS  TO  JAMES  A.  HAMILTON. 

"  WASHINGTON,  March  14,.  1835. 

"  MY  DEAR  COL.  :  Yours  of  the  llth  inst.  has  this  moment  been  received  and 
read.  Although  the  information  you  communicate  comes  from  a  source  entitled  to 
great  weight,  still  I  am  in  hopes  the  result  will  be  different  from  that  anticipated. 
It  certainly  does  not  accord  with  the  information — private  as  well  as  official — re 
ceived  by  us  in  this  city.  But  Gen'l  Bernard  and  G.  W.  LaFayette  may  be  right, 
and  our  correspondents  wrong,  and  I  confess  it  would  not  surprise  me  it'  it  were  so. 
I  received  by  the  last  Havre  packet  a  letter  from  Levitt  Harris,  who  is  now  in  Paris, 
in  which  he  says  the  Ministers  count  on  a  majority  of  from  twenty  to  forty  (and 
that  is  also  his  opinion  )  in  favor  of  the  appropriation.  I  received  by  the  same  pack 
et  another  letter  which  is  entitled  to  still  greater  weight,  as  it  comes  from  an  officer 
belonging  to  one  of  the  great  departments  of  the  French  government,  and  who  is 
'fully  in  the  confidence  of  the  Ministry,  as  well  as  of  many  of  the  leading  Deputies. 
Herewith  I  send  you  an  extract,  which  has  been  translated  by  my  daughter.  From 
this  you  will  perceive  that  a  majority  of  sixty  votes  is  calculated  on. 

"  The  letter  of  which  the  enclosed  is  an  extract  is  confidential,  and  is  intended 
for  your  eye  only. 

"  Sincerely  yours,  &c." 

PRESIDENT  JACKSON  TO  COL.  JAMES  A.  HAMILTON. 

u  WASHINGTON,  September  17,  1835. 

"My  DEAR  SIR:  I  have  the  pleasure  to  ncknon-  ledge  the  receipt  of  your  friendly 
letter  of  the  12th  instant.  It  brings  fresh  to  my  recollection  our  first  acquaintance, 
at  my  peaceful  Hermitage,  where  I  was  in  the  full  fruition  of  rural  and  domestic  hap 
piness.  What  situation  of  life  can  be  compared  to  that  of  a  farmer?  What  so  inde 
pendent?  What  so  happy?  The  description  you  have  given  me  of  your  farm,  your 
stock,  and  your  improvements,  surrounded  as  you  are  with  your  amiable  family, 
brings  fresh  to  my  memory  the  happiness  with  which  I  was  sui rounded  at  the  Her 
mitage,  when  I  had  first  the  pleasure  of  being  introduced  to  you;  and  increases  my 


REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON.  285 

desire  once  more  to  return  to  that  peaceful  abode,  from  which  you  know  I  was  re 
luctantly  drawn  by  the  call  and  partiality  of  my  country ;  and  where  I  can  with 
truth  say  I  enjoyed  the  only  happy  hours  allotted  to  me  to  enjoy  on  earth,  and 
where,  if  I  am  permitted  to  survive  my  present  official  term,  I  will  joyfully  return, 
although  it  has  lost,  by  the  death  of  my  dear  Mrs.  J.,  its  better  charms.  Your  pres 
ent  situation,  surrounded  as  you  are  with  your  amiable  and  promising  family,  enjoy 
ing  all  the  amusements  and  sweets  of  rural  life,  must  afford  you  more  real  enjoyment 
and  happiness  than  ever  has  flown  or  can  flow  from  official  life,  even  of  a  President, 
and  all  subordinate  to  him  in  the  Republic.  You  must  be  happy.  In  the  enjoyment  of 
your  family  around  you,  the  amusement  which  your  farm  and  flocks  afford,  and  then 
at  leisure  moments  in  your  library,  what  more  could  man  ask  for  here  below,  to  in 
crease  his  happiness  ?  I  answer,  Nothing.  I  sincerely  congratulate  you  on  your  happy 
condition.  May  you  long  live  and  enjoy  that  felicity  which  your  situation  affords, 
and  may  your  amiable  family  enjoy  long  life,  health  and  happiness,  and  participate 
in  all  the  pleasures  your  present  situation  must  afford,  is  the  sincere  prayer  of 

"  Your  sincere  friend,  &c. 

"  P.  S.  It  will  afford  me  much  pleasure  to  see  you  at  Washington  before  I  retire, 
and  still  more  to  see  you  as  a  private  citizen  at  the  Hermitage,  which  lam  rebuilding 
on  its  ruined  walls,  to  bear  a  strict  resemblance  to  what  it  was  when  you  first  saw 
it.  I  have  had  a  full  description  of  yours  from  our  mutual  friend,  Major  Lewis."., 

THE  GREAT  TIRE  IN  THE  CITY  OF  NEW  YORK,  1835, 
In  1835,  I  and  my  family  had  rooms  for  the  winter  at  the  City  Hotel,  then 
on  the  west  side  of  Broadway  below  Liberty  Street.     The  following  details  are 
found  in  a  paper  written  in  pencil  the  day  after  the  occurrences  happened  to 
which  they  refer  : 

I  was  awakened  between  eleven  and  twelve  at  night,  and  told  a  great  fire  was 
raging  in  the  lower  part  of  the  city  j  that  the  Merchants'  Exchange  was  in  dan 
ger,  where  was  the  statue  of  my  father  by  Ball  Hughes  ;  and  that  I  might,  by 
going  there,  be  useful  in  saving  that  work.  I  was  at  the  same  time  told  that 
nothing  could  be  done  to  arrest  the  fire  for  want  of  water ;  the  engines,  their 
leaders  and  the  hydrants  being  all  frozen.  I  immediately  said,  powder  must  be 
used,  and  went  to  the  fire.  I  sought  the  authorities,  and  meeting  aldermen 
Jourdan  and  Labagh,  urged  the  necessity  of  blowing  up  buildings  to  arrest  the 
flames.  They  replied,  "  powder  cannot  be  got."  I  said,  "  I  will  procure  a  let 
ter  to  Commodore  Ridgely,  commanding  the  Navy  Yard,  requesting  powder." 
Alderman  Jourdan  turned  to  Labagh,  and  asked  him  if  he  would  unite  with 
him  in  that  proceeding.  Labagh  said,  "  I  will  not  take  the  responsibility,  the 
Mayor  is  on  the  ground,  let  him  do  it."  Jourdan  said,  "  then  I  will,"  and  turn 
ing  to  me,  said, "  If  you  will  procure  the  letter,  I  will  find  a  man  to  take  it."  The 
Hon.  Charles  Livingston  wrote  the  letter,  and  Mr.  Jourdan  sent  it  with  an 
officer.  Mr.  Charles  King  accompanied  the  officer;  went  with  great  speed,  and 
returned  with  the  letter,  with  an  order  endorsed  thereon,  directing  the  keeper  of 
the  Arsenal  at  Red  Hook  to  deliver  powder  to  the  civil  authorities  of  New  York. 
During  the  absence  of  the  messenger,  Alderman  Jourdan  endeavored  to  get  a 


286  REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON. 

meeting  of  the  Aldermen  and  Mayor  at  Lovejoy's,  corner  of  Nassau  and  Cedar 
streets,  and  with  Mr.  *  *  *  a  former  member  of  the  Fire  Department.  General 
Swift  and  myself  went  to  the  different  points  to  leeward  where  the  fire  was 
raging,  to  determine  where  the  powder  could  be  used  most  effectually,  that  we 
might  be  prepared  to  indicate  such  points  to  the  Mayor  and  Aldermen  when 
they  should  meet.  Having  accomplished  this,  we  went  to  Lovejoy's,  where 
we  found  the  Mayor  and  three  or  four  Aldermen.  Mr.  Jourdan  stated  briefly 
what  had  been  done,  and  that  he  wished  to  meet  the  authorities.  The  necessity 
for  using  powder  was  admitted  by  all.  The  Mayor  asked  who  understood  how 
to  apply  it.  Mr.  Hamilton  offered  his  services  to  apply  and  fire  the  powder, 
but  if  the  Mayor  wished  the  services  of  a  gentleman  who  from  his  military 
education  was  acquainted  with  the  subject,  he  could  not  find  a  more  competent 
man  than  General  Swift.  It  was  then  asked,  where  powder  could  be  obtained, 
and  in  reply  it  was  stated  that  General  Arcularius  had  sent  two  boxes  with 
some  loose  powder  and  cartridges,  which  were  on  a  cart  at  the  corner  of  Wall 
and  Nassau  streets,  and  that  more  powder  could  be  found  at  Alderman  Green 
wood's.  The  Mayor,  and  Aldermen  Smith  and  Jourdan  xvent  with  rne  to  where 
the  powder  was  ;  but  finding  the  quantity  too  small,  we  went  to  various  grocery 
stores  and  got  all  we  could,  and  sent  it  to  where  the  cart  was  standing.  I  sug 
gested  that  a  written  order  should  be  sent  by  the  Mayor  to  General  Arcularius, 
directing  him  to  bring  powder  from  the  Arsenal,  five  miles  from  the  city, 
on  the  middle  road.  This  was  done.  In  the  mean  time,  Alderman  Smith  and 
I  procured  an  empty  lime  cask  and  threw  the  powder  they  had  in  it,  which 
filled  it  about  one-third.  This  powder,  under  the  directions  of  the  Mayor  and 
General  Swift,  was  conveyed  to  Garden  Street  and  placed  in  the  cellar  of  a  four- 
story  store,  occupied  by  a  Mr.  Swan,  as  near  the  centre  as  could  be  found.  A 
piece  of  calico  was  fastened  to  the  upper  rim  of  the  cask,  into  which  loose  papers 
were  placed,  and  we  laid  the  calico  on  a  board  along  the  floor  of  the  cellar  to 
the  stuff.  A  canister  of  powder  reserved  for  that  purpose  was  used  in  laying  a 
train  from  the  cask,  along  the  calico  to  the  cellar  door,  where  loose  paper  was 
laid.  When  this  was  done,  all  present  retired  to  near  Broad  Street,  except  Gen 
eral  Swift  and  myself,  when  I  said,  "  Who  is  to  fire  this  ? — General,  as  I  got  the 
powder,  I  must  have  the  first  shot."  The  General,  laughing,  said,  "  Well,  Ham 
ilton,  you  shall,"  and  retired.  I  then  set  fire  to  the  paper  with  a  lighted  candle, 
and  retired  to  where  the  crowd  stood.  The  train  took  fire,  and  went  off  without 
igniting  the  powder  in  the  cask.  I  then  went  up  the  street  opposite  the  store, 
found  the  calico  was  burning,  and  retired.  In  a  few  moments  the  blast  was 
made.  It  threw  down  the  front  of  the  building,  a  part  of  the  adjoining  one — 
threw  off  the  roof,  but  did  not  destroy  all  the  floors.  The  fire  carried  up  by  the 
floors  endangered  the  next  building,  and  thus  rendered  it  necessary  to  blow  up 
that  building  also. 

At  about  this  time  (5  o'clock  in  the  morning),  Mr.  Charles  King,  who  had 
performed  a  most  important  and  arduous  service,  by  going   during  a  most  ter- 


REMINISCENCES    OP    JAMES  A.  HAMILTON.  287 

rible  night  to  the  Navy  Yard  in  an  open  boat  (the  wind  blew  a  hurricane,  and 
the  cold  was  intense  beyond  example),  returned  with  Captain  Mix,  Lieutenant 
Nicholson,  and  a  gang  of  sailors,  with  six  barrels  of  powder.  It  was  then  deter 
mined  to  apply  a  barrel  to  the  store  on  Garden  street  adjacent  to  that  which  had 
been  fired  ineffectually  before.  This  was  done  by  Lieut.  Nicholson.  Upon  re- 
connoitering,  we  determined  to  blow  up  a  store  on  the  corner  of  an  alley  on 

street,  the  fire  having   advanced  toward  Broad  street  on  the  opposite 

side  of street,  and  beyond  where  the  store  was  which  was  to  be  blown 

up.  It  was  consequently  so  hot,  and  there  were  so  many  sparks  and  fire-brands 
flying  about,  as  to  render  the  approach  to  the  store  extremely  hazardous.  This 
was,  however,  unheeded  by  the  gallant  tars,  who  carried  the  barrel  of  powder 
on  their  shoulders,  passed  over  the  gangway,  and  placed  the  barrel  in  the  cellar. 
A  train  was  laid  to  the  mouth  of  the  gangway,  where  straw  was  placed,  the  per 
sons  present  having  retired.  Captain  Mix  fired  the  shot.  The  two  previous 
experiments  were  entirely 'successful  in  arresting  the  progress  of  the  devouring 
element  to  the  westward.  It  was  decided  to  blow  up  a  wooden  building  at  the 
corner  of  Coenties  alley  and  Slip,  about  twelve  feet  wide,  westerly  from  which 
there  was  a  range  of  valuable  stores  filled  with  merchandise.  A  barrel  of  pow 
der  (two  hundred  pounds),  was  carried  to  that  store.  The  owner  of  the  crock 
ery  in  the  store  came  into  the  cellar  when  Swift  and  I  were  preparing  the  work 
of  destruction,  and  asked  permission  to  take  out  his  goods ;  the  General  replied 
proir  ptly  and  caustically,  "  Yes,  if  you  can  do  it  in  fifteen  minutes."  The  train 
was  laid  with  muslin  picked  up  in  the  street ;  the  General  saying,  "  It  is  your 
turn,"  left  the  cellar  with  all  others  except  myself  and  one  of  the  sailors,  who 
had  assisted  to  bring  in  the  powder.  While  I  was  arranging  the  train,  the 
sailor,  with  a  lighted  candle  in  his  left  hand,  was,  with  a  hammer,  endeavoring 
to  knock  in  the  head  of  the  barrel  of  powder.  Seeing  that  this  would  be  in 
evitable  destruction,  I  took  him  by  the  arm  in  which  he  held  the  light,  drew  him 
over  before  he  struck  a  second  blow,  and  drove  him  out  of  the  cellar.  Putting 
the  candle  far  out  of  reach  of  the  powder  and  the  dust  which  flew  up  when  the 
head  was  driven  in,  I  opened  the  barrel;  fastened  near  the  end  of  its  mouth  the 
muslin  with  my  knife,  allowing  the  end  to  rest  on  the  powder ;  I  laid  a  stream 
of  powder,  about  fifteen  feet,  to  the  foot  of  the  stairs  in  the  cellar,  and  then  laid 
the  muslin  and  straw  to  the  top  of  the  stairs  and  on  the  sidewalk.  The  night 
was  clear,  excessively  cold,  a  very  high  wind,  a  bright  moonlight.  The  people, 
in  great  numbers,  were  standing  at  the  head  of  the  Slip  near  the  water,  to  watch 
the  effect  of  the  blast.  After  setting  fire  to  the  mass  of  combustibles,  I  walked 
deliberately  toward  the  spectators,  they  crying  out,  u  Hun  !  run  !  why  don't  you 
run  ?"  This  was  a  little  affectation  of  fearlessness  on  my  part ;  well  knowing 
that  it  could  not  burn  down  to  the  train  of  powder  before  I  could  get  away. 
The  powder  ignited  and  blew  the  whole  house  and  all  its  contents  into  atoms, 
making  thus  a  vacant  space  of  many  feet  from  the  next  burning  house  and  the 
store,  and  that  block  was  thus  saved.  The  cold  was  so  excessive  that  the  en- 


283  REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES  A.  HAMILTON. 

gines  and  the  ladders  were  frozen  ;  the  firemen  were  exhausted  and  demoralized ; 
there  was  much  plundering;  merchandise  of  all  kinds  was  thrown  into  the 
street ;  the  only  effort,  in  many  cases,  by  the  owners  and  their  friends  was  to 
get  out  their  books.  After  the  blast,  there  appeared  on  the  ground  one  engine 
which  was  brought  from  Brooklyn.  It  was  believed  that  some  cotton  in  the 
store  next  westerly  from  where  the  last  blast  was  made,  was  on  fire.  I  urged 
the  firemen  to  carry  their  leader  into  the  store  to  put  out  the  cotton.  They  were 
deterred  from  doing  so  under  a  belief  that  this  store  was  to  be  blown  up.  I 
got  on  the  stoop,  addressed  them,  told  them  there  was  no  more  powder  to  be 
used,  and  that  I  would  go  up  into  the  store  with  them.  They  then  went  for 
ward.  The  cotton  was  found  to  be  in  some  small  degree  on  fire.  It  was  put 
out,  and  the  fire  was  arrested. 

My  work  was  done.  My  cloak  was  stiff  with  frozen  water.  I  was  so  worn 
down  by  the  excitement  that  when  I  got  to  my  parlor  I  fainted.  The  scene  of 
desolation  and  demoralization  was  most  distressing.  A  suit  was  brought  in 
New  York,  and  another  in  New  Jersey,  against  the  Mayor;  I  was  called  and 
examined  as  a  witness  in  both. 

FIRST  VOYAGE  TO  EUROPE— 1830. 

Having  informed  my  friend,  President  Jackson,  of  my  proposed  visit  to 
Europe,  he  addressed  to  me  the  following,  intending  that  it  should  be  a  general 
passport  to  the  good  offices  of  all  our  official  representatives  in  Europe.  I  did 
not  use  it,  because  I  did  not  need  their  services.  My  father's  name  alone  was 
my  best  passport  to  society,  particularly  in  England,  as  the  fallowing  narrative 
will  prove : 

PRESIDENT  JACKSON  TO  JAMES  A.  HAMILTON. 

"  WASHINGTON,  October  11,  1836. 

"HrDEAKSiR:  In  the  prosecution  of  the  inquiries  you  propose  to  institute 
during  your  absence  from  the  United  States,  with  a  view  to  introducing  into  our 
country  valuable  animals  and  plants,  and  information  calculated  to  promote  its  agri 
cultural  improvement,  rny  best  wishes  attend  you  ;  and  I  take  pleasure  in  furnishing 
you  with  this  written  expression  of  them,  as  well  as  of  the  great  satisfaction  it 
would  afford  me  to  learn  that  your  success  had  been  promoted  by  facilities  afforded 
by  our  fellow-citizens  representing  the  country  abroad  in  a  public  capacity,  which 
they  will  doubtless  take  pleasure  to  extending  to  you  in  a  matter  so  interesting. 
"I  remain,  with  friendly  regard,  your  obedient  servant." 

On  the  10th  day  of  October,  I  sailed  for  England  in  the  Quebec,  a  sailing 
vessel  of  600  tons.  Governor  Cass,  with  his  family,  went  out  in  the  same  ship 
as  Minister  to  France,  where  he  resided  some  years. 

I  took  a  letter  from  my  dear  mother  to  Prince  Talleyrand,  which  was  left 
at  his  hotel  in  Paris,  he  being  absent.  He  afterward  acknowledged  its 
receipt  by  a  note  sent  through  my  banker  at  Florence.  During  my  short 


REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON.  289 

sojourn  at  Paris,  Louis  Philippe  gave  me  a  private  audience,  when  I  was  pre 
sented  to  his  wife  and  children,  and  to  his  sister,  Madame  Adelaide.  The 
King  received  me  very  courteously  and  unceremoniously ;  inquired  about  the 
health  of  my  mother  ;  expressed  his  admiration  of  my  father,  and  referred  to 
his  visits  at  my  father's  house  in  New  York.  I  also  became  acquainted  with 
the  Premier,  and  was  invited  by  him  to  an  evening  reception,  where  I  had  the 
good  fortune  to  meet  some  of  the  most  distinguished  people.  I  was  invited 
about  the  same  time  to  take  tea  with  the  Duchess  de  Broglie  (who  was  the  daugh 
ter  of  Madame  de  Stael)  ;  there  I  was  introduced  to  Mons.  Guizot,  who  continues 
to  live  and  to  exert  a  salutary  influence  upon  public  opinion.  Through  the  good 
offices  of  Monsieur  de  Neuville,  who  had  lived  several  years  in  the  city  of  New 
York,  and  also  in  Washington,  as  Minister  Plenipotentiary  from  France,  which 
office  he  received  shortly  after  the  Bourbons  were  restored,  I  had  an  oppor 
tunity  to  see  several  members  of  the  ancien  regime  of  the  Faubourg  St.  Germain. 

LETTER  FROM  HIS  MOTHER  TO  JAMES  A.  HAMILTON. 

"  NEW  YOEK,  October  24,  1836. 

uMir  BELOVED  SON  :  How  devotedly  have  I  in  my  mind's  eye  followed  the  move 
ments  of  the  ship  that  contained  the  favorite  son  of  my  beloved  departed  husband. 
How  often  must  your  mind  have  been  raised  to  that  Great  Disposer  of  the  universe 
who  was  guarding  you  on  your  perilous  voyage."  (I  was  in  a  sail  ship,  as  this  was 
before  steamships  crossed  the  ocean.)  "  Could  my  wishes  have  wafted  you  more 
swiftly  and  smoothly  than  a  bird,  your  passage  would  soon  have  terminated.  I  have 
greatly  feared  your  delicate  lungs  would  suffer  from  sea-sickness.  Let  me  hear  par 
ticularly  from  you,  and  all  about  my  daughter  and  her  children. 

u  I  hope  you  will  have  time  to  examine  the  police  of  London.  Something  may 
be  observed  beneficial  to  this  city.  My  grand-daughters  frequently  visit  me  (the 
mother  of  their  departed  father  claims  a  closer  union) ;  they  are  both  in  good  health. 
Fanny  has  become  a  teacher  in  Dr.  Hawks'  Sunday-school.  This  is  very  gratifying 
to  Mrs.  Sullivan.  May  the  Almighty  always  guard  and  bless  you,  prays 

"  Your  affectionate  Mother, 

"  ELIZABETH  HAMILTON." 

From  Paris  we  went  our  way  through  France  by  post.  This  was  before 
the  period  of  railroads  in  France. 

By  my  note-book  we  arrived  at  Lyons,  December  11,  1836. 

The  streets  of  the  city  are  filthy,  narrow,  and  generally  without  sidewalks. 
There  are  one  hundred  thousand  inhabitants — a  place  of  much  wealth,  from  its 
manufactures  of  silks,  &c.  The  people  have  the  busy,  bustling  air  which 
characterizes  a  commercial  people.  There  are  many  soldiers  and  priests  (the 
minions  of  power  and  its  supporters)  and  idlers.  I  may  state  here  the  remark 
able  fact  that,  as  a  consequence  of  the  Revolution  of  1798,  the  lands  of  France 
are  so  divided  as  that  there  are  ten  millions  of  people  who  own  such  small 
parcels  that  they  a  pay  a  tax  of  only  five  francs  (about  one  dollar)  a  year. 
19 


290  REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON. 

At  Florence,  I  had  the  good  fortune  to  meet  with  the  Duke  de  Denon,  the 
nephew  of  Prince  Talleyrand.  He  was  living  there  "  en  garc,on."  He  invited 
me  to  breakfast  and  dinner,  and  gave  me  much  information  in  regard  to  his 
uncle  and  the  distinguished  persons  I  here  met  with.  He  told  me  that  King 
Jerome,  who  was  living  there,  hearing  my  name,  had  talked  with  him  about 
my  father  and  the  courtesies  he  had  received  at  his  country-house,  and  directed 
the  Duke  to  say,  that  if  I  desired  to  be  presented,  he  would  be  pleased  to  receive 
inc. 

I  assented,  and  the  day  of  presentation  was  fixed.  The  Duke  informed 
me  that  although  Jerome  was  living  upon  the  generosity  of  others,  say 
$10,000  per  year,  he  expected  the  same  observances  on  these  occasions  as  were 
due  to  a  reigning  monarch.  I  acquiesced,  and  dressing  myself  in  full  costume, 
went  with  the  Duke.  At  the  door,  we  were  announced,  "  The  Duke  Denon 
and  Colonel  Hamilton."  This  was  repeated  on  the  stairs,  and  at  the  door  of  the 
audience  chamber.  Denon  went  first,  bowing  three  times,  as  is  proper — once, 
on  entering,  once,  half-way  up,  and  again  in  the  presence  of  Majesty.  He  in 
troduced  me.  The  King  welcomed  me  most  cordially,  and,  contrary  to  all 
etiquette,  put  out  his  hand  to  shake  mine.  He  then  talked  of  the  dinner  at 
my  father's  house,  of  which  I  have  given  an  account  in  a  previous  part  of  this 
work,  asked  me  about  my  mother,  and  took  occasion  to  say,  "  If  he  could  do 
any  thing  to  promote  the  pleasure  of  my  visit  at  Florence,  he  would  gladly  do 
so."  I  bowed  my  thanks.  Another  person  being  announced,  I  retired  (keeping 
my  face  to  Majesty).  Near  the  fire-place  I  found  a  young  lady  sitting ;  she 
bowed  to  me  and  pointed  to  a  chair.  I  civilly  declined  to  take  it,  saying,  "  Not  in 
the  presence  of  Majesty."  She  replied  ;  "  Oh  !  nonsense,  do  be  seated  !  "  This 
lady  was  she  who  was  once  engaged  to  marry  the  present  Emperor,  who  after 
ward  married  the  wealthy  Russian  Prince  Demidoff.  She  is  now,  I  believe, 
known  as  Princess  Mathilde  at  Napoleon's  Court. 

The  Duke  Denon,  speaking  of  his  uncle,  Prince  TaDeyrand,  told  me 
that  he  had  received  a  letter  informing  him  that  the  son  of  General  Hamilton 
would  probably  be  in  Florence  in  the  course  of  the  winter,  and  intimating  that 
it  would  give  his  uncle  pleasure  if  he  would  show  me  every  attention  in  his 
power.  Duke  Denon  was  a  finished  gentleman,  and  had  been  a  good  soldier. 
My  banker  in  Florence  sent  me  a  note  addressed  to  me  by  Prince  Talleyrand, 
expressing  his  regret  that  he  did  not  see  me  in  Paris,  that  he  had  many  recol 
lections  of  an  interesting  character  which  he  would  gladly  refer  to  when  we 
should  meet. 

The  Grand  Duke  of  Tuscany  is  a  man  of  good  intentions.  He  is  not 
talented.  His  efforts  to  improve  the  condition  of  his  people  are  most  com 
mendable.  Amid  the  profligacy  of  this  age  in  Italy,  his  domestic  life  is  most 
exemplary ;  and  in  the  measures  he  has  taken  for  improvement — for  instance, 
abolishing  imprisonment  for  debt  and  the  death  punishment — he  has  certainly 
evinced  much  discernment  and  decision  :  better  qualities  for  an  absolute 


REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES   A.  HAMILTON.  291 

monarch  than  genius.  He  is  much  beloved.  The  enjoyment  of  absolute 
power  is  riot  only  dangerous  to  others,  but  particularly  so  to  ourselves.  The 
people  of  Tuscany,  generally  speaking,  hold  their  lands  in  fee.  They  are  bet 
ter  satisfied  than  those  of  the  other  Italian  States;  they  are  well  governed, 
although  grievously  taxed.  The  tax  on  incomes  from  lands  and  houses  amounts 
to  25  per  cent.  Oil,  wine,  silk,  and  straw  hats  are  the  products  of  industry. 

Of  course,  the  objects  of  art  were  deeply  interesting  to  us.  I  forbear  say 
ing  more  on  the  subject  than  that,  to  my  very  great  surprise,  I  found  the  Italian 
men  and  women  did  not  seem  to  have  much  knowledge  of,  or  enthusiasm  in  rela 
tion  to,  their  exquisite  works  of  art.  I  was  informed  that  the  young  ladies  of 
high  rank  were  educated  in  convents,  and  usually  secluded  from  society  until  a 
marriage  was  arranged  for  them  ;  some  having  reference  entirely  to  property 
and  rank  ;  that  they  were  then  brought  out,  carried  about  to  public  places,  and 
married.  This  arrangement  of  marriage  for  convenience  tended  to  promote 
that  shocking  practice  of  "  cavalier  serviente" — an  association  which  the  hus 
band  had  probably  formed  before  he  was  married,  but  which  the  lady  was  sedu 
lously  prevented  from  forming  until  after  the  first  child  was  born.  I  was  told 
by  Mr.  T.  (an  American  gentleman),  that  the  Grand  Duke,  in  conversing  with 
him  in  relation  to  his  subjects,  complained  of  this  practice  as  the  great  obstacle 
to  his  efforts  to  raise  up  the  character  of  his  people.  Their  lives  were  essen 
tially  spent  in  frivolities  and  dissipation.  I  saw  nothing  of  this,  and  here 
let  me  add  in  relation  to  the  family  to  which  I  was  introduced,  that  they 
were  all  people  having  a  just  sense  of  duty  to  their  class  and  country;  it 
was  understood  that  if  Napoleon  the  First  had  been  successful  in  the  war 
with  Russia  in  wresting  Poland,  that  he  proposed  to  make  a  member  of  this 
family  King  of  Poland.  I  believe  one  of  the  members  of  this  family  has  re 
cently  been  in  the  diplomatic  service  of  his  country. 

January  15,  1837. — The  Countess  Coventry  having  heard  that  I  was  in 
Rome,  I  had  the  good  fortune  to  make  her  acquaintance  and  to  be  invited  fre 
quently  to  dine  at  her  rooms  in  the  Barberini  Palace,  where  I  met  distinguished 
Englishmen  and  other  strangers.  The  last  time  I  dined  with  her  ladyship  I 
met  Mr.  Austin,  who  was  understood  to  hold  an  unofficial  appointment  from. 
Great  Britain.  (As  the  Sovereigns  of  that  country  are  excommunicated,  there  is 
no  official  intercourse.)  '  This  gentleman  is  an  attache  of  the  Charge  at  Florence. 
I  also  met  Lord  Stewart  De  Rothsay,  a  peer  of  the  realm — a  very  clever 
man,  a  most  thorough  Tory.  This  gentleman  was  afterward  at  St.  Peters- 
burgh,  where  our  acquaintance  was  resumed,  very  much  to  my  advantage. 

February  \\tli. — Visited  the  Vatican  Library,  by  the  influence  of  my  friend 
Father  Esmond,  to  see  the  old  manuscripts.  There  I  met  with  Mezzofanti,  the 
librarian,  an  Italian  and  a  priest — the  greatest  polyglot  in  the  world.  He  says 
he  speaks  thirty-three  or  thirty-four  different  languages;  he  is  very  affable. 
He  showed  me  a  copy  of  Cicero  de  Respublica,  recently  discovered,  which  he 
says  was  written  in  the  fourth  century.  The  book  was  of  parchment.  The 


292  REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON. 

original  letters  were  quite  large,  viz.,  N  E  R.  An  attempt  had  been  made  to 
wash  them  out,  in  order  to  use  the  sheets,  on  which  was  written  a  commentary 
on  the  Psalms  in  a  much  finer  and  neater  hand.  We  were  also  shown  a  copy 
of  Virgil,  of  the  fifth  century.  A  part  of  the  Creed  interlined  with  minute 
representations  of  the  scenes  described.  These  pictures  were  well  executed, 
and  it  is  believed  that  the  work  owes  its  present  existence  to  that  circumstance. 
We  saw  a  copy,  in  Greek,  of  a  part  of  the  New  Testament,  written  in  golden 
characters,  a  beautiful  work,  said  to  have  been  done  in  the  eleventh  century. 
The  oldest  Bible  they  have  in  the  library  does  not  go  further  back  than  to  the 
tenth  century.  "We  also  saw  the  u  Defence  of  Catholicism,"  written  by 
Henry  VIII.,  of  England,  in  consequence  of  which  he  was  called,  and  so  are 
his  successors  on  the  throne,  "  Defenders  of  the  Faith."  And  then  two  letters 
written  to  Anne  Boleyn,  when  she  was  in  Paris.  They  are  quite  absurd  love- 
letters  in  French.  Mezzofanti  said,  "  When  Henry  got  into  the  hands  of  a 
woman,  he  was  lost." 

February  Ylth. — Lady  Coventry  took  me  to  see  a  group  in  marble,  which 
she  represented  as  an  antique,  and  urged  me  to  purchase  it,  as  better  worth  taking 
home  than  any  thing  of  the  kind  I  could  get  in  Rome.  I  did  so,  paying  for  the 
group  of  three  figures,  Mars,  Venus,  and  Cupid,  two  hundred  and  twenty 
piastres. 

NOTE  BOOK. — The  people  of  Rome,  both  men  and  women,  are  handsome. 
The  former  are  robust,  the  latter  rather  small ;  bright,  dark  eyes ;  the  outline 
of  the  female  face  approaching  to  beautiful;  a  prominent  tapering  Roman  nose. 
The  expression  is  full  of  intelligence  and  vivacity,  voice  clear,  talk  loud ;  their 
.manners  are  naturally  easy  and  graceful.  The  mode  in  which  all  classes  of 
;iuen  wear  the  cloak  thrown  over  one  shoulder  is  graceful  and  sometimes  majes 
tic.  The  infants  are  bound  up  after  the  manner  of  our  Indians,  but  not  as  are 
-those  of  the  latter — on  a  board.  They  might  better  be  so ;  because  while  by  the 
latter  mode  they  can  be  carried  or  laid  down  more  safely  and  conveniently,  their 
limbs  would  not  be  so  cramped  as  they  are  now.  I  am  told  they  are  thus  bound 
up  in  the  morning,  and  so  continue  during  the  day  malgre  all  accidents.  I  am 
not  informed  whether  their  health  is  improved  by  this  management,  but  presume 
it  must  be,  or  it  would  not  be  continued. 

March  23o?.  Received  letters,  one  a  note  from  Prince  de  Talleyrand,  inclos 
ing  a  letter  of  introduction  to  His  Excellency,  Marquis  Latour  Maubourg,  Am 
bassador,  and  another  from  the  Pope's  Nuncio  at  Paris,  to  His  Excellency 
Baron  Conte  Acton,  &c.,  &c. 

The  following  case  of  Vallatte  is  interesting.  The  pictures  of  the  *  *  *  * 
family  being  offered  for  sale,  their  value  was  assessed  and  affixed  to  each  by 
the  owner.  The  picture  in  question  was  assessed  at  sixteen  dollars.  The  gal 
lery  was  then  opened  for  the  sale  of  the  pictures  at  the  appraised  prices,  and  all 
who  wished  to  do  so,  took  them  at  the  appraisement,  or  as  much  less  as  they 
.could  get  them  for.  Vallatte,  an  Italian  artist,  purchased  a  lot  including  one 


REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON.  293 

picture,  which,  after  having  had  it  nearly  a  year  in  his  possession  on  sale,  he  dis 
covered  had  been  painted  upon  another  picture.  He  put  it  into  the  hands  of  a 
man  skilled  in  the  art  of  removing  the  outer  coat  of  paint,  and  this  being  done, 
the  first  picture  was  believed  to  be  one  of  the  Madonnas  of  Correggio,  and,  of 
course,  of  great  value.  As  such,  it  was  exhibited  by  its  owner,  and  offered  for 
sale.  The  original  owner  ******  hearing  this,  sent  an  agent  to  examine 
the  picture,  and  take  such  note  of  it  that  he  might  thereafter  identify  it.  This 
was  done  without  the  knowledge  of  Vallatte,  and  the  original  owner  insisted 
that  the  picture  should  be  returned  to  him,  on  the  ground  that  the  appraiser 
had  estimated  it  as  a  copy,  and  that  Vallatte,  having  purchased  it  at  an  inade 
quate  price,  could  not  hold  it.  Vallatte  knowing  how  little  chance  he  had  of 
justice  before  the  tribunals  of  Rome,  in  a  contest  with  a  powerful  Prince,  became 
alarmed,  and  when  called  upon  to  deliver  up  the  picture,  said  he  had  sent  it  to 
England.  There  is  an  ancient  and  obsolete  law  of  the  Roman  See,  which  de 
clares  that  no  picture  shall  be  taken  out  of  Rome  without  the  permission  of  the 
Government,  and  that,  if  it  is  proposed  to  be  sold  to  that  end,  the  Government 
may  purchase  it  at  the  agreed  price,  or,  if  it  is  offered  to  be  removed,  the  Gov 
ernment  may  take  it  upon  appraisement.  As  soon  as  Vallatte  said  (which  was 
not  true)  that  he  had  sent  the  picture  away,  the  Government  commenced  pro 
ceedings  against  him  under  this  law,  examined  witnesses  to  ascertain  the  charac 
ter  of  the  picture  and  to  find  out  whether  it  was,  or  was  not,  in  Rome ;  and  it 
was  thus  ascertained  to  have  been  in  the  city  long  after  it  was  said  to  have  been 
removed.  The  Vicar-General  then  sent  for  Vallatte,  and  told  him  he  was  about 
to  put  some  questions  to  him  under  oath,  and  that  he  must  answer  them  truly 
under  pain  of  the  law.  Vallatte  then  declared  that  he  had  not  removed  the 
picture,  and  his  reason  for  having  given  that  false  statement.  He  was  then  re 
quired  to  deliver  the  picture  to  the  officer  of  the  Government,  which  he  refused 
to  do ;  and  he  was  immediately  sent  to  prison,  where  he  remained  six  hours,  and 
then,  in  order  to  obtain  his  liberty,  sent  a  note  to  his  brother  directing  him  to 
deliver  the  picture  to  the  officers  of  the  Government.  He  was  released  from 
prison,  but  the  picture  is  retained  by  the  Government,  notwithstanding  all  his 
remonstrances  and  those  of  his  friends.  My  authority  is  Freeborn  Jones,  an 
English  banker.  This  is  the  justice  of  the  Papal  States. 

Gambling  in  Rome  is  practiced  by  the  people  in  the  open  streets  continually, 
and  by  the  Government,  by  causing  a  lottery  to  be  drawn  every  week.  The 
price  of  tickets  is  so  low  as  to  put  them  within  the  reach  of  the  people  of  the 
lowest  condition.  The  prizes  are,  of  course,  small.  The  revenue  to  the  Govern 
ment  is  not  inconsiderable. 

During  the  reign  of  the  last  Pope  (1837),  the  corruption  in  all  departments 
of  the  Government  was  so  open  and  shameless,  as  to  render  it  necessary  on  his 
demise,  in  order  to  remove  popular  resentment,  to  choose  as  his  successor  a  car 
dinal  of  popular  manners  and  character.  Pio  Nono  was  eminently  of  that  char 
acter.  It  was  understood  that  the  police  connived  at  the  use  of  false  weights 


294  REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON. 

and  measures  by  the  small  traders,  and  that  they  participated  in  the  profits  of 
this  trade. 

I  was  taken  by  Father  Esmond  to  the  college  of  the  Jesuits,  and  shown  as 
louch  there  as  was  permitted.  It  was  well  understood  that  the  students,  if 
very  proficient,  are  destined  for  the  Church  and  become  members  of  the  Society. 
I  saw  the  representatives  of  every  race  on  earth ;  and  among  others,  an  African. 
The  purpose  of  the  Society  was,  to  secure  members  of  the  Society  who  could 
speak  the  tongue  of  every  nation  and  race,  and  thus  that  the  influence  of  this 
great  established  Church  should  be  extended  throughout  the  habitable  world. 
I  was  surprised  to  learn  the  extended  ramifications  of  this  Society ;  and  par 
ticularly  the  minute,  accurate  (as  it  was  represented  tome  to  be),  and  extended 
information,  particularly  in  regard  to  individuals  of  any  note,  in  all  countries 
and  climes;  it  being  well  understood  that  every  Jesuit  who  is  sent  abroad  (and 
they  are  sent  throughout  the  world),  is  to  make  as  frequent  returns  as  his 
means  of  access  will  admit,  of  all  persons  of  note,  and  of  all  events  and  pur 
poses  of  the  individuals  and  Governments  as  can  be  obtained ;  and  that  thus 
the  archives  of  the  College  are  filled  with  most  curious,  as  well  as  accurate 
and  extensive  information.  It  was  stated  to  me  that  a  male  of  an  English 
noble  family,  very  remote  from  the  succession,  left  his  country  in  his  youth 
under  adverse  circumstances,  for  parts  unknown.  That  after  some  years  this 
person,  by  numerous  deaths  in  the  family,  became  the  heir  to  the  title  and 
estate.  The  family  sought  by  all  the  usual  means  through  the  English  Govern 
ment  officials  to  ascertain  the  whereabouts  of  the  man  or  his  death,  but  in  vain. 
It  was  then  proposed  that  application  should  be  made  to  this  College.  This 
was  done,  and  such  information  as  the  family  possessed  in  regard  to  the  means, 
appearance,  habits,  and  every  thing  of  a  personal  character  which  was  known, 
together  with  his  age  and  the  time  of  his  departure  from  London,  was  furnished 
to  the  College.  Of  course,  a  large  reward  was  to  meet  the  success  of  the  in 
quiry,  and  thus  compensate  the  labor  of  searching  the  archives;  which  was 
attended  with  such  apparent  success  as  to  induce  the  General  of  the  Order  to 
require  his  subordinates  to  trace  him  from  the  place  last  seen  or  heard  of.  At 
length  the  lost  one  was  found,  and  the  honor  of  the  Noble  house  sustained.  I 
was  induced  to  believe  that,  for  the  ends  proposed  by  the  Society,  there  never 
was  a  more  intelligent  plan  formed  than  this  Order.  There  is  great  intelli 
gence,  with  adequate  decision  at  the  head — industry,  and  most  extraordinary 
acutencss  and  skill  in  the  subordinate  members.  I  also  learned  in  this  and  a 
subsequent  visit  to  the  Holy  City,  in  1848,  during  the  apprehended  revolution, 
that  this  Order  was  more  feared  and  hated  than  any  other  in  the  Church ; 
that  as  the  Vicar-General  had  unlimited  power  of  restraint  and  discipline, 
the  system  was  invested  with  power  almost  equal  to  the  odious  Inquisition. 
During  my  association  with,  jny  excellent  friend,  Father  Esmond,  wandering 
about  the  city  in  pursuit  of  objects  of  art  or  personal  interest,  we  approached 
the  house  in  which  my  party  lived.  I  took  advantage  of  this  to  say  to  the 


REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES   A.  HAMILTON. 

holy  Father,  that  I  lived  in  that  house ;  that  it  would  afford  me  much  pleasure 
to  introduce  him  to  my  family,  and  to  that  end  I  begged  that  he  would  go  and 
dine  with  me.  lie  promptly  replied  that  it  would  give  him  great  pleasure  to 
do  so.  We  stopped,  and  he,  looking  about,  said,  "  Colonel,  do  you  see  that 
man?"  pointing  to  a  person  in  the  garb  of  his  Order.  '%  I  cannot  go,  unless 
he  is  invited  and  will  go  with  us."  I  replied,  "  I  will  invite  him  with  pleasure." 
He  saidj  "  Stay;  you  cannot  speak  his  language,  nor  he  yours.  I  will  take  your 
message  to  him."  He  did  so,  returned  to  me,  and  said,  "  He  will  not,  and 
therefore  I  cannot  go.  Now,  you  will  be  surprised  to  learn  that  during  all 
the  days  we  have  been  together,  that,  or  some  other  person  of  the  Order,  has 
been  with  us;  that  is  to  say,  within  sight  of  me."  I  expressed  my  surprise,  and 
he  said,  "  Yes,  such  is  a  part  of  our  system." 

NOTE  BOOK. — Left  Rome  for  Naples. 

JVaples. — The  King,  a  tall,  fat  man.  At  his  ball,  to  which  we  were  invited, 
I  found  him  of  easy,  unaffected  manners.  He  went  about  conversing  without 
restraint,  selecting  his  partners  for  the  dance.  The  Queen,  who  is  quite  young, 
danced  frequently.  She  is  a  daughter  of  the  Archduke  Charles,  of  Austria. 
The  King  is  said  to  be  sordid.  He  collects  about  twenty-five  millions  of  dollars 
per  annum;  also  three  millions  from  salt,  which  is  a  monopoly,  and  very  dear, 
say  nine  dollars  for  195  pounds,  and  by  retail  six  or  seven  cents  per  pound.  It 
is  obtained  from  Sicily,  and  from  the  Adriatic.  No  person  is  permitted  to  take 
water  from  the  sea,  lest  by  evaporation  salt  should  be  made.  The  Mediterranean 
is  said  to  be  much  more  salt  than  the  Atlantic.  Three  millions  are  received  from 
tobacco,  which  is  also  a  royal  monopoly.  Snow  is  a  source  of  revenue.  It  is 
not  permitted  to  be  gathered  up  by  the  people  when  it  falls.  The  government 
preserves  it  in  caverns,  and  sells  it.  There  is  an  impost  on  every  thing  which 
comes  into  the  city.  There  is  a  large  State  Lottery,  as  in  Home,  and  it  is  drawn 
every  week.  Any  sum  may  be  ventured,  and  the  chances  aie  ten  to  one  against 
the  ticket  holder.  The  Neopolitans  are  great  gamblers,  and  expert  pickpockets. 
The  Government  is  purely  despotic.  The  will  of  the  King  is  the  law  of  the 
land.  He,  however,  has  a  Council  of  Ministers  whom  he  consults.  Justice  is 
openly  sold.  The  criminal  justice  is  administered  secretly — the  civil,  openly. 
The  obligations  of  oaths  are  totally  disregarded.  The  lazz.-ironi  along  the  quays 
are  disgusting  objects;  their  rags  and  patches  exceed  anything  else  I  have  ever 
seen.  The  climate  permits  them  to  sleep  out  of  doors.  The  army,  including 
the  National  Guard,  numbers  thirty  thousand,  of  which  there  are  six  thousand 
Swiss,  and  they  are  the  only  troops  that  can  be  relied  upon.  The  navy  consists 
of  one  sixty-four  and  one  severity-four  gun  ship;  the  last  is  repairing.  The 
public  debt  is  equal  to  about  sixty-four  millions  of  dollars.  The  impost  and 
some  other  revenues  are  furnished  by  being  sold  at  auction  to  the  highest  bid 
der.  I  saw  in  Naples  the  lowest  order  of  merchandise  probably  to  be  found  in 
the  world.  Men  and  boys  would  pick  up  in  the  streets  the  ends  of  segars  and 
other  tobacco  that  had  been  thrown  away — dry  it,  and  then  place  it  on  the  pave- 


296  REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON. 

raent,  at  corners,  or  near  public  places,  and  offer  it  for  sale ;  and  it  is  bought  to 
be  used  in  pipes.  The  Lunatic  Asylum  is  a  royal  establishment  founded  by 
Madame  Murat.  It  seems  to  be  perfectly  well  arranged.  The  great  object 
seemed  to  be  to  act  upon  the  morals — to  amuse  and  employ  according  to  the 
bent  of  the  patient.  For  the  use  of  the  lunatics  there  was  a  printing  press,  a  bil 
liard  table,  a  piano,  and  other  musical  instruments ;  a  music  master  whose  duty 
it  was  to  come  every  morning  to  teach  such  of  the  patients  as  would  learn  to 
play ;  twelve  masters  to  teach  singing,  together,  and  in  good  time.  Of  four 
thousand  patients  received  from  the  commencement,  fifteen  hundred  have  been 
cured,  and  about  the  same  number  have  died.  Some  who  had  been  fourteen 
years  lunatics  have  been  cured,  and  from  that  period  down  to  sixteen  days.  The 
greater  number  of  cases  are  the  consequences  of  distress  from  want,  but  many  are 
the  result  of  religious  frenzy.  There  were  some  from  all  classes  in  society,  and 
from  all  nations.  The  women  are  more  difficult  to  manage  than  the  men.  I 
saw  one  woman  working  at  a  tambour  frame.  She  was  handsome,  and  appeared 
to  be  intelligent.  She  was  modest,  very  delicate,  and  well  behaved  ;  and  evi 
dently,  when  we  first  entered  the  room,  a  melancholy  expression  passed  over  her 
face,  with  a  slight  indication  of  shame  at  being  seen  there.  She  sat  almost  mo 
tionless  at  her  work,  without  raising  her  eyes.  Her  hair,  long  and  dark,  was 
divided  neatly  in  two  parts  from  the  top  of  her  head  to  her  forehead,  plaited  on 
each  side  and  carried  down  behind  her  ears  to  her  neck.  She  had  evidently  been 
a  woman  of  great  beauty  and  delicacy — was  the  widow  of  an  officer  in  the  King's 
body-guard,  and  lost  her  reason  from  the  moment  of  his  death.  The  inmates 
are  divided  into  two  classes,  those  who  pay,  and  those  who  are  unable  to  do 
so.  The  former  pay  twelve  ducats  a  month  (equal  to  about  nine  and  three 
eighths  of  a  dollar).  The  manner  of  the  directors,  both  male  and  female, 
was  most  admirable,  as  was  that  of  the  Inferior  who  walked  around  with  us. 
He  was  kind,  discreet,  and  adroit.  This  Asylum  is  at  *  *  *,  five  miles  from 
Naples. 

I  transcribe  from  my  note-book  a  description  of  the  most  disgusting 
burial-place  in  the  world — a  disgrace  to  a  civilized  people.  It  is  a  square 
of  about  four  acres,  inclosed  by  a  high  stone  wall,  built  up  and  divided 
into  vaults.  These  are  four  hundred  in  number,  all  of  stone,  each  about 
twenty  feet  deep.  Every  vault  has  a  trap-door  of  stone,  about  eight  feet  square, 
laid  out  in  regular  lines,  which  are  raised  by  chains  fastened  to  a  portable  lever, 
with  hooks  passed  into  staples  affixed  to  each  door.  These  vaults  are  thus 
opened  every  day  in  succession,  to  receive  the  destitute  dead,  and  those  from 
the  hospitals.  The  bodies  are  stripped  of  all  covering  as  soon  as  they  are 
carted  within  the  enclosure.  As  soon  as  the  burials  of  the  twenty-four  hours 
are  finished,  the  door  is  shut  down,  plastered  around  the  edges,  and  so  left  for  a 
year.  The  bodies  are  cast  into  the  vault  naked  and  promiscuously.  These 
vaults  have  been  used  seventy-two  years,  and  not  more  than  twenty  inches  deep 
are  covered  by  the  bones.  Two  bodies  had  been  just  cast  into  one  of  the  vaults 


REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES   A.  HAMILTON.  297 

when  I  came  in,  and  the  door -was  opened  that  I  might  look  in  ;  these  were  naked, 
and  had  fallen  near  each  other,  in  a  shapeless  mass.  The  bones  of  those  before 
buried  were  spread  over  the  whole  surface.  There  was  a  slight  stench  when  the 
door  was  raised  up.  I  was  shocked,  and  turned  away  with  disgust, 

Left  Naples  on  the  25th  April,  took  the  route  to  Venice,  Milan,  down  the 
Rhine,  and  embarked  at  Antwerp  for  London,  where  we  arrived  on  the  24th 
July,  1837. 

London  (for  the  first  time.) — On  our  way  up  the  Thames,  we  passed  thirty 
vessels  lying  one  behind  the  other  waiting  to  get  up  to  discharge  their  cargoes 
of  coal.  I  learned  that  there  were  at  this  time  more  tons  of  coal  consumed  in 
this  great  city,  to  make  gas,  than  there  were  raised  in  America.  A  large  hulk 
was  anchored  in  the  stream  below  the  city,  with  this  inscription,  "  Hospital  for 
the  Seamen  of  all  Nations."  This  was  an  emblem  of  such  Christian  civilization 
as  rejoiced  my  heart.  On  my  way  through  the  city  to  my  lodgings,  I  went  to 
Guildhall  where  the  election  was  held.  The  scene  was  animating.  By  the 
politeness  of  a  policeman  who  was  told  I  was  an  American,  I  was  taken  into 
the  hustings.  The  voter  passes  in  his  name,  being  registered,  and  swears  that 
he  is  the  person  named,  and  that  he  possesses  the  legal  qualifications.  There 
are  several  inspectors  and  registers,  the  agents  of  the  candidates  are  present, 
the  voter  announces  the  names  of  the  candidates  for  whom  he  votes,  the  agents 
thank  him,  he  passes  on  and  out. 

I  left  letters  of  introduction  given  to  me  by  Louis  McLane,  late  our 
Minister,  to  the  Marquis  of  Lansdovvne,  Lord  Holland,  Sir  Robert  Peel,  and 
Lady  Nesbit.  The  Marquis  was  very  civil,  and  Lord  Holland  not  only 
attentive,  but  very  useful  to  me.  By  the  way,  these  two  houses  were  esteemed 
the  most  desirable  in  every  point  of  view,  and  particularly  from  the  intellectual 
characters  of  their  guests.  In  my  recollections  of  incidents  of  travels,  I  have 
avoided  all  reference  to  the  works  of  art,  and  other  interesting  objects  of  attrac 
tion  with  which  my  note-book  is  replete. 

I  was  "invited  to  dine  at  Holland  House,  "to  meet  a  few  friends;  "  the 
guests  were  Lord  Melbourne,  Premier ;  Palmerston,  Foreign  Affairs ;  the  At 
torney  General,  and  one  other  member  of  the  Government ;  also  Mr.  Harris,  the 
Librarian,  who  came  from  Scotland  thirty  years  before,  to  arrange  the  Library, 
and  never  found  his  way  "back.  He  was  a  very  learned,  intelligent,  and  excellent 
man.  I  had  the  pleasure  to  be  seated  at  the  right  hand  of  my  host.  The 
arrangements  of  the  table  were  most  luxurious.  The  conversation  at  first  was 
light  and  pleasant;  Lady  Holland,  who  was  very  intelligent  and  well  informed, 
took  part.  Queen  Victoria  had  recently  come  to  the  Throne,  and  in  consequence 
of  the  dissolution  of  Parliament,  which  always  occurs  on  the  demise  of  a  sover 
eign,  an  election  was  going  on  for  the  New  Parliament.  The  returns  of  the 
election  were  coming  in,  and  after  her  Ladyship  retired,  the  letters  giving 
returns  received  by  the  different  gentlemen,  were  referred  to.  The  result,  I 
may  here  state,  was  very  close,  not  giving  to  the  Whig  Ministry  more  than 


298  REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON. 

.about  eighteen  majority.  In  the  course  of  the  conversation  on  the  subject  ot 
the  election,  I  was  asked  by  Lord  Holland,  if  I  had  given  any  attention  to  the 
elections  in  the  United  States.  I  replied,  I  had ;  I  was  then  asked  to  relate 
the  process,  which  I  did.  I  gave  a  detailed  account  of  the  proceeding.  Hap 
pening  to  state  that  the  respective  parties  canvassed  every  evening  the  votes  of 
the  day,  to  arrive  at  an  approximation  of  the  result,  and  ascertain  the  names 
of  persons  who  had  not  voted,  and  were  to  be  looked  after  (the  elections  at  that 
time,  in  the  State  of  New  York  continued  three  days),  this  statement 
awakened  curiosity  to  know  how  those  of  each  party  could  know  the  character 
of  the  votes  by  ballot  which  were  cast.  I  gave  the  details,  which  I  had  fre 
quently  witnessed  and  participated  in.  Earnest  inquiries  were  made  as  to  the 
character  of  the  ballots,  and  particularly  whether  the  voter  could  not  conceal 
his  vote.  The  conversation  on  this  subject  suggested  the  opinion  that  these 
gentlemen  might  wish  that  by  changing  the  mode  of  voting,  the  voter  might  be 
exempted  from  certain  influences  to  which  he  was  extensively  subjected  in  Eng 
land.  I  had  learned  from  a  member  of  the  Cabinet  that  the  aristocracy,  the 
church,  and  the  moneyed  classes  were  generally  opposed  to  the  Whigs.  Under 
this  impression,  I  ventured  to  express  the  opinion,  that  by  the  Constitution  of 
Great  Britain  it  was  well  understood  that  in  the  House  of  Commons  property 
as  well  as  persons  were  to  be  represented.  I  saw  that  the  suggestion  as  to  the 
Constitution  of  Great  Britain,  by  an  American  of  no  pretensions  to  position, 
excited  much  surprise.  The  librarian  commenced  a  dissertation  upon  the 
Constitution,  beginning  with  the  Witenagemot.  Lord  Holland  mildly  said, 
*'  Mr.  Harris,  it  is  unnecessary  to  go  through  all  that,  Mr.  Hamilton  is  right." 
My  name  was  then  first  mentioned,  and,  shortly  afterward,  Lord  Melbourne, 
bowing  to  me  said,  "  Sir,  I  have  heard  the  opinion  of  a  gentleman  of  your 
name  in  the  United  States  upon  the  government  of  England."  Lord  Holland 
interposed  by  saying,  u  the  father  of  this  gentleman."  Lord  Melbourne — "  I 
am  gratified  to  know  the  son  of  that  distinguished  American.  I  will  continue- 
He  said  the  Government  of  Great  Britain  was  '  the  happiest  device  of  human 
ingenuity.'  " 

Lord  Holland  remarked,  "as  to  the  suffrage,  we  hold  that  the  electors  vote 
for  themselves,  and  as  trustees  for  those  who  cannot  vote."  I  remarked,  u  With 
your  recognized  usage,  if  the  ministry  cannot  secure  a  mnjority  of  the  re 
presentatives  upon  what  is  known  to  be  a  ministerial  measure,  they  are  bound 
to  resign."  Lord  Holland, — "  We  consider  that  as  a  part  of  the  law  of  our  gov 
ernment."  I  said,  "  Organize  your  House  of  Commons  so  that  it  shall  be  the 
representative  of  the  people,  and  it  would  give  such  an  effect  to  their  power  as 
to  make  it  a  completely  popular  government.  Under  our  system,  and  during  the 
Presidency  of  General  Jackson,  his  partisans  were  in  a  minority  of  both  the 
Senate  and  House  of  Representatives  for  a  long  time,  but  his  course  of  policy 
was  not  changed."  At  the  close  of  this  conversation,  the  Attorney  General,  who 
sat  next  to  me,  very  courteously  said,  "  Mr.  Hamilton,  you  ought  to  go  to  Scot- 


REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES  A.  HAMILTON.  299 

land."  "I  intend  to  do  so."  "  Then  let  me  have  your  address,  that  I  may  give 
you  letters  to  my  friends  in  Scotland."  I  was  afterward  invited  to  a  breakfast 
at  Holland  House  to  meet  Sergeant  Talfourd.  On  this  occasion,  Holland  asked 
me  to  remain  after  his  friends  had  left.  I  did  so.  He  took  me  into  his  office, 
and  showed  me  the  manuscript  letters  of  George  III.  to  Lord  North,  in 
sisting  upon  the  continuance  of  our  war.  He  said,  "  I  show  you  these  letters  to 
remove  from  North  the  opinion  generally  entertained  in  your  country,  that 
the  war  of  the  Revolution  was  continued  by  his  obstinacy."  * 

It  was  my  good  fortune  to  meet  at  Holland  House  Samuel  Rogers,  the  poet. 
On  one  occasion,  Holland  said  to  me,  "  Dine  with  me  on  such  a  day;  you  will 
then  have  an  opportunity  to  meet  Prince  *  *  *  *  *  *,  the  Queen's  relative." 
I  did  so.  The  dinner  was  a  very  large  one,  of  very  distinguished  persons,  and 
I  had  the  honor  to  hand  to  dinner  Miss  Fox,  an  aged  lady,  the  sister  of  the 
illustrious  Charles  Fox. 

The  evening  receptions  at  Holland  House  were  very  interesting.  At  one,  I 
met  the  Duke  of  Sutherland  and  his  Duchess,  and  this  incident  occurred.  Lord 
Holland  was  so  infirm  as  to  be  confined  to  his  chair.  While  I  was  conversing 
with  him,  he  called  the  Duke,  presented  me  to  him,  and  then  said,  "  Your  Grace 
can  render  a  service  to  Mr.  Hamilton,  by  giving  him  a  letter  to  some  person  in 
Edinburgh,  who  will  assist  him  in  obtaining  a  good  gardener  to  take  to  Amer 
ica."  His  Grace  readily  assented,  and  his  Lordship  informed  him  where  he 
would  find  pen,  ink,  and  paper.  The  letter  was  written,  and  addressed  to  Mr. 
Low,  who  rendered  me  a  great  service  in  that  way.  Lord  Holland  gave  me  let 
ters  to  his  friends  in  the  country,  the  Earl  of  Leicester,  Lord  Panmure,  and 
the  Earl  of  Lauderdale.  At  my  last  interview  before  I  travelled,  he  said,  "  Mr. 
Hamilton,  you  appear  to  be  well  informed  as  to  the  industry  of  your  own  people 
—I  wish  you  would  go  into  the  fields,  market-towns,  workshops,  and  other 
places  where  you  can  see  the  English  laboring  classes,  and  let  me  know  on  your 
return  the  result  of  your  observations."  I  assented,  and  did  so.  I  found  in  the 
market-places  and  the  fields  a  race  of  uncommonly  well-developed,  tall,  and 
strong  men,  who  moved  and  worked  slowly.  They  seemed  to  me  to  want  the 
knack,  skill,  and  rapidity  of  movement  in  their  work  to  be  found  among  the 
American  farmers.  I  did  not  suppose  his  Lordship  would  remember  his  request, 
but  to  my  suprise  and  regret,  when  I  called  upon  him  on  my  return,  he 
put  the  inquiry  to  me,  which  I  answered  hesitatingly,  but  fairly.  He  was 
evidently  a  little  disappointed. 

At  Lynn,  I  mailed  my  letter  to  the  Earl  of  Leicester,  the  Hon.  Mr.  Coke 
of  Holkham  (the  stage  which  took  ire  to  Holkham  conveyed  to  him  his  patent 
of  nobility  as  Earl  of  Leicester.)  This  visit  was  of  a  most  interesting  charac 
ter.  The  great  commoner  of  England  had  been  an  earnest  advocate  for  the 
recognition  of  our  independence,  and  as  such,  in  the  House  of  Commons  where 
he  represented  Norfolk  for  several  years,  he  made  the  first  movement  to  that 

*  These  letters  were  published  after  this  interview. 


300  REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON. 

end.  In  a  speech  he  made  at  the  hustings  where  there  was  a  likeness  of  George 
III.,  he  apostrophised  it  as  the  likeness  of  a  tyrant  who  had  cost  his  coun 
try  more  blood  and  treasure  than  all  his  predecessors.  For  some  cause  not 
explained  to  me,  I  learned  that  he  had  refused  a  patent  of  nobility  from  George 
IV.,  and  William,  under  a  determination  not  to  receive  that  honor  from  a 
direct  descendant  of  the  tyrant.  He  was  a  finished  gentleman  of  the  old  school, 
I  suppose  eighty  years  of  age,  and  probably  the  most  extensive  and  expert  agri 
culturalist  in  the  kingdom.  I  think  he  had  seven  thousand  acres  inclosed,  of 
which  two  thousand  five  hundred  were  planted  by  himself.  His  forest  had  so 
far  advanced  that  he  had  a  sale  of  ship  timber  just  before  I  arrived,  to  the 
amount  of  £400.  I  drove  with  him  through  a  field  of  turnips  of  one  hundred 
and  fifty  acres. 

Lady  Leicester  was  of  a  noble  family,  a  second  wife,  about  thirty-four  years 
of  age,  very  handsome,  well  mannered,  having  great  good  sense,  and  a  sweet 
temper.  She  had  four  children — three  boys  and  a  girl — the  youngest  I  believe 
about  five.  The  present  Lord  Leicester,  the  eldest  sen,  a  well-behaved  lad  of 
about  twelve,  was  called  "  Thomas  Coke  "  the  day  before  I  arrived,  and  that 
day,  "  my  Lord  Coke."  Lady  Bury,  a  charming  woman,  the  sister  of  Lady  Lei 
cester,  was  a  guest.  I  learned  from  my  host  that  Norfolk  was  considered  the 
most  barren  country  in  England.  King  George  said  it  was  only  fit  to  furnish 
metal  for  the  roads  of  other  parts  of  the  kingdom,  and  that  you  might  see  two 
rabbits  fighting  for  a  leaf  of  clover.  Before  Mr.  Coke  went  to  Holkham  to 
reside  and  to  improve  that  vast  estate,  the  land  was  rented  at  eighteen  pence 
sterling  an  acre,  and  by  the  improved  system  of  cultivation  introduced  by  him 
it  was,  when  I  was  there,  leased  for  £3  per  acre.  The  sheep-shearings  of  Hoi- 
comb  are  celebrated  (see  Mr.  Rush's  account  of  the  one  he  visited).  As  the 
guests  of  Mr.  Coke,  the  Prince  of  Wales  and  Charles  Fox  were  frequently  with 
this  very  distinguished  gentleman  and  agriculturalist.  I  passed  three  days 
most  agreeably  j  the  Earl  was  very  interesting  and  communicative.  His  private 
conversation  cannot  be  repeated.  His  agricultural  skill,  and  the  management 
of  his  estate  was  a  system  so  excellent,  that  there  were  three  young  men  at  that 
time  living  with  his  overseer  and  manager,  attending  upon  him  in  order  to  learn 
the  system,  and  thus  fit  themselves  for  a  like  employment.  I  saw  these  men 
going  about  with  the  manager,  and  their  being  there  was  so  accounted  for  to 
me  by  the  Earl.  The  first  morning,  while  the  Earl  was  talking  with  me,  the 
ladies  and  children  left  the  room.  During  the  morning,  walking  with  Lady 
Bury  in  the  garden,  she  said,  "  Why  did  you  not  go  to  prayers  with  us  this 
morning  after  breakfast  ?  "  I  answered,  "  Because,  when  you  left  the  table,  you 
did  not  invite  me  to  go  with  you,  and  I  did  not  know  where  you  were  going." 
She  said,  "  Well,  to-morrow  morning  go  with  us  ;  the  Earl  remained  because  he 
did  not  choose  to  leave  you  alone."  In  the  course  of  the  day,  she  said,  "  The 
chaplain  is  going  away  to-day  with  one  of  the  boys,  and  he  may  not  be  back  to 
morrow  ;  however,  if  you  see  us  go,  go  with  us."  Of  course,  I  assured  her 


REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON.  301 

that  I  would  attend  her  with  much  pleasure.  The  next  morning,  as  soon  as 
breakfast  was  done,  I  rose  with  the  others,  and  we  walked  out  of  the  room 
through  another,  and  into  that  part  of  the  chapel  devoted  to  the  chaplain  and 
the  family  and  guests.  Below  there  were  about  sixty  people — servants,  labor 
ers,  and  villagers.  The  chaplain  being  absent,  Lady  Leicester  went  into  the 
desk,  and  read  the  service  in  a  most  excellent  manner.  At  its  close,  all  were 
going  out ;  I  waited  for  her  Ladyship,  and  she  took  my  arm.  I  expressed  my 
gratification  at  what  I  had  heard,  and  asked  her  whether  this  was  an  accustomed 
practice  among  persons  of  her  rank.  She  said  it  was,  and  added,  "  My  husband 
is  going  to  give  you  letters  to  his  friends,  and  you  will  find  the  same  course  at 
the  houses  of  all  these  persons." 

From  Ilolkham  I  returned  to  Lynn,  and  thence  went  to  the  house  of  Mr. 
Whitaker,  where  I  arrived  on  the  20th  August,  1837.  This  substantial  farmer 
and  extensive  breeder  of  short-horn  or  Durham  cattle,  was  the  first  man  whose 
cattle  of  that  breed  were  brought  to  this  country.  On  my  arrival,  I  found  Mr. 
Hare  Powell,  of  Philadelphia,  an  acquaintance,  who  had  first  introduced  these 
cattle  to  public  notice  in  the  United  States.  Mr.  Whitaker  was  a  very  sub 
stantial  farmer — of  good  sense,  well  informed,  and  of  frank  manners.  I  passed 
a  night  and  part  of  two  days  at  his  house.  He  instructed  me  in  regard  to  the 
raising  of  cattle ;  and  showed  me  the  cattle  in  his  neighborhood,  where  I  pur 
chased  a  bull  and  cow.  He  informed  me  that  he  lived  in  a  parish  which  in 
cluded  a  large  number  of  operatives  who  worked  in  the  neighboring  woolen 
and  cotton  mills;  that  in  order  to  get  rid  of  taxation,  landholders  (noblemen) 
had  destroyed  the  cottages  on  their  estates  in  that  neighborhood,  and  thus  had 
driven  that  portion  of  the  populace  called  cottiers  into  the  towns,  or  else 
where.  Speaking  of  taxation,  Mr.  Whitaker  informed  me  that  he  had  been 
taxed  to  the  extent  of  six  shillings  on  the  pound.  With  astonishment  I  asked 
how  that  was.  He  replied  that  when  the  work  is  dull  at  the  mills,  and  the 
operatives  could  not  earn  sufficient  to  support  their  families,  they  were  thus 
driven  to  seek  support  under  the  poor-laws.  I  asked  him  to  explain  how  that 
was  done.  He  replied,  "  If  a  laboring  man,  having  a  family,  could  not  earn  ten 
shillings  a  week,  he  went  to  a  justice  of  the  peace  and  was  examined  under 
oath.  The  justice's  duty  then  was  to  inquire  into  the  facts;  and  if  he  found 
the  statement  correct,  he  made  an  order  upon  the  poor-master  to  pay  to  the 
laborer  the  amount  which,  with  his  wages,  would  give  him  ten  shillings  a 
week."  I  remarked,  "  And  thus  the  manufacturers  were  induced  to  reduce  the 
wages  of  their  operatives  to  the  lowest  possible  sum,  well  knowing  that  the 
taxes  upon  the  land-owners  and  others  would  pay,  in  part,  for  his  work."  It  is 
well  known  that  the  poor-rates  in  Great  Britain  are  excessive  at  this  day;  and 
that  the  laborers  are  sustained  by  these  rates.  The  modus  operandi  is  changed, 
but  the  fact  and  its  effects  are  the  same.  It  tends  to  degrade  the  laboring  classes, 
by  impairing  their  independence  and  self-reliance,  and  by  aiding  the  manufac 
turer  to  make  his  fabrics  at  a  less  price,  the  raw  material  being  as  a  general 
rule  the  one  half,  and  the  wages  the  other  half  of  the  value  of  the  cloth,  &c. 


302  REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON. 

I  went  to  Edinburgh,  where  I  had  the  pleasure  to  make  the  acquaintance  of 
Sir  William  Hamilton — an  eminent  scholar — Lord  Jeffries,  and  the  Earl  of 
Lauderdale,  who  were  there  to  attend  the  election  of  the  sixteen  Scottish  Peers  to 
represent  Scotland  in  the  House  of  Lords  of  Great  Britain.  We  went  to  Holy- 
rood  House  to  witness  this  election.  There  were  not  present  more  than 
thirty  of  the  Scottish  Peers.  There  was  no  presiding  officer.  All  was  in- 
formal;  their  action  seemed  to  be  merely  to  vote.  The  Justices  of  Sessions, 
in  scarlet  robes,  were  present ;  and  the  Clerk  of  Sessions  recorded  the 
votes.  He  administered  three  oaths  :  1st,  Of  allegiance  to  the  Queen ;  2d, 
Renouncing  all  allegiance  to  the  Pretender;  3d,  Denouncing  and  abjuring 
the  supremacy  of  the  Pope.  The  Peers  then  present  voted  viva  voce,  and 
many  of  them  "  myself."  This  was  disgusting.  The  Marquis  of  Tweeddale 
was  the  only  person  voted  for,  who  did  not  vote  for  himself.  A  gentle 
man  was  there  who  claimed  to  have  the  right  to  vote  as  Lord  Sterling.  A 
protest  was  entered  against  his  right  to  vote  by  the  Duke  of  Buccleugh  and  Earl 
Lauderdale.  The  Earl  of  Man  protested  against  the  name  of  any  Earl  being 
called  before  his.  Several  voted  by  proxy;  and  some  by  lists,  duly  signed  and 
witnessed,  as  the  Act  of  Parliament  requires. 

My  most  interesting  visit  was  to  Grange,  in  Ayrshire,  the  residence  of 
Alexander  Hamilton,  who  was  a  cousin  of  my  father.  My  grandfather,  James 
Hamilton,  had  lived  on  this  place — not  in  the  house  the  Laird  now  occupied,  but 
in  a  large  stone  house  of  which  the  ruins  still  remained,  covered  with  ivy.  I 
am  the  only  descendant  of  my  grandfather  who  ever  visited  the  home  of  his 
ancestors,  which  he  left  probably  more  than  one  hundred  years  before  to  seek 
his  fortune  in  the  West  Indies.  The  relative  whose  guest  I  was,  then  eighty 
years  of  age,  was  most  hospitable.  I  had  there  probably  as  good  an  oppor 
tunity  to  see  the  domestic  life  of  a  Scotch  gentleman  of  the  old  school  as  in  any 
other  house  in  Scotland.  The  clergyman  of  the  parish,  and  several  other  gen 
tlemen,  visited  him  while  I  was  there.  They  addressed  him  as  "  Grange  "  and 
as  "  My  Laird."  He  had  living  with  him  Captain  Wright,  and  two  young  mai 
den  ladies — relations  ;  also  an  ancient,  very  clever  woman,  a  visitor.  The  Laird 
showed  me  the  portraits  of  many  departed  members  of  the  family,  and  among 
others,  Sir  John  Pellick,  of  that  ilk.  His  two  waiters  were  dressed  in  small 
clothes  and  plain  livery.  He  said  to  me,  lt  Cousin,  as  you  have  been  in  Paris  and 
London,  I  fear  you  will  not  find  my  cooking  agreeable,  for,  to  say  the  truth,  my 
cook  has  lived  with  me  forty  years."  A  very  agreeable  and  singular  reunion  of 
the  family  was  as  follows  :  At  about  nine  o'clock  at  night,  all  the  party  sat 
around  the  dining  table ;  the  Laird  had  a  plate  of  oatmeal  for  his  supper ;  be 
fore  each  gentleman,  Captain  Wright,  my  son,  and  myself,  were  placed  a  small 
carrat  of  whiskey,  a  goblet,  wine  glasses,  sugar,  and  a  silver  ladle  with  ebony 
handle  ;  warm  water  was  in  a  tea  urn  within  reach,  and  a  plate  with  soft  biscuit 
before  each  person.  This  reunion  was  for  conversation.  Each  gentleman  made 
his  whiskey  toddy  in  his  goblet,  and  with  the  ladle  filled  one  or  more  of  his 


REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON.  303 

glasses  with  the  mixture  he  had  prepared,  and  sent  it  to  one  of  the  ladies  of  his 
choice.  This  simple  and  agreeable  tipple  occupied  the  party  for  an  hour  or  so 
in  lively  chat.  The  elder  lady  repeated  to  the  Laird  a  gossiping  story  of  an 
other  lady,  to  which  he  replied,  "  Ah  !  she  is  a  rinsing  hussy."  I  write  accord 
ing  to  the  sound.  The  whiskey  was  far  better  than  any  I  had  ever  tasted,  and 
wishing  to  send  some  of  the  same  to  America,  I  said,  "Laird,  this  is  the  best 
whiskey  I  ever  tasted.  Where  do  you  get  it  ?  1J  After  a  pause,  he  said,  "  Cou 
sin,  that  is  a  question  never  asked  nor  answered  in  this  part  of  Scotland."  I 
felt  that  I  had  made  a  blunder.  He  said  shortly  afterward,  "  Cousin  James, 
to-morrow  morning  before  breakfast,  if  you  go  down  to  the  entry  you  will  prob 
ably  find  on  the  marble  table  a  few  black  bottles  well  corked,  and  if  you  go 
round  the  house  you  may  encounter  a  naked-legged  Highland  man."  The  next 
morning  I  was  up  early,  and  found  all  things  that  had  been  intimated.  It  was 
obvious  why  such  a  question  was  never  asked  nor  answered.  At  breakfast,  I 
laughingly  said,  "  Captain  Wright,  I  found  this  morning  a  very  civil  Scot  walk 
ing  round  the  house  in  a  costume  I  had  never  seen  before,  except  on  the  stage. 
I  should  like  to  have  a  cask  of  any  liquor  he  might  have,  put  into  my  coach." 
Wright  replied,  "  I  think  I  can  manage  it."  The  Laird  said  promptly,  "  Hout, 
man,  they  would  find  it  and  seize  the  carriage,  cask  and  all.  Cousin,  stay  here 
and  enjoy  the  liquor,  but  do  not  attempt  to  carry  any  away  in  any  other  manner. 
Nothing  can  escape  the  vigilance  of  the  excise  man."  The  explanation  was 
that  the  bottles  were  placed  on  the  table,  and  the  naked-legged  fellow  was  found 
ncir  the  house  and  received  payment  for  his  liquor. 

I  said  to  the  Laird,  "  Cousin,  is  not  the  Duke  of  Hamilton  the  chief  or  head 
of  our  clan  ?  "  "I  believe  he  is,"  he  replied.  "  Do  you  not,  as  a  liege,  go  some 
times  to  pay  your  respects  to  your  chief?  "  "  Nay  !  cousin,  not  I ;  he  is  a  damn 
Whig  Radical."  This  good  gentleman  was  so  high  a  Tory  that  he  would  not 
allow  a  questionable  newspaper  to  come  into  his  house. 

I  returned  to  London,  and  to  the  society  of  my  dear  friend,  Samuel  Rogers. 
I  had  the  pleasure,  in  the  course  of  my  five  voyages  to  Europe,  to  visit  London 
eight  or  ten  times,  and  until  the  last  two,  in  1847  and  1848,  always  breakfasted 
at  his  house,  and  enjoyed  much  of  his  society.  His  father,  as  he  told  me,  was 
accustomed  to  have  family  prayers.  When  he  heard  of  the  Declaration  of  In 
dependence,  he  added  a  prayer  for  the  success  of  the  Colonies,  which  he  repeated 
every  day  until  the  peace.  He  believed  the  feelings  which  prompted  this  prayer 
were  more  common  in  England  than  is  generally  supposed.  He  said,  when  an 
armament  was  ordered  to  be  taken  from  the  tower  to  be  sent  to  America,  the 
officer  in  command  resigned  the  place,  rather  than  to  be  instrumental  in  subdu 
ing  the  Colonies. 

The  Recorder  of  London,  when  he  heard  of  the  outbreak  of  the  rebellion, 
went  to  order  a  suit  of  mourning.  His  tailor  expressed  the  hope  that  his  Lord 
ship  had  not  met  with  a  serious  loss.  "Yes,"  was  the  answer,  "  my  country's  loss, 
by  the  rebellion,  induced  by  injustice  and  tyranny." 


304  REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON. 

At  one  of  rny  early  visits  he  asked  me  for  the  names  of  all  my  children, 
and  sent  to  each  of  them  (five)  a  copy  of  his  works,  with  their  names  written 
by  himself.  I  refer  to  my  social  intercourse  at  this  time  in  London  to  relate 
an  incident  of  a  peculiar  character.  I  was  invited  to  dine  at  Lansdowne  House 
with  a  large  party  of  very  distinguished  people.  The  host  asked  me  to  take 
his  daughter  in  to  dinner.  I  did  so,  and  devoted  myself  (as  was  my  duty  and 
pleasure)  to  her.  She  sat  next  to  her  mother.  At  length  the  nobleman  who 
handed  the  mother  in  to  dinner,  and  who  was,  of  course,  the  person  of  highest 
rank  at  the  table,  invited  the  daughter  to  drink  wine  with  him.  I  turned  to 
my  next  neighbor,  a  large,  burly-looking  man,  who  directly  turned  to  me  and 
said,  "  An  American,  I  perceive  ?  "  "  Yes,  sir,  I  have  the  honor  to  be  an 
American."  "  Well,  sir,  there  is  an  account  up  there  (pointing  with  his  fore 
finger)  which  your  country  will  find  it  very  difficult  to  settle."  I  understood 
his  allusion,  and  being  a  little  nettled,  I  retorted  by  saying,  "  Slavery  ?  If  that 
account  is  properly  entered,  your  country  must  settle  it.  You  brought  slavery 
upon  us,  and  when,  as  Colonies,  we  asked  to  be  permitted  to  abolish  it,  our 
parental  government  refused  to  allow  us  to  do  so.  And  let  me  add,  too,  in 
India  the  English  Judges  have  decided  that  the  Hindoo  law  which  sanctioned 
slavery  was  the  law  of  the  land,  the  law  of  a  British  territory.  If  I  recollect 
aright,  we  are  informed  by  the  best  authority  that,  in  a  great  famine  in  British 
India,  the  women  sold  their  children  to  obtain  bread."  My  tone  was  earnest, 
and  my  manner  so  emphatic  as  to  invite  the  attention  of  others.  The  company 
rose  to  retire,  and  the  Marquis  said,  "  Macaulay  !  Colonel  Hamilton  !  what ! 
what!  "  I  thus  learned  who  my  antagonist  was.  He  afterward  met  me  at  a 
breakfast,  and  when  introduced  to  me,  apologized. 

Our  country  was  frequently  attacked  on  account  of  slavery.  I  will  only 
refer  to  one  case  at  a  subsequent  visit  to  London.  Lord  Brougham  was  very 
attentive  to  me.  He  proposed  to  take  and  introduce  me  to  Lord  Lyndhurst, 
then  Lord  Chancellor,  Lord  Denman,  Chief  Justice  of  the  Queen's  Bench,  Lord 
Jeffrey,  and  others,  who  were  to  meet  me  at  dinner  at  his  house.  When  we 
got  to  the  Chief  Justice's  house,  we  were  received  in  his  library,  and  after  a 
little  chat  Brougham  said,  "  Col.  Hamilton,  I  wish  to  talk  with  you  frankly 
upon  an  interesting  subject  to  your  country  if  you  will  give  me  leave."  I  said, 
"  Certainly,  my  Lord, — slavery,  I  suppose  ?  "  Denman  smiled.  Brougham 
said,  "  Yes  !  if  you  have  no  objection."  I  said,  "Certainly  not  any;  and  now 
let  me  say,  I  consider  it  a  great  social  and  political  evil  and  a  crime ;  here  we 
all  agree,  and  now  the  only  point  worth  discussing  is,  how  to  get  rid  of  it,  and 
I  now  put  the  whole  power  of  the  Government  into  your  hands,  and  call  upon 
you  to  say  how  we  can  get  rid  of  it."  Denman  said,  "  My  Lord,  nothing  can 
be  fairer  than  that.  Col.  Hamilton  meets  the  subject  in  the  handsomest  man 
ner."  Brougham  said,  "  I  admit  that,  and  now  ask,  Why  does  not  your  Gov 
ernment  pass  a  law  abolishing  slavery  ? "  I  answered,  i(  Do  you  mean  the 
State  Governments  ?  "  "  Yes."  I  then  pointed  out  to  him  that  the  men  who 


REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES   A.  HAMILTON.  305 

controlled  the  States  were  slaveholders  to  a  man,  and  that  it  could  not  be 
expected  they  would  pass  a  law  which  would  break  up  their  whole  social  sys 
tem,  and  consequently  impoverish  them  and  their  children  ;  surely,  that  is 
more  than  can  be  expected  from  poor  human  nature.  Besides,  they  have  been 
accustomed  to  it  for  centuries,  and  do  not  think  of  it  as  you  and  I  do." 
Brougham — u  Well,  then,  why  does  not  the  Federal  Government  abolish  it  ?  " 
Hamilton — "  That  Government  has  no  power  under  the  Constitution  to  do  so." 
Brougham — "  Then  why  does  not  Congress  alter  the  Constitution?"  Hamil 
ton — a  The  Congress  derives  all  its  power  from  the  Constitution;  it  has  no 
power  to  enlarge  or  diminish  the  powers  of  the  Constitution."  I  then  went  on 
to  explain  that  the  Constitution  could  only  be  altered  with  the  consent  of  the 
State  Legislatures.  Brougham  rose,  took  my  hand,  thanked  me,  and  was  about 
to  tako  leave,  when  the  Chief  Justice  interposed.  "  I  wish  to  talk  with  Mr. 
Hamilton  on  another  subject."  He  asked  me  if  I  was  a  lawyer.  I  said,  "  Yes." 
He  then  said,  '•  I  have  introduced  a  bill  to  authorize  parties  in  suits  to  be  ex 
amined  as  witnesses.  Allow  me  to  give  you  a  printed  copy  of  that  bill,  and  to 
hope  that  you  will  give  me  your  opinion  on  the  subject."  I  received  it  with 
thanks,  brought  the  bill  to  New  York,  and  put  it  into  the  hands  of  a  learned 
lawyer.  I  believe  this  originated  the  Act  passed  by  our  State  Legislature  on 
that  subject.  Lord  Denman  was  one  of  the  most  gentle,  kind,  and  interesting 
men  I  ever  saw.  I  visited  him  afterward,  and  had  much  conversation  with 
him  in  relation  to  public  affairs.  Lord  Brougham  presented  me  with  a  portion 
of  his  works.  The  dinner  came  off.  To  show  how  Brougham's  very  extensive 
knowledge  WHS  generally  conceded  :  conversing  with  Earl  Spencer,  we  differed 
as  to  a  question  of  fact.  Spencer  said,  "  I  am  not  sure,  but  Brougham  will 
tell  us  how  the  matter  is."  Out  one  occasion,  I  met  with  Sir  *  *  *  who  was 
Minister  of  Woods  and  Forests.  Talking  about  the  various  languages  in  the 
kingdom,  he  said,  "  I  was  a  candidate  in  Yorkshire,  and  at  the  hustings  when 
I  was  to  speak  it  was  necessary  for  me  to  have  a  person  near  me  to  interpret 
the  questions  put  to  me  in  the  language  of  the  people."  There  are  four  differ 
ent  languages  spoken  in  the  kingdom,  exclusive  of  that  spoken  in  Yorkshire, 
and  the  people  who  speak  English  do  not  understand  the  language  of  the  Irish, 
Scotch,  or  Welch.  Our  system  of  Common  Schools  would  do  away  with  this 
evil.  The  Established  Church  has  been  the  obstacle.  She  has  insisted  that 
she  must  control  the  education  of  the  people. 

Lord  Holland  told  me  that  he  had  seen  much  of  Prince  Talleyrand  when  he 
was  Ambassador  in  England  in  1832.  Talking  of  the  distinguished  men  he 
had  met,  he  said  the  three  most  powerful  intellects  were  Napoleon,  Charles 
Fox,  and  Alexander  Hamilton.  His  affection  for  my  father  was  unbounded. 
Holland  asked  inn  if  I  had  seen  the  Prince  ;  I  told  him  of  the  unsuccessful 
efforts  I  had  made  to  do  so,  and  intimated  that  perhaps  he  did  not  care  to  see  me. 
Pie  replied,  "You  are  mistaken;  you  owe]  it  to  him  as  well  as  to  yourself  not 
20 


306  REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON. 

to  leave  Europe  without  visiting  him.  It  will  afford  him  very  great  pleasure 
to  see  you." 

From  England  I  went  to  Paris.  On  my  way  to  Dover,  I  rode  with  the 
driver  as  I  most  often  did  when  I  travelled  in  the  stage  coaches.  Expressing 
my  regret  to  the  driver  that  I  did  not  know  where  to  purchase  a  good  terrier  to 
take  home,  he  said  there  was  no  difficulty  in  getting  them  well-trained  and 
cheap  in  London.  I  asked  him  what  a  dog  and  slut  would  cost.  He  replied, 
"  the  best,  five  pounds,"  (about  $20).  I  then  told  him  the  ship  Westminster  lay 
in  St.  Catharine's  Dock,  I  was  to  sail  in  her  for  America  on  the  8th  October, 
that  my  carriage  and  servant  were  on  board  of  her,  and  if  he  would  purchase 
for  me  two  good  terriers,  and  put  them  on  board  the  ship,  I  would  give  him  my 
name  and  the  five  pounds.  He  said  he  would  do  so.  I  gave  him  the  money 
and  my  card,  writing  upon  it  the  name  of  the  vessel,  &c.  When  we  stopped  to 
change  horses  and  the  driver,  I  said  to  him,  "  Now  my  good  fellow,  do  your 
duty  to  me."  He  offered  me  his  name,  I  told  him  that  was  useless,  we  should 
never  meet  again,  and  I  left  the  whole  matter  to  him.  I  had  confidence  in 
his  honesty.  When  I  went  on  board  the  vessel,  at  Portsmouth,  on  the  10th 
October,  the  dogs  were  there.  The  male,  called  Boxer,  was  a  famous  rat 
catcher.  I  record  this  evidence  of  the  integrity  of  John  Bull  with  great 
pleasure. 

On  my  arrival  in  Paris,  I  addressed  a  note  to  Prince  Talleyrand,  then  at 
Valengay,  proposing  to  visit  him  whenever  it  would  be  agreeable  to  him  to  re 
ceive  me.  He  promptly  and  courteously  replied  that  it  would  give  him  pleasure 
to  see  me  any  day  that  I  should  come  to  Valencay.  I  replied  that  I  would  be 
there  on  a  given  day.  My  son  and  I  left  Paris,  and  posted  to  Valen^ay, 
travelling  night  and  day,  and  arrived  there  at  11  A.M.  of  the  day  I  had 
mentioned.  We  were  received  by  a  son  of  the  Duke  Denon,  the  Prince's 
grand  nephew,  who  told  us  that  his  uncle  had  taken  his  accustomed  ride;  that 
he  dined  at  four  o'clock,  but  wished  me  to  be  in  the  drawing-room  half  an  hour 
before  that  time,  that  he  might  see  me  before  his  other  guests  arrived.  This 
circumstance  did  not  tend  to  remove  my  distrust  of  his  sincerity.  I  amused 
myself;  was  dressed,  and  went  to  the  drawing-room  before  the  appointed  time. 
One  of  the  three  or  four  rooms  en  suite  had  the  pictures  at  large  of  Xapoleon, 
Louis  XVIII.,  Charles  X.,  and  Louis  Philippe.  That  of  Napoleon  was  the 
original  from  which  we  see  the  Emperor  in  his  full  royal  robes.  On  another 
part  of  the  walls  were  the  portraits  of  other  kings  and  distinguished  men  which 
had  been  presented  to  this  most  distinguished  statesman.  Waiting  in  that 
room  I  heard  the  wagon  in  which  he  was  rolled  along  coming  over  the  marble 
pavement  of  the  large  hall.  It  stopped.  I  determined  that  it  was  becoming 
in  me  to  walk  out  to  meet  him,  and  that  in  doing  so  I  might  take  him  un 
awares.  He  was  standing  up  leaning  against  the  hand-rail  of  the  stairs.  I 
held  out  my  hand,  he  took  it  in  both  of  his,  and  said  with  evident  feeling, 
•"  Thank  God,  I  see  the  son  of  my  dearest  friend  ! "  This  was  conclusive.  I 


REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES  A.  HAMILTON.  307 

had  done  him  injustice.  Nothing  could  be  more  kind  and  affectionate  than  he 
was  during  the  three  or  four  days  I  remained  with  him.  My  son,  who  spoke 
French,  was  always  seated  at  dinner  at  his  left  hand.  I  always  banded  his 
niece,  the  Duchess  Denon,  in  to  dinner,  and  sat  next  to  her.  She  spoke  English 
with  as  much  ease  and  as  readily  as  I  did.  On  one  occasion,  speaking  of  the 
Prince's  Memoirs,  she  said,  "  You  will  he  gratified  to  see  them.  He  speaks  of 
all  the  distinguished  men  he  met  with  in  your  country,  and  particularly  of 
your  father."  She  told  me  there  were  three  copies  of  them — she  had  one, 
Debacour  (whom  I  had  known  when  Minister  Extraordinary  in  this  country) 
had  one,  and  one  other  copy  was  in  England.  They  were  not  to  be  published 
until  thirty  years  after  his  death  (which  happened  on  the  17th  day  of  May, 
1838).  The  Prince  when  I  visited  him  was,  I  believe,  eighty  years  of  age. 
He  appeared  to  be  toothless.  The  little  hair  he  had  was  white ;  he  wore  a 
large  white  neck-cloth  which  came  on  his  chin.  I  endeavored  to  find  in  his  face 
the  index  of  his  great  mind,  but  in  vain.  His  conversation  was  animated,  and 
his  temper  kind.  His  coat  was  a  frock.  He  was  lame  from  his  infancy,  and 
so  mucli  so,  that  he  walked  with  some  difficulty,  although  he  told  me  he  had 
been  a  good  horseman  in  his  day,  and  followed  the  hounds  with  success.  His 
lameness  happened  this  wise.  When  an  infant,  he  was  sent  to  the  family 
estate  to  be  nursed — a  very  common  practice  among  the  nobility  of  that  day. 
While  in  the  hands  of  his  foster  mother,  his  ankle  joint  was  injured.  The 
nurse,  fearing  to  inform  his  parents,  attempted  by  bandages  to  make  it  right. 
When  he  was  brought  home,  seeing  that  he  was  to  be  a  cripple,  his  parents 
were  advised  to  destroy  what  had  been  done,  and  to  set  the  joint  again.  This 
was  tried  without  success,  and  left  him  in  a  worse  plight  than  before.  His  con 
versation  was  instructive  and  interesting.  I  can  only  repeat  some  of  the 
incidents  and  anecdotes  he  related.  I  told  his  niece  I  wished  his  autograph ; 
she  said  he  never  wrote.  "  Every  day  a  courier  comes  from  Paris  with  letters 
to  him  from  the  King,  or  one  to  the  Ministers.  You  will  observe  he  retires 
for  a  short  time  every  evening  about  eight  o'clock,  this  is  to  receive  and  answer 
letters.  He  has  two  persons  to  whom  he  dictates — one  letter  to  be  sent,  and 
the  other  to  be  retained."  He  told  me,  when  he  was  engaged  with  public  affairs 
he  ate  but  one  meal — his  dinner — but  before  he  went  out  in  the  morning  at 
about  ten  o'clock,  he  drank  a  large  cup  of  coffee  and  milk.  This  sustained 
him  without  at  all  influencing  his  mind,  and  thus  it  was  that  he  was  capable 
of  getting  through  with  his  immense  labor.  His  evenings  were  given  to  society. 
When  he  was  about  to  sail  for  America  he  was  detained  some  days  at  Dover, 
and  being  informed  that  there  was  an  American  gentleman  who  had  rooms  in 
the  hotel,  he  said,  "  Being  anxious  to  learn  something  more  than  I  knew  of  the 
country  to  which  I  was  going,  I  sent  up  my  name,  and  was  invited  to  come  up. 
I  found  the  gentleman  well  informed  of  the  localities  and  of  the  distinguished 
men  of  the  country,  of  all  of  whom  he  spoke  frankly  and  sincerely.  After  my 
visit  was  too  much  prolonged,  I  said,  'Sir,  I  sail  in  that  ship  to-morrow,  for 


308  REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON. 

America,  and  will,  with  pleasure,  take  letters  or  any  thing  else  you  please  to  send 
to  your  friends  in  America.'     He  replied,  ''I  thank  you,  sir,  but  I  am  of  all  men 
the  least  likely  to  have  a  friend  in  America.'     I  went  to  the  landlord,  inquired 
the  name  of  the  gentleman  I  had  seen — he  was  Benedict  Arnold.     An  upbraid 
ing  conscience."     One  day  he  said  tome,  "I  wish  you  to  go  to  my  office  with 
me,  to  see  a  likeness  I  have  of  your  father  ;  you  remember  him  ?  "    "  Certainly, 
well."     He  rose,  and  I  offered  him  my  arm.     "I  cannot  be  better  supported." 
He  took  from  the  mantel  a  miniature  on  Sevres  china,  and  handed  it  to  me.     I 
said  it  was  younger  than  when  I  knew  my  father,  but  was  very  like.     "  If  you 
will  permit  me,  I  will  relate  what  occurred  in  connection  with  that  miniature, 
and  that  scelerat  Burr."     I  bowed  assent.     He  continued:  "  When  I  was  Min 
ister  of  Foreign  Affairs,  Burr  came  to  Paris.     I  knew  of  his  arrival.     He  ad 
dressed  a  note  to  me  expressing  a  wish  to  call  upon  me.     I  had  known  him  in 
New  York;  he  had  been  Vice-President  of  the  United  States.  As  Minister  of 
Foreign  Affairs,  it  would  not  have  been  proper  on  my  part  to  refuse  to  see  so 
distinguished  a  man — the  wretch — I  hated  him ;  he  had   deprived  me  of  my 
dearest  friend.     I  sent  one  of  my  attaches,  and  instructed  him  to  say  to  him  : 
'The  Minister  of  Foreign  Affairs  will  receive  Col.  Burr  at  his  hotel,  at  four 
o'clock  to-morrow  afternoon  ;  but  he  thinks  it  is  due  to  Col.  Burr  to  inform  him 
that  the  miniature  of  General  Hamilton  always  hangs  over  his  mantel  piece.' 
I  did  not  see  him.     I  knew  where  he  was,  and  when  he  left  the  city.     I  ordered 
his  letters  to  be  delivered  to  him  when  he  got  five  leagues  from  Paris.     This  is 
the  miniature  to  which  I  referred.     (It  was  afterwards  sent  to  me,  and  I  now 
have  it.)     The  original,  and  a  copy  on  Sevres  china  were  sent  to,  and  received 
by  your  good  mother.     I  will  state  further,  '  time   soothes  our  sorrows.'      My 
dear  friend,  your  father,  promised  to  send  your  eldest  brother  to  pass  two  years 
in  Paris  with  me,  to  finish  his  education.     I  had  his  rooms  all  prepared  at  my 
hotel,  and  the  vessel  by  which  I  expected  he  would  arrive  brought  the   news  of 
his  death.     I  dwell  with  much  pleasure  upon  all  these  events ;  they  bring  back 
the  recollections  of  my  friend,  your  father,  altogether  the  greatest  intellect  and 
best  man   of  his    country."     At  a  large  dinner,  the  Duke  of  Allara,   aid-de 
camp  of  Wellington  in  the  Spanish   War,  and  afterward  Ambassador  from 
Spain  to  London,  being  the  distinguished  guest  who  handed   the  Duchess  in  to 
dinner,  at  the  close  of  the  dinner,  the   Prince  addressed  him  in  these  words : 
"  Monsieur  le  Due,  it  is  generally  believed  that  the  people  of  America  are  a 
mere  matter-of-fact  people.     I  relate  what  goes  to  show  they  are  a  people  of 
sentiment.     On  the  tower  of  Independence  Hall  in  Chestnut  street,  Philadel 
phia,  there  is  a  nightly  watchman  who  calls  the  hour  of  the  night,  and  the  state 
of  the  weather.     When  Cornwallis  and  his  army  were  taken,  after  the  battle  of 
Yorktown,  in  which  the  father  of  my  friend,  Mr.  Hamilton,  took  a  distinguished 
part,  a  messenger  with  the  news,  at  two  o'clock  at  night,  galloping  through 
Chestnut  street,  announced  to  the  watchman  that  Cornwallis  was  taken  with  all 
his  army.    The  watchman  on  the  tower  immediately  cried  out,  "  past  two  o'clock, 


REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON.  309 

Corriwallis  is  taken."  And  from  that  time,  at  the  anniversary  of  that  day  and 
hour,  up  to  this  time,  the  watchman  repeats  the  cry,  "  Past  two  o'clock,  Corn- 
wallis  is  taken."  This  was  all  given  with  emphasis,  and  the  Prince  then  turned 
to  rne,  and  asked  if  that  was  not  so.  I  had  never  heard  of  it,  but  not  wishing 
to  destroy  so  good  a  story,  I  replied,  "  it  was  a  very  interesting  anecdote."  We 
took  leave  of  our  friend  and  his  family  with  regret,  on  our  return  to  Paris. 

Left  that  city  on  our  way  to  our  home  on  the day  of ,   1837.      The 

Duchess  Denon,  on  the  30th  May,  1838,  addressed  a  letter  to  me  in  French,  of 
which  the  following  is  a  translation  : 

"  Sir:  Madame  la  Duchesse  de  Denon,  now  Madame  la  Duchesse  de  Talleyrand, 
would  have  been  happy  to  have  restored  to  you  sooner  the  interesting  papers  which 
you  have  been  pleased  to  confide  to  her,  but  the  b;id  state  of  her  health,  and  that 
of  her  daughter,  has  not  left  her  leisure  to  do  it,  and  she  is  at  this  time  so  much 
aft'ected  by  the  misfortune  which  has  just  befallen  her  that  she  has  not  strength  to 
write  herself.  She  therefore  commissions  me,  sir,  to  tell  you  that  she  retains  a 
very  agreeable  recollection  of  your  visit  to  Valencay  ;  that  she  was  not  ignorant,  on 
the  other  hand,  of  the  friendly  relations  which  had  existed  between  your  father  and 
the  Prince  do  Talleyrand,  and  that  she  remembers  well  that  her  uncle  took  pleasure 
in  proving  to  you,  sir,  the  esteem  and  consideration  which  he  retained  fir  the 
memory  of  your  illustrious  father.  It  is  from  the  influence  of  these  feelings  that 
Madame  la  Duchesse  de  Talleyrand  begs  you,  sir,  to  accept  a  lock  of  the  hair  of  the 
Princ?,  cut  after  his  death,  and  the  glasses  which  ho  sometimes  used  in  the  latter 
part  of  his  life.  She  pie  ises  herself  with  the  reflection  that  these  things  will  be 
received  by  you  with  pleasure,  and  preserved  as  a  precious  memento  of  the  friendship 
of  the  Prince  for  your  father.  Accept,  sir,  the  assurance  of  the  most  distinguished 
consideration,  with  which  I  have  the  honor  to  be, 

"  Your  most  humble  and  obedient  servant, 

"  W.  COLMAOKE, 
"  Former  Private  Secretary  to  the  Prince  de  Talleyrand." 

These  precious  mementoes  were  received.  On  the  envelope  of  the  lock  of 
liair  is  written,  "  Cheveux  de  M.  le  Prince  d&  Talleyrand,  coupe  apres  sa  mart, 
17  Mai,  1838."  To  which  letter  I  replied  as  follows  : 

"  NEW  YOKK,  October  1,  1838. 

"My  DEAR  MADAME  LA  DUCHESSE  DE  TALLEYRAXD:  I  had  the  honor  recently  to 
receive,  by  the  hands  of  one  of  the  gentlemen  attached  to  the  American  Legation  at 
Paris,  the  very  pleasing  letter  you  caused  to  be  addressed  to  me  on  the  30th  May 
last,  inclosing  the  manuscripts  I  left  with  you,  and  accompanied  by  a  lock  of  the 
hair  of  the  illustrious  Prince  de  Talleyrand,  and  his  glasses  which  he  sometimes  wore 
in  the  latter  part  of  his  life.  I  am  indeed,  dear  Madame  la  Duchesse,  most  happy  to 
accept  these  precious  mementoes  of  the  friendship  of  the  Prince  for  my  father, 
which  will  be  preserved,  and  as  such  transmitted  to  my  latest  posterity.  My  visit 
to  Valencny  is  filled  with  recol'ections  of  the  most  interesting  character,  and  not 
among  the  least  of  them  results  from  the  time,  short  as  it  was,  which  you  were  so 
good  as  to  allow  me  to  pass  in  conversation  with  you.  IIow  unceasing  is  my  regret 


310  REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON. 

that  it  is  not  possible  for  me  to  express  to  you  the  sympathy  I  feel  for  your  misfor 
tune,  and  that  I  have  not  the  power  in  the  slightest  degree  to  alleviate  it.  Time  and 
the  consciousness  that  you  had  devoted  your  whole  life  to  this  great  and  good  man 
will  be  your  surest  solace.  Do  me  the  favor,  my  dear  friend,  to  make  my  best 
respects  to  your  son  and  daughter,  and  to  remember  me,  with  the  truest  devotion, 

u  Your  friend  and  very  obedient  servant, 

"  JAMES  A.  HAMILTON. 

"  P.  S.  These  articles  were  accompanied  by  a  likeness  of  my  father  on  Sevres 
china." 

JAMES  A.  HAMILTON  TO  GOVERNOR  MARCY. 

"DOBBS  FERRY,  January  7.  1838. 

MY  DEAR  SIR  :  The  extraordinary  events  on  our  frontier  call  upon  every  citi 
zen  to  render  such  services  as  may  be  in  his  power.  Under  this  conviction  of  my 
duty,  I  beg  leave  to  say  that  if  I  can  be  of  use  to  the  State,  either  in  a  civil  or  mili 
tary  capacity,  I  hope  you  will  command  me. 

"  I  served  during  a  part  of  the  late  war,  holding  the  rank  of  Major,  and  was 
afterward  appointed  by  Mr.  Van  Buren  one  of  his  aids.  I  mention  these  not 
important  circumstances  merely  to  show  that  I  am  not  wholly  ignorant  of  the  duty 
of  a  soldier,  should  circumstances  require  the  frontier  to  be  defended. 

"  Our  course  is  a  plain  one  :  to  repress  aggression  on  the  part  of  our  own  citizens, 
to  fulfil  our  duty  as  neutrals  by  enforcing  the  laws  against  previous  offenders, 
but,  above  all,  to  be  prepared  to  punish  the  recent  outrage,  if  it  is  not  satisfactorily 
atoned  for,  without  delay. 

44 1  have  the  honor  to  be,  with  very  great  respect, 

"  Your  Excellency's  obedient  servant,  &c." 

PRESIDENT  JACKSON  TO  JAMES  A.  HAMILTON. 

'•'HERMITAGE,  February  23,  1838. 

" MY  DEAR  SIR:  I  have  just  risen  from  a  sick-bed  to  which  I  have  been  con 
fined  for  sometime,  to  acknowledge  the  receipt  of  your  kind  letter  of  the  3d  instant. 
I  sincerely  congratulate  you  on  your  safe  return  to  your  country  and  friends  with 
your  amiable  family,  all  enjoying  that  greatest  of  blessings,  good  health,  and  having 
been  pleased  and  gratified  with  your  journey.  I  am  happy  you  are  well  situated  on 
your  farm,  the  happiest  situation  in  lite,  and  engaged  in  its  improvement.  The  barrel 
of  wheat  to  which  you  allude  came  safe  to  hand,  with  your  instructions  accompany 
ing  it,  that  it  was  to  be  sown  in  November.  The  water  being  too  low  when  I  was 
informed  of  the  mistake  in  sending  it  to  me,  through  a  letter  from  Mr.  Van  Buren, 
there  was  nothing  left  for  me  but  to  try  and  preserve  the  seed  by  sowing  it.  I 
could  get  no  one  in  the  neighborhood  but  Major  A.  J.  Donelson  who  would  join  in 
sowing  it.  In  last  November  we  divided,  and  after  preparing  the  ground,  will  sow 
it.  The  season  was  fine,  but  not  more  of  that  than  one  grain  in  twenty  vegetated  ; 
it  has  been  now  two  weeks  covered  with  snow,  and  if  any  of  it  matures,  rest  assured 
I  will  send  you  a  part.  I  regret  I  had  not  sowed  some  of  it,  but  I  fear  it  was  in 
jured,  for  some  other  foreign  wheat  sowed  at  the  same  time  all  came  up  well,  and 
bids  fair  for  abundant  yield. 


REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON.  311 

"  I  have  no  fear  of  a  collision  with  England  growing  out  of  the  Canada  insurrec 
tion  ;  our  Government  will  continue  to  maintain  a  strict  neutrality,  and  Great 
Britain  will  punish  those  who  have  infringed  upon  our  national  honor  and  inde 
pendence  by  i  he  outrageous  capture  of  the  Caroline  within  our  Territory.  The  north 
eastern  boundary,  if  not  soon  settled,  may  lead  to  evils  that  neither  our  Govern 
ment  or  that  of  Great  Britain  can  control.  With  a  tender  of  my  kindest  regards, 
"I  remain  very  respectfully,  your  friend,  &c. 

"  P.  S.  The  Col.  Ward,  lately  murdered  by  his  four  nephews  Jones,  was  the 
same  gentleman  that  conducted  you  to  my  house." 

Washington,  TJiursday,  February  14,  1839. — Mr.  and  Mrs.  Rives, 
Mr.  Legare,  Mrs.  H.'s  two  daughters  and  I,  went  to  the  President's  last 
evening  to  make  a  visit  (by  previous  arrangement  between  Mr.  Van  Buren  and 
myself).  It  was  rather  awkward  but  amusing  to  me  that  we  should  find 
there  a  large  number  of  ladies  and  gentlemen  of  the  Administration — Pontoise 
and  the  Vespucci,  and  among  others  particularly,  Mr.  and  Mrs.  and  Miss  Wall — 
as  a  day  or  two  before  there  had  been  a  sharp  encounter  between  Mr.  R.  and 
Mr.  W.,  and  as  Mareschall,  who  went  with  us,  met  Vespucci  there,  whom  he  had 
before  refused  to  take  in  to  dinner.  While  we  were  conversing  together  after 
ward,  Mr.  Payne  Todd,  a  blundering  fellow,  Mrs.  Madison's  son,  came  rush 
ing  into  the  room  with  a  parcel  of  papers  in  his  hands.  The  President  im 
mediately  pressed  up  to,  and  stopped  him  in  the  midst  of  his  speech  ,  but  not 
until  he  had  mentioned  the  name  of  Hamilton  in  connection  with  the  papers, 
which  I  heard  distinctly.  After  a  part  of  the  company  had  retired,  the  Presi 
dent  told  me  that  Mr.  Todd  had  brought  him  a  letter  written  by  Mr.  Madison 
to  Mr.  Coles,  respecting  the  removal  of  the  deposits  and  other  matters.  The 
truth  was,  he  brought  that  and  other  papers ;  and  the  others,  I  believe,  referred 
to  my  father.  Perhaps  they  were  his  drafts  of  a  constitution  to  be  published 
at  this  juncture  to  affect  the  discussion  upon  Crittenden's  bill  to  prevent  office 
holders  from  interfering  in  elections. 

Saturday  Night,  February  16. — I  am  confirmed  to-night  in  what  I  state  in 
regard  to  the  papers  having  referred  to  my  father  by  Mr.  Van  Buren  talking  of 
the  ludicrous  contre-temps  of  Todd's  visit,  "  Yes,"  said  he,  "and  what  made  it  more 
so  was  that  Mr.  Todd  should  just  then  have  brought  papers  in  which  you  were 
interested." 

Washington,  February  26,  1839. — President  Van  Buren  sent  his 
Maine  Message  to  Congress.  It  wants  decision  and  recommends  Maine  to  ne 
gotiate  with  New  Brunswick,  which  is  wholly  wrong.  It  was  referred  to  the 
Committee  on  Foreign  Relations  after  a  few  speeches  in  which  a  strong  deter 
mination  was  manifested  to  sustain  the  administration  against  the  enemy  should 
there  be  war.  The  course  of  Great  Britain  was  denounced  as  unwise  and  un 
just.  Mr.  Evans,  of  Maine,  showed  conclusively  that  Jackson  had  yielded 
most  unnecessarily  to  Great  Britain  on  this  subject,  and  had  produced  this 
state  of  things. 


312  REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON. 

I  dined  with  the  President  in  company  with  General  Scott,  Mr.  Hives,   Mr. 
Legare,  and  will  it  be  believed,  Nicholas  Biddle,  who  handed  Mrs.   II.  to  the 
table.     I  told  the  President  that  that  arrangement  was  induced  by  the  associa 
tion  of  the  name   of  Hamilton  with  the  banks.     He  said,  "  No,  Mrs.  H.  is  the 
most  distinguished  person  here  who  has  not  official  rank,  and  so  she  was  given 
to  Mr.  Biddle,  the  most  distinguished  gentleman."     This  dinner  went  off  very 
well,  Biddle  evidently  feeling  as  the  conqueror.       He  was  facetious  and  in  in 
timate  converse  with  the  President.       We  afterward  went  to  Mrs.  Taylor's  and 
returned  home,  wearied  with  the  excitement  of  the  day,  at  half-past  11  o'clock, 

JAMES  A.  HAMILTON  TO  PRESIDE  XT  VAN  BUREX. 

NEVIS,  September  25,  1839. 

II  Sin : — I  have  the  honor  to  send  you  a  printed  statement  of  the  steam  naval 
force  of  Great  Britain  which  has  been  accumulated  within  the  last  very  few  years. 
In  doing  so,  I  have  taken  the  liberty  to  presume  it  possible,  owing  to  the  multiplicity 
of  your  engagements,  that  these  facts  may  have  escaped  your  attention,  and  to  ex 
press  the  opinion  that  they  call  for  your   serious  attention.      I  have  long  supposed 
that  the  successful  navigation  of  the  Atlantic  by  steamers  had  materially  changed 
our  position  in  regard  to  Europe  in  the  event  of  war  ;  and  among  other  things  that 
our  coast  defences,  however  admirable,  having  been  arranged  in  reference  to  winds 
and  currents,  might,  in  reference  to  this  change  in  the  mode  of  attack  by  steamers,  be 
found  to  be  entirely  ineffectual.     The  point  is  at  least  deserving  of  great  considera 
tion. 

"I  have  the  honor  to  be,  with  very  great  respect,  your  ob't  ser't." 

JAMES  A.  HAMILTON  TO   DANIEL  WEBSTER. 

"  NEW  YORK,  February  22,  1841. 

"DEAE  SIR  : — I  have  the  honor  to  inclose  a  letter  containing  information  which 
seems  to  me  clearly  to  indicate  that  Great  Britain  is  preparing  to  increase  her  Lake 
armaments.  Whether  this  is  a  violation  of  the  letter  or  spirit  of  her  understanding 
with  us  or  not,  I  cannot  judge.  It,  however,  proves  that  she  considers  the  present  con 
dition  of  our  differences  as  tending  to  the  last  resort  of  nations,  to  which  Mr.  Pickens' 
report  s  >  directly  invites  her. 

"  I  will  embrace  this  opportunity  to  present  to  you  one  or  two  considerations  in 
connection  with  this  subject  that  may  be  of  use,  taking  the  chance  of  their  having 
been  anticipated  by  you. 

"It  was  generally  understood  when  I  was  at  Washington  thnt  there  was  to  be 
an  extra  session  for  the  purpose  of  providing  means  to  pay  the  debts,  to  repeal  the 
Sub-Treasury  law,  &c.,  &c.  It  has  occurred  to  me  that  there  is  a  higher  duty  for 
such  a  call  than  any  resulting  from  these  objects  to  which  the  public  mind  has  heen 
directed,  and  one  which  in  the  future  p.-irty  conflicts  will  be  incapable  of  being  mis 
represented  by  demagogues  or  by  party  slang  to  be  used  against  us  with  as  much 
effect  as  those  can  be.  As  to  the  debts  to  be  provided  for,  they  will  take  issue  upon 
the  fact,  and  refer  to  Mr.  Van  Buren's  Message  and  his  Secretary's  report,  and  they 
will  insist  that  Mr.  Wise's  Treasury  Note  Bill  did  all  that  was  necessary,  &o.  But 


REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON.  313 

if  to  those  motives  for  a  call  is  added  and  made  the  most  prominent,  the  necessity  for 
arming  the  Nation,  of  defending  her  against  hostile  attack,  the  facis  cannot  be  de 
nied  ;  and  party  leaders  will  be  afraid,  reckless  and  bold  as  they  are,  to  go  to  the 
people  against  so  patriotic  a  course.  The  feelings  of  our  countrymen  on  this  subject 
have  been  too  clearly  indicated  to  allow  party  politicians  to  mistake  them,  and  very 
few  can  be  found  at  this  day  who  have  firmness,  even  when  their  duty  may  call  upon 
them  to  do  so,  to  resist  war  measures;  and  let  me  add  that  to  provide  the  means 
for  defence  you  must  adopt  such  measures — to  obtain  money  by  loan,  by  revenues,  by 
increasing  the  duties,  to  improve  the  currency  and  to  relieve  the  States — as  are  called 
for  by  the  actual  condition  of  things  ;  and  thus  those  measures  will  be"  adopted  for  a 
purpose  which  will  more  probably  unite  the  Nation  than  any  other. 

"  One  other  consideration  suggested  by  the  subject,  and  I  will  no  longer  intrude 
upon  you. 

"Two  or  three  years  ago,  I  sent  to  Mr.  Van  Buren  a  statement  of  the  actual 
condition  of  the  Steam  Marine  of  Great  Britain,  and  intimated  to  him  as  worthy  of 
consideration  that  the  employment  of  this  new  agent  in  this  manner  and  to  the 
extent  of  navigating  the  ocean  had  perhaps  rendered  it  necessary  to  revise  our 
system  of  coast  defences,  the  position  of  forts,  and  to  defend  our  harbors  which 
are  to  be  attacked.  Sail  ships  might  be  wholly  useless  where  stearn  vessels  are 
employed,  from  considerations  that  will  be  so  obvious  to  you  as  to  forbid  their 
repetition.  I  will  merely  bring  to  your  view  a  few  facts.  The  Russian  Stearn 
Frigate,  building  in  this  port,  will  carry  a  larger  armament  than  any  other  in  the 
world.  She  draws  sixteen  feet  of  water,  and  is  supposed  to  be  a  match  for  any  120 
gun-ship  drawing  27  to  30  feet  water.  The  Cyclops,  at  the  bombardment  of  Acre, 
carried  from  Constantinople  1,500  soldiers,  and  with  her  complement  of  men  was 
supposed  to  have  on  board  when  she  went  to  the  attack  at  least  2,000  men.  She 
and  her  consort  did  the  decisive  work  in  that  attack. 

"  Cunard's  steamers,  drawing  twelve  feet  water,  could  be  made  to  carry  two  large 
guns  to  10-inch  balls  of  90  Ibs.  each,  and  four  or  six  smaller  ones. 

a  Take  the  case  of  Newport  harbor.  The  entrance  upon  which  our  fort  is  to 
bear  is  wide,  deep,  open,  and  "accessible  to  vessels  of  all  sizes,  but  there  is  another 
entrance  around  the  island  which  carries  throughout  twelve  feet  water,  although 
very  narrow.  Such  vessels  as  Cunard's  steamers  can  navigate  it ;  and  thus  command 
the  towns  of  Newport  and  Providence  with  the  adjoining  country,  regardless  of  our 
present  fortresses. 

';  With  very  great  respect,  etc." 


CHAPTER      IX. 

MARCH,    1841— JULY,    1844. 

Letter  to  President  Harrison  on  our  relations  with  Italy,  &c. — The  Constitutionality 
of  a  Unired  States  Bank — Opinion  of  Wm.  Beach  Lawrence — Letter  to  Henry 
Clay — Second  voyage  to  Europe — Visit  to  Kussia — Object  of  the  journey — Dif 
ficulties  with  the  Russian  officials — An  Appeal  to  the  Emperor — Successful  result 
— Notes  on  Russian  manners  and  customs — A  Ball  at  the  palace — Journey  to 
England — Interview  with  Lord  Aberdeen — Letter  from  Mr.  Seward — The  Dorr 
Insurrection. 

JAMES  A.  HAMILTON  TO  PRESIDENT  HARRISON. 

"DOBBS  FEEBY  P.  O.,  March  9,  1841. 

"SiE:  As  I  was  not  so  fortunate  as  to  obtain  a  personal  interview  with  you 
when  I  called  upon  yon,  I  take  the  liberty  to  bring  the  subjects  I  intended  to 
touch  upon  to  your  notice  in  this  form. 

"  Having  contributed  in  some  small  degree  to  the  happy  issue  of  our  late  contest, 
I  feel  that  I  owe  it  as  well  to  myself  as  to  the  country  to  sustain  your  administra 
tion  by  all  means  in  my  power,  so  long  as  it  shall  be  governed  by  the  great  principles 
for  which  we  contended. 

"During  my  connection  as  District  Attorney  and  otherwise  with  the  administra 
tion  of  General  Jackson,  I  learned  some  things  which  I  am  at  liberty,  without 
violating  any  duty,  to  communicate. 

"  In  the  first  place,  I  know  that  it  was  from  the  beginning  a  part  of  Mr.  Yan 
Buren's  policy  to  draw  to  his  support  the  Catholics  of  this  country  through  their 
priests  here,  who  were  to  be  operated  upon  by  the  head  of  the  Church  abroad.  I 
say  this  with  perfect  confidence  ;  and  most  striking  events  of  the  last  election  proved 
how  successful  he  had  been.  This  was  in  truth  the  last  card  upon  which  his  friends 
in  this  State  relied  (the  Glentworth  affair  was  got  up  as  a  mere  cover),  and  but  for 
the  great  changes  among  the  people  of  the  country  it  would  have  been  successfully 
played.  You  will  recollect  that  the  first  diplomatic  communication  ever  made  to 
the  Papal  See  was  by  Mr.  Van  Buren  as  Secretary  of  State ;  and  that  our  Consul 
at  Rome,  Signor  Chicinani,  who  had  been  such  for  a  great  number  of  years,  was 
removed  to  give  place  to  a  young  American  who  had  married  an  Italian  woman. 
This  change  was  not  made  to  promote  the  interests  of  the  person  appointed. 

"  I  was  in  Rome  when  the  change  was  made,  and  know  all  about  the  emoluments 


REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON.  315 

of  the  office;  but  to  promote  Mr.  Van  Boron's  purposes,  the  former  Consul  bfing  an 
Italian  who  had  never  been  out  of  Rome,  could  not  convey  to  the  Government  of 
His  Holiness  the  knowledge  necessary  to  enable  it  to  act  efficiently  and  secretly. 
There  being  no  diplomatic  intercourse  authorized  between  the  two  countries,  the 
Consul  must  do  the  work ;  but  in  addition  Mr.  Troop,  Mr.  Van  Buren's  most  con 
fidential  friend,  was  taken  from  the  Custom  House  (Naval  office)  in  New  York,  and 
sent  to  Naples,  as  Charge  d' Affaires,  where  he  has  been  continued  for  about  four 
years,  although  no  diplomatic  agent  was  sent  from  that  power  to  this  (I  hope  you 
will  recall  him,  and  not  send  another  in  his  place,  at  least  until  the  King  of  Naples 
sends  his  representative  to  us).  From  Naples,  I  have  been  informed  that  this 
gentleman  made  frequent  journeys  to  Rome  where  he  was  received  in  the  most 
friendly  and  confidential  manner,  and  it  was  probably  through  him  that  the  work 
was  done. 

"  Should  it  be  deemed  proper  to  counteract  these  measures  by  conveying  to  the 
Pope  a  knowledge  of  the  fact  that  the  administration,  and,  consequently,  that  the 
power  has  changed  hands ;  which  would  be  all  that  is  necessary,  inasmuch  as  that 
Church  always  follows  power,  and  attaches  itself  to  the  existing  government,  I 
would  advise  that  the  person  appointed  as  Charge  to  Sardinia,  now  a  vacancy, 
should  be  selected  for  his  discretion,  skill,  and  fidelity,  that  he  go  hence  to  Naples 
in  a  public  ship,  thence  by  land  to^  Rome  and  Florence  and  to  his  post,  under 
instructions  in  writing  to  acquire  such  information  as  may  be  useful  to  his  country, 
with  verbal  directions  to  present  himself  to  the  different  courts  in  his  progress ;  that 
the  fact  of  a  change  may  be  made  known,  and  such  other  facts  as  may  be  useful.  It 
is  quite  manifest  that  nothing  can  be  more  injurious  to  the  Catholics  as  a  body 
than  any  interference  on  the  part  of  their  priests  in  our  elections ;  and  of  that 
their  great  spiritual  head  ought  to  be  made  aware,  and  thus  this  very  dangerous 
and  very  pernicious  influence  may  at  once  be  checked. 

"  I  am  aware  that  nothing  can  be  more  delicate,  and  require  greater  secrecy 
than  this  whole  proceeding,  and  it  is  therefore  well  that  I  can  communicate  this 
information  directly  to  yourself  without  having  conferred  with  any  other  person  on 
the  subject. 

"  When  I  was  District  Attorney  of  the  Southern  District  of  New  York,  I  saw 
things  which  induced  me  to  inform  General  Jackson  that  the  public  moneys  were 
not  safe  in  Swartout's  hands,  and  at  the  same  time  to  point  out  a  course  of  meas 
ures  which  would  tend  to  greater  security  in  that  office,  and  also  in  that  of  the  office 
of  District  Attorney.  It  would  afford  me  pleasure  at  any  time  to  go  to  Washington 
to  confer  with  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  or  to  write  to  him  on  these  subjects. 

"  I  must  beg  your  indulgence  before  I  close  this  already  too  much  extended  let 
ter  to  express  the  opinion  that,  in  making  selections  for  offices  of  pecuniary  trust, 
there  can  be  no  security  against  defalcations  except  in  the  previous  discreet  manage 
ment  of  his  private  affairs,  and  the  good  character  of  the  person  appointed  ;  and, 
therefore,  that  no  man  ought  to  be  appointed  to  such  places  who  is  desperately  in 
volved. 

"  In  my  note,  asking  a  personal  interview,  I  informed  you  that  I  did  not  want 
office.  I  think  proper  to  qualify  that  assurance  by  requesting  that  if  there  should 
be  war,  or  imminent  danger  thereof,  I  may  be  appointed  to  command  a  regiment, 
having  during  the  last  war  attained  the  rank  of  major. 

"I  have  the  honor  to  be,  with  very  great  respect,  your  obedient  servant,  &c." 


31 G  REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    j 

JAMES  A.  HAMILTON  TO  WILLIAM   ] 

"  XEVIS,    DOBn.f 

"  DEAR  SIR  :  I  am  endeavoring  to  collect,  in  ai  ut  t 
nen  of  our  country,  who  have  been  distinguished 
:ion  of  the  constitutionality  of  a  Bank  of  the  Ui 
beg  the  favor  of  you  to  repeat  in  writing  the  opiii 
Mr.  Gallatin  on  that  point;  and  if  you  can  refer 
Mr.  Monroe's  on  that  subject,  you  will  oblige  n  e 
those  of  sill  the  Presidents. 

"  Mr.  Van  Buren,  whose  opinions,  by  the  way, 
rank,  add  very  little  to  any  side  of  any  of  the  gre; 
the  only  man,  I  believe,  who  was,  while  in  that 
bank;  although,  in  1829,  he  declared  to  me  that  he  agreed  with  Mr.  Madison  in 
the  opinion  that  'the  cotemporaneous  and  continued  exposition  of  the  Constitution 
by  all  the  departments  of  the  Government  had  settled  that  question,'  and  in  1816 
he  and  Governor  Tompkins  wrote  to  Judge  Betts,  then  a  member  of  Congress,  as  the 
latter  informed  me,  urging  him  to  support  the  Bank  Bill. 

"With  great  respect  and  regard,  your  friend,  &e." 


WILLIAM  BEACH  LAWRENCE  TO  JAMES  A.  HAMILTON. 


YORK,  April  18,  1841. 

"  DEAR  SIR:-  I  have  delayed  my  reply  to  your  favor  of  the  12th  instant  in  order 
to  obtain  the  consent  of  Mr.  Gallatin  to  give  a  written  statement  of  the  conversation 
to  which  I  alluded  as  having  taken  place  with  him.  For  reasons,  however,  which  I 
will  explain  when  we  meet,  he  does  not  feel  at  liberty  to  grant  the  desired  permis 
sion. 

"  Without  reference  to  what  Mr.  Jefferson  would  have  done  in  a  contingency  in 
which  he  was  not  called  to  act,  we  may  infer  what  his  course  would  have  been  by 
his  decision  as  to  the  bills  which  were  presented  to  him  in  relation  to  the  first  bank 
of  the  United  States.  These  were,  as  you  are  aware,  an  Act  supplementary  to  an 
Act  entitled  '  An  Act  to  incorporate  the  Subscribers  to  the  Bank  of  the  United 
States,  March  23d,  1804,'  and  'An  Act  to  punish  frauds  committed  on  the  Bank  of 
the  United  States,  approved  February  24th,  1807.'  These  laws  recognized  the 
Constitutional  existence  of  the  Bank,  and  the  former  enlarged  the  scope  of  its  opera 
tions. 

"  The  first  memorial  from  the  first  Bank  for  a  recharter  was  presented  to  Con 
gress  in  April,  1808,  and  referred  to  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  who  did  not  re 
port  on  it  till  March,  1809,  a  day  or  two  before  the  end  of  President  Jefferson's 
term.  The  subject  was  acted  on  at  the  next  session  of  Congress  (Mr.  Madison  being 
President),  and  lost,  as  you  will  recollect,  by  the  casting  vote  of  Governor  Clinton, 
Vice-President.  The  only  official  papers  of  Mr.  Gallatin  respecting  the  Bank  are 
his  report  of  March  2d,  1809,  above  referred  to,  and  his  letter  to  Mr.  Crawford, 
Chairman  of  the  Committee  of  the  Senate,  of  January  30th,  1811.  The  bill  to  re- 
charter  the  Bank  of  1791  was  reported  by  Mr.  Crawford. 

"  I  have  just  finished  the  voluminous  evidence  before  the  Committee  of  the  House 
of  Commons  as  to  banks  of  issue,  and  the  result  at  which  I  have  arrived  is  a  con- 


REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON.  317 

firmed  conviction,  not  only  of  the  importance  of  establishing  forthwith  a  national 
institution,  but  also  to  the  expediency  of  forming  it  substantially  and  without  mate 
rial  alteration  on  the  basis  of  the  on-  of  which  your  illustrious  father  was  the  author, 
and  which  was  copied  in  its  essential  details  in  the  Act  of  1816. 

"  I  am,  dear  sir,  yours  truly,  &c." 

Mr.  Gallatin  stated  to  a  gentleman  of  credit,  whose  letter,  dated  June  30, 
1808,  read  as  follows:  u  All  that  I  now  remember  as  to  Mr.  Jefferson's  views 
of  a  Bank  as  derived  from  him  (Mr.  Gallatin)  is  that  he  (Mr.  Jefferson)  re 
quested  Mr.  Gallatin,  in  case  the  act  should  pass  during  his  administration  for  a 
renewal  of  the  charter  of  the  old  Bank  of  the  United  States,  to  have  it  done 
sufficiently  early  to  enable  the  Bill  to  become  a  law  without  his  agency.  He 
was  unwilling  to  sign  it." 

The  records  of  the  day  prove  that  Mr.  Gallatin  was  anxious  that  the  Bank 
should  be  rechartered. 

JAMES  A.  HAMILTON  TO  HENRY  CLAY,  Senator  of  the  U.  S. 

"DOBBS  FERRY  P.  0.,  June  23,  1841. 

"  DEAR  SIR  :  I  cannot  withhold  the  expression  of  my  approbation  of  your  plan 
of  a  Bank,  although  I  am  aware  that  in  doing  so  I  trespass  uselessly  upon  yuur  valu 
able  time. 

"  The  separation  of  the  small  business  of  discounting  notes  from  the  high  national 
duty  (by  making  the  Directors  of  the  Bank  a  Board  of  Control),  of  watching  the  course 
of  trade  of  this  and  other  countries,  and  thus  regulating  the  currency,  &c.,  is  truly 
wise,  and  will  be  found  practically  very  useful  in  shielding  the  Bank  from  the  odium 
of  dealings  alone  of  a  private  and  personal  character.  I  forbear  to  point  out  various 
other  advantages  that  press  upon  me  in  consideration  of  my  duty  to  you,  and  be 
cause  they  must  be  present  to  your  mind.  There  is  no  difficulty  in  preserving  a  bank 
from  suspension,  unless  under  some  great  national  calamity,  if  its  discounts  are 
confined  to  paper,  the  result  of  business  transactions  of  not  over  ninety  days  to  run, 
and  confining  the  extent  of  discounts  to  the  amount  of  bills  receivable  and  of  de 
posits  ;  that  is  to  say,  let  no  more  go  out  at  one  end  of  the  counter  than  is  received 
at  the  other. 

"  By  confining  discounts  to  business  paper,  you  arrive  at  the  great  end  of  bank 
ing — to  wit,  facilitating  the  circulation  of  capital  instead  of  loaning  capital." 

GENERAL  WINFIELD  SCOTT  TO  JAMES  A.  HAMILTON. 

"  WASHINGTON,  July  20,  1841. 

"  Thank  you,  my  dear  Sir,  for  your  note  of  the  14th.  I  now  merely  acknowledge 
it  that  you  may  not  imagine  that  I  can  be  indifferent  to  your  wishes. 

u  Are  you  in  earnest  about  a  fighting  commission  in  the  event  of  Avar  ?  You  have 
certainly  the  highest  hereditary  right  to  military  employment;  and  in  the  contin 
gency  alluded  t  >  you  have  nothing  to  do  but  to  report  your  wishes,  and  if  Mrs. 
Hamilton  will  allow  me,  I  shall  be  ready  to  launch  you  against  the  enemy. 

"  There  has  been  here,  even  in  high  quarters,  quite  a  feeling  of  uneasiness  in 


318  REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES  A.  HAMILTON. 

respect  to  our  relations  with  Great  Britain.  At  least  two  of  the  open  questions 
present  great  difficulties.  Mr.  Webster,  however,  when  I  last  conversed  with  him, 
seemed  confident  that  peace  would  be  preserved ;  and  I  see  that  Sir  R.  Peel,  the 
probable  future  Premier  of  England,  deprecates  war  with  the  United  States  in  terms 
of  great  earnestness.  We,  nevertheless,  are  about  doing  something  in  the  way  of 
preparation  fur  the  worst.  This  can't  be  wrong — nay,  we  should  do  much  more.  I 
have  only  time  to  scribble  a  line  or  two.  My  compliments  to  Madame. 

"  Yours  with  great  esteem,  &c." 

SECOND  VOYAGE  TO  EUROPE. 

VOYAGE   TO    EUSSIA. 

Robert  and  George  L.  Schuyler  were  employed  by  the  Russian  Government 
to  build  a  steamship  of  war,  the  JTamschalka.  When  nearly  finished,  the  Rus 
sian  minister  was  not  in  funds  to  pay  the  contractors  and  the  material  men. 
The  last,  as  the  laws  of  New  York  authorized  them  to  do,  libelled  the  ship. 
Under  these  circumstances,  the  contractors  were  induced  by  their  regard  for 
the  interests  of  the  Government  of  Russia  to  borrow  a  large  sum  of  money  to 
pay  off  all  these  claims,  and  thus  save  the  vessel  from  being  sold.  When  their 
accounts  were  fully  settled  by  the  Russian  minister,  Bodisco,  there  was  found 
to  be  due  to  them  the  sum  of  $55,089.42 ;  and  it  was  agreed  that  the  ship 
should  go  to  Russia,  Mr.  George  L.  Schuyler  being  made  by  the  ship's  papers 
owner  and  captain,  but  the  acting  captain  being  J.  E.  Van  Schauts,  of  the  Rus 
sian  navy,  who  came  to  New  York  to  superintend  the  building  of  the  ship  and 
to  take  her  home.  The  latter  part  of  the  arrangement  could  not  be  carried 
out  because  of  the  above-mentioned  indebtedness ;  consequently,  it  became 
necessary  that  George  L.  Schuyler  should  go  out  with  the  ship,  the  understand 
ing  and  agreement  being,  that  she  was  to  remain  in  his  possession  until  the 
above  amount  was  paid.  Mr.  George  L.  Schuyler  (my  son-in-law)  addressed 
the  following  letter  to  me  at  Dobbs  Ferry  : 

"New  YTORK,  Sunday  night,  September  26,  1841. 

"  DEAR  SIR  :  I  received  your  letter  late  last  night,  inclosing  the  letters  of  intro 
duction.  We  have  endeavoured  to  protect  ourselves  as  well  as  we  can,  but  have 
agreed  to  let  the  ship  sail  on  certain  conditions.  Come  what  may,  however,  I  shall 
not  give  up  the  possession  after  my  arrival  until  the  balance  due  is  paid.  If  force 
is  used,  I  must  throw  myself  for  protection  upon  the  American  Minister. 

"  Under  such  circumstances,  you  can  easily  imagine  how  agreeable  and  important 
to  me  would  be  your  presence  at  St.  Petersburg!!,  to  say  nothing  of  my  prospects  in 
other  countries,  which  would  be  so  materially  enhanced  by  your  assistance.  I  shall 
not  encumber  this  letter  with  any  details  of  my  plans,  as  I  hope  to  see  you  before  I 
go,  which  I  now  think  will  be  on  Wednesday  morning.  I  trust  you  will  decide 
to  go ;  for  I  think  it  would  be  of  great  service  to  your  health,  as  well  as  to  my 
interests. 

"  Very  truly  yours,  &c. 

"  GEOEGE  L.  SCHUYLER." 


REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.   HAMILTON.  319 

I  went  to  New  York  on  Monday  morning,  and  although  out  of  health,  was 
persuaded  by  the  members  of  my  family  to  take  the  voyage.  We  sailed  from 
New  York,  on  Wednesday  the  28th  September,  1841.  Our  relations  with  Eng 
land  at  that  moment  were  very  hazardous,  in  consequence  of  the  "  Caroline 
affair ;  "  it  being  understood  that  if  McLcod  was  executed,  or  subjected  to 
Lynch  law  (of  which  there  was  much  danger),  his  death  would  be  considered 
as  war  on  our  part. 

I  met  Mr.  Webster,  then  Secretary  of  State  of  the  United  States,  in  New 
York  the  day  before  I  sailed,  and  received  from  him  a  letter  of  introduction 
to  our  Minister  at  St.  Petersburgh.  Understanding  that  we  were  to  go  to 
England,  he  authorized  me  to  say,  that  he  had  been  assured  by  the  Governor 
of  New  York,  that  if  the  prisoner  was  tried  and  found  guilty  he  would  be  par 
doned,  and  that  measures  had  been  taken  to  protect  him  in  the  jail  by  an  armed 
force.  In  consequence  of  this  fear  of  war,  the  Russian  Minister  Bodisco 
directed  that  the  ship,  in  order  to  avoid  Halifax,  should  deviate  from  the  usual 
course  of  a  voyage,  to  the  British  Channel,  by  running  in  a  southerly  direction. 
I  mention  this  because  by  following  these  orders  we  ran  into  the  centre  of  a 
most  furious  tornado,  which  very  materially  damaged  the  upper  works  of  the 
vessel.  We  could  not  lay  to,  because  the  Russian  Captain,  at  the  beginning  of 
the  gale,  had  housed  all  his  spars  and  upper  masts.  We  were,  therefore,  under 
the  necessity  of  forcing  her  ahead  by  the  engine,  at  the  rate  of  two  knots, 
against  a/  head-sea  which  swept  our  decks.  The  peril  was  so  imminent,  that  I 
was  requested  by  Mr.  Schuyler  to  ascertain  how  many  inches  of  steam  we  were 
using,  how  many  revolutions  we  were  making,  and  our  course ;  to  write  it  down 
and  put  the  statement  in  a  bottle  corked  up,  to  be  thrown  overboard.  As  I 
went  on  deck  to  do  this,  I  saw  a  ship  lying  so  near  us,  that  as  she  rose  on  a  moun 
tain  wave,  I  read  her  name  without  a  glass,  "  Tiger,  of  Boston."  We  considered 
this  a  fortunate  circumstance,  as  she  would  announce  us  when  she  arrived  at 
her  destination.  The  vessel  was  foundered  in  that  gale,  which  continued  forty- 
seven  hours. 

From  Southampton,  where  we  remained  a  few  days  to  repair  and  take  in 
coals,  I  went  up  to  London  to  make  pecuniary  arrangements  to  meet  expenses 
in  Russia.  'J  here  I  visited  my  friend  Sir  Charles  Vaughan,  late  British  Min 
ister  in  America.  I  repeated  to  him  what  Mr.  Webster  had  stated  to  me.  He 
expressed  much  gratification,  and  asked  permission  to  repeat  it  to  the  Premier. 
I  assented,  and  the  next  day  Vaughan  called  upon  me,  and  informed  me 
that  the  Premier  wished  I  would  call  upon  him.  We  went  to  the  Foreign 
Office  ;  his  Lordship  asked  me  to  repeat  to  him  what  Mr.  Webster  had  stated  to 
me,  which  I  did.  He  expressed  much  gratification  that  the  affair  had  taken 
that  turn,  and  said  to  me,  "  Mr.  Hamilton,  do  you  believe  your  government 
wishes  to  get  into  a  war  with  us?  "  I  said,  "  Certainly  not.'-  He  replied,  "  I 
rejoice  to  hear  you  say  so;  for,  where  there  is  a  will,  there  is  a  way." 

He  then  invited  me  to  a  party  for  the  next  evening,  where  I  had  the  good 


320  REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON. 

fortune  to  meet  Lytton  Bulwer,  and  to  see  the  people  of  the  highest  rank  in 
full  costume. 

We  sailed  from  Southampton,  and  arrived  at  Copenhagen  on  the  3d  No 
vember,  where  we  remained  a  few  days  to  clean  and  paint  the  ship.  I  quote 
from  a  letter  addressed  to  a  friend  in  New  York  such  parts  as  are  interesting 
in  relation  to  the  society  and  government  of  this,  the  capital  city  of  Denmark. 
Copenhagen,  November  ftlh,  1841. — From  the  hour  of  departure  from  South 
ampton  until  our  arrival  at  this  port,  we  were  involved  in  thick  clouds  and 
darkness,  and  were,  consequently,  compelled  to  sail  by  the  lead,  throwing  it 
every  half  hour.  We  groped  our  way  like  a  blind  man  with  his  stick,  or,  rather 
backing  and  filling,  like  our  ship  of  State,  under  the  command  of  Captain  Tyler. 
The  ship  came  to  anchor  in  the  roads  in  the  evening,  and  we  took  our  boats  to 
go  on  shore,  but  were  required  by  the  port  regulations  to  report  ourselves  to 
the  commanding  officer  of  the  outer  work,  a  strong  water-battery  which  forms 
a  breakwater.  In  going  into  these  quarters,  we  very  innocently  awakened  the 
sentinel  on  his  post,  and  alarmed  the  garrison.  Yon  Schauts  went  on  shore,  and 
after  much  ado  about  nothing  we  received  a  written  pass,  and  went  our  ways, 
hoping  shortly  to  enjoy  a  warm  supper  and  a  good  bed  with  dry  sheets,  and 
luxuries  we  knew  nothing  of  on  board  our  magnificent  craft — then  the  most 
formidable  steamship  in  the  world.  When  we  arrived  at  the  quay,  however,  the 
only  place  of  landing,  two  soldiers  advanced  and  took  us  in  charge,  detaining 
us  until  the  harbor  master  could  decide  whether  it  was  safe  at  ten  o'clock  at 
night  to  admit  a  lady  (the  Captain's  wife)  and  three  gentlemen  to  this  city  of 
our  pirate  progenitors.  So  difficult  a  question  could  not,  of  course,  occupy  this 
official  less  than  a,n  hour.  As  soon  as  we  were  set  free,  we  hurried  to  the  Straus 
Hambourgh,  the  best  hotel  in  the  city,  kept  by  a  Scot.  The  domestics  not  speak 
ing  any  language  we  could  Command,  we  had  some  difficulty  but  much  amuse 
ment  in  making  our  wants  understood.  I  soon  learned  that,  although  thrown 
into  a  city  I  never  expected  to  see,  I  had  friends  there.  Le  Chevalier  Huygens, 
Minister  Plenipotentiary  of  the  King  of  Holland,  received  me,  as  did  his  wife 
(a  very  clever  woman)  and  their  daughter  in  the  most  cordial  and  affectionate 
manner.  The  latter  being  Dame  d^Honneur  to  the  Princess,  who  is  the  King's 
sister,  and  wife  of  the  Landgrave  of  Hesse,  informed  me  that  the  royal  family 
were  to  be  at  the  theatre  that  evening.  She  immediately  wrote  to  the  director 
for  two  seats,  and  it  was  arranged  that  after  the  theatre  (9  o'clock)  we  should 
come  to  her  rooms,  to  meet  some  of  the  society  of  Copenhagen.  We  went  there, 
and  met  our  charge  d'affaires  (Mr.  Jackson),  a  most  excellent  young  man,  and 
his  wife,  who  was  of  the  Carrol  family  of  Maryland. 

Mr.  Schuyler  having  a  letter  to  a  Mr.  Hyan,  a  merchant,  he  immediately 
invited  us  to  dinner,  and  there  we  learned  much  that  was  useful  and  interesting. 

In  the  evening,  we  went  to  Chevalier  Huygens'  house,  where  we  met  a  large 
assemblage  of  good  society,  and,  among  others,  the  Princess  of  Hesse,  her  hus 
band,  and  daughter,  to  whom  we  were  presented.  Fortunately,  for  me,  these 


REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.    HAMILTON.  321 

people  understood  English.  The  High  Admiral  and  Secretary  for  foreign  af 
fairs  were  there.  We  made  an  appointment  to  meet  the  Princess  and  suite 
incognito  the  next  day  on  board  the  ship,  and  did  so.  We  had  the  distinguished 
honor  to  take  them  through  all  parts  and  places,  and  to  explain  every  thing  to 
them,  in  all  which  they  took  a  very  deep  interest.  The  King,  with  two  officers, 
went  on  board  at  an  earlier  hour  incognito.  Not  being  recognized,  the  Lieutenant, 
when  he  asked  permission  to  go  below,  told  him  he  might  do  so  if  he  would  wipe 
off  his  feet.  His  majesty  readily  complied,  and  was  admitted  to  our  superb 
residence. 

The  Danes  are  a  quiet,  inoffensive  people,  and  very  polite.  They  have  light 
hair  and  eyes,  with  brilliant  complexions.  We  were  informed  that  they  are 
generally  taught  to  read  and  write,  but  such  is  the  censorship  of  the  press  that 
they  are  not  permitted  to  have  books  or  newspapers.  The  government  is  abso 
lute,  and  the  people  poor,  dependent,  and  indifferent  to  their  rights.  The  pres 
ent  King,  when  Viceroy  of  Norway,  which  country  before  the  great  deed  of 
settlement  of  all  Europe,  the  treaty  of  Vienna,  formed  a  part  of  this  kingdom, 
gave  to  the  Norwegians  the  freest  constitution  in  Europe,  not  excepting  that 
of  England,  and  which  they  insisted  upon  preserving  when  they  became  a  part 
of  the  kingdom  of  Sweden.  Consequently,  when  he  came  to  the  throne,  it  was 
expected  that  he  would  give  a  Constitutional  Government  to  the  Danes,  but, 
alas  for  po  >r  human  nature  !  he  has  become  more  absolute  than  his  father.  The 
only  submission  he  made  to  public  opinion  was,  to  allow  the  people  of  Copen 
hagen  to  choose  their  municipal  officers,  which  they  do  at  a  general  election. 
All  vote  who  are  freemen  of  the  city.  At  the  first  election,  the  people  appeared 
pleased  with,  and  exercised  the  privilege,  but  it  soon  fell  into  neglect  and 
almost  disuse.  The  truth  is,  the  information  and  independence  of  position  and 
feeling  which  are  necessary  to  freedom  do  not  exist  here  nor  elsewhere  in 
Europe,  except  in  England. 

There  are  most  extensive  and  well  regulated  public  charities  here ;  hospit 
als  for  all  conditions  of  people,  for  widows,  orphans,  the  infirm  by  age  or  disease. 
There  are  also  public  schools,  at  which  the  children  of  the  peasants  are  taught 
to  read  and  write.  All  religions  are  tolerated,  although  the  Lutheran  is  the 
religion  of  the  State.  The  revenues  of  the  crown  are  derived  from  very  heavy 
taxes  upon  property  of  all  kinds,  not  assessed  upon  the  income,  but  upon  the 
capital  itself,  real  and  personal,  duties  upon  imports  and  exports,  and  the  sound 
dues,  which  amount  to  about  £150,000  sterling  per  annum.  The  vessels  of  all 
nations  are  required  to  submit  to  this  most  serious  exaction  which  is  collected 
at  Elsinore,  in  the  Categat,  about  twenty  miles  from  Copenhagen.  We,  of 
course,  passed  without  interruption.  We  passed  Elsinore,  rendered  so  familiar 
and  interesting  by  being  the  scene  of  the  tragedy  of  "  Hamlet,"  just  as  the  sun 
was  going  down;  and  when  he  gave  us  the  first  glimpse  of  light,  the  scene  was  a 
beautiful  one.  The  castle  which  commands  the  pass  of  about  two  miles  wide, 
is  situated  on  a  point  of  land,  and  is  a  very  old  and  most  picturesque  object. 
21 


322  REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON. 

It  was  once  the  summer  residence  of  the  Kings  of  Denmark,  and  there  you  see 
the  platform  on  which  Horatio  and  his  fellows  met  the  ghost ;  the  spot  where 
was  the  garden  in  which  the  King  was  accustomed  to  take  his  afternoon  repose? 
the  high  cliff  to  which  it  was  feared  the  ghost  might  tempt  Lord  Hamlet. 

Cronstadt,  November  11,  1841. — We  arrived  here  early  in  the  morning. 
Von  Schauts  went  to  St.  Petersburg,  and  came  back  the  next  day.  We  were 
led  to  believe  the  Emperor  would  come  down  to  see  the  ship.  He  did  not 
come,  in  consequence  of  a  snow  storm.  The  next  day,  another  captain  came  on 
board  with  two  hundred  men  to  take  command  of  the  ship,  and  put  her  into 
the  naval  dock-yard.  As  this  was  a  violation  of  the  agreement  with  Mr. 
Schuyler,  viz.,  that  he  was  to  retain  the  possession  of  the  vessel  until  the 
amount  due  was  paid,  he  protested  against  the  vessel  being  taken  out  of  his 
possession.  The  answer  was,  that  if  she  remained  where  she  was,  she  would  be 
endangered  by  the  ice,  which  was  forming  so  fast  that  in  a  few  days  she  could 
not  be  removed  to  a  place  of  safety.  The  new  captain  hauled  the  ship  up  to 
the  gate  of  the  naval  dockyard  to  ascertain  if  the  entrance  was  broad  enough 
to  take  her  through.  After  bringing  the  vessel,  by  working  half  a  day,  to  the 
entrance,  the  captain  ascertained  that  she  was  too  broad.  She  was,  therefore, 
hauled  into  the  dock  through  the  commercial  gate.  It  would  have  been  much 
easier  and  wiser  to  have  asked  what  her  breadth  of  beam  was,  and  what  the 
measure  of  the  opening  was. 

The  Russian  sailors  wore  gloves,  I  suppose  to  keep  their  hands  warm,  boots, 
and  long  coats.  They  were  serfs.  Their  bread  was  made  in  rings,  with  salt 
water,  and  was  very  dark-colored.  They  had  no  beds ;  yet,  in  spite  of  their 
hard  fare,  they  were  healthy-looking  men.  Th^ir  captain  stood  on  the  wheel 
Tiouse,  and  was  scolding  nearly  all  the  time.  When  he  found  the  vessel  could 
not  go  through  the  opening,  he  threw  his  hat  down,  stamped  upon  it,  and  swore 
'most  awfully.  The  hauling  was  by  eleven  men  in  a  string.  No  means  were 
used  to  take  up  the  slack  and  thus  secure  what  had  been  gained.  The  piers 
were  excellently  built.  The  basin  was  large  and  commodious,  and  well  armed 
to  resist  an  attack  by  water.  The  ships  of  war  appeared  to  be  good  models. 
As  soon  as  the  vessel  was  carried  to  her  berth,  we  went  to  the  hotel  (much 
difficulty  at  the  Custom  House  as  to  our  baggage).  We  immediately  took 
measures  to  pay  off  our  crew,  and  to  secure  passages  to  America  for  such  as 
wished  to  go  there.  Several  went  to  Norway,  Sweden,  and  other  parts  of  the 
continent.  Some  of  the  American  colored  men  went  into  the  service  of  offi 
cers,  who  were  anxious  to  employ  them. 

The  people  of  all  classes  were  very  civil  in  their  deportment  to  each  other. 
One  practice  at  the  hotel  was  unusual  elsewhere — I  may  say  objectionable  to 
the  fastidious :  a  servant  sent  to  light  a  pipe  took  a  few  whiffs,  and  handed  it 
to  the  guest  who  had  ordered  it. 

The  Custom  House  was  open  on  Sunday  after  one  o'clock.  The  billiard  rooms 
were  also  open,  as  were  the  officers'  club  rooms  on  that  day.  The  Russian 


REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON.  323 

stoves  in  hotels  are  so  placed  as  to  warm  two  or  four  rooms.  The  outsides  of  these 
stoves  are  of  porcelain.  A  servant  comes  very  early  in  the  morning,  and  makes  a 
wood-fire  in  the  stove.  It  burns  very  rapidly,  and  as  the  heat  revolves  through  the 
openings  in  the  brick-work,  the  great  mass — probably  four  feet  square  and  eight 
feet  high,  becomes  thoroughly  heated.  At  a  later  hour,  he  returns  and  gathers 
up  all  the  unconsumed  pieces  and  places  them  on  the  coals,  in  order  that  every 
particle  which  can  make  a  smoke  shall  be  consumed.  When  this  is  done,  he 
returns  and  shuts  a  damper  to  prevent  the  heat  from  passing  up  the  chimney, 
and  it  thus  passes  from  the  bricks  and  stones  into  the  rooms.  The  houses  are 
generally  very  well  warmed.  On  going  ashore  at  Cronstadt,  our  passports 
were  sent  to  the  Admiral,  who  was  Governor.  He  sent  them  to  Petersburg, 
and  gave  to  each  a  pass.  Von  Schauts  had,  to  the  Governor  of  Cronstadt  and 
Count  Nesselrode,  Prime  Minister  at  Petersburg!!,  cracked  me  off  as  a  most  dis. 
tinguished  person,  who  had  been  Secretary  of  State,  and  probably  would  be 
President  of  the  United  States,  &c.,  &e.  In  my  pass  I  was  described  as 
"  formerly  Secretary  of  State  of  the  United  States,  &c."  This  pass  was  shown 
at  the  Custom  House  at  our  departure  from  Cronstadt.  We  visited  the  Ad 
miral,  and  were  treated  with  marked  civility.  We  left  Cronstadt  in  an  open 
boat  to  cross  the  bay,  about  seven  miles,  and  were  much  obstructed  by  ice  on 
our  way  to  Petersburgh.  At  the  public  house,  when  we  landed,  I  first  saw  hot 
tea  prepared  to  be  drunken  from  a  tumbler.  This  is  very  common. 

St.  Petersburg. — Our  passes  were  delivered  to  our  landlady,  who  sent  them 
to  the  police.  We  were  required  to  go  the  next  day  to  the  Chief  of  Secret  Police 
to  give  an  account  of  ourselves.  The  Chief  was  Count  *  *,  a  brother  to 

Princess  Leiveu,  to  whom  we  had  a  letter  of  introduction  from  Bodisco.  He  was 
very  civil  to  us.  The  day  being  a  half  fete  day,  we  were  not  received.  On 
Monday,  we  went  with  our  passes  to  the  same  place.  On  mine  there  was  a  long 
indorsement  in  the  Russian  language.  Here  we  signed  our  names,  were  treated 
with  great  politeness,  and  sent  with  another  paper  to  the  police  office  in  another 
quarter  of  the  city,  where  I  was  asked  if  this  was  my  first  visit,  where  I  was 
born,  etc.  I  was  required  to  sign  my  name  again,  and  there  we  received  a 
ticket  of  residence  with  our  pass,  which  was  delivered  to  our  landlady.  This 
proceeding  costs  one  pound  sterling. 

In  the  evening,  we  went  to  see  Taglioni,  the  famous  dancer,  in  one  of  her 
great  pieces,  and  truly  she  was  great  in  it.  The  dresses  and  scenery  were 
magnificent,  surpassing  all  I  had  before  seen. 

On  Tuesday,  Schuyler  called  upon  Prince  Menschikoff,  but  could  not  see 
him.  In  the  evening,  we  went  to  the  "Theatre  Michel"  (vaudeville).  The 
house  was  not  full ;  the  people  were  very  silent.  We  now  had  the  first  oppor 
tunity  to  see  the  Imperial  family.  As  we  did  not  know  the  Emperor  was 
expected  to  be  at  the  theatre,  and  there  was  no  manifestation  by  the  people 
when  he  entered,  we  were  not  apprized  of  his  presence  until,  turning  toward 
the  private  box,  I  saw  a  face  which  was  familiar  to  me.  I  had,  again  and 


324  REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.    HAMILTON. 

again,  examined  with  care  the  portraits  of  Nicholas.  Turning  to  Schuyler,  I 
told  him  who  I  thought  was  there,  and  desired  him  to  ask  the  "person  next 
him.  I  was  right.  It  was  the  Emperor — an  uncommonly  handsome  man;  the 
Empress,  Madame  the  Grand  Duehesse  Marie  Nicholaievne,  and  her  husband 
were  also  there,  as  was  the  heir  apparent  and  his  wife. 

Novemler  12^-24^. — Captain  E.  Poothattin,  of  the  Kussian  Imperial  Navy, 
and  aid  to  Prince  Menschikoff,  called  at  an  early  hour  on  behalf  of  the  Prince, 
alleging,  as  an  excuse  for  the  Prince's  not  having  received  us,  that  he  could 
not  speak  English.  The  captain  wished  to  see  the  accounts  of  the  building  of  the 
vessel.  Schuyler  told  him  he  had  no  accounts  ;  he  did  not  come  here  to  settle  an 
account,  but  under  an  agreement  made  with  Mr.  Boclisco  and  Captain  Yon  Schauts, 
which  was  in  writing,  and  which  he  would  show  to  him,  to  receive  the  sum  he  had 
advanced  for  the  Emperor,  to  save  the  ship  from  a  sale  under  an  arrest.  Schuyler 
then  produced  the  original  and  a  copy  of  the  agreement.  He  gave  the  captain  the 
copy,  which  he  read.  I  then  read  the  original  emphatically,  he  following  me  read 
ing  the  copy.  I  showed  him  the  original.  The  captain  kept  the  copy,  in  order 
to  show  it  to  the  Prince.  Schuyler,  as  an  excuse  for  his  importunate  visits, 
explained  to  him  that  the  money  advanced  had  been  borrowed  in  New  York, 
and  was  to  be  paid  there  on  the  1st  of  February  next ;  that  if  his  notes  were 
not  then  paid,  he  would  be  ruined,  and  Mr.  Bodisco,  the  Minister,  would  be 
disgraced ;  that  this  agreement  had  not  been  communicated  here  by  us  to  any 
one  as  a  matter  of  delicacy  to  the  Emperor.  He  wished  to  know  for  what  this 
money  became  due.  I  explained  that  it  was  for  balances  due  to  mechanics  for 
building  the  ship,  for  the  engine  and  boilers,  &c.  I  explained  the  right  Yon 
Schauts  had  to  reject  the  boilers  and  engines,  if,  after  trial,  they  were  found 
deficient,  and  the  propriety  of  keeping  back  a  balance  of  such  payments  until 
the  last  moment.  I  explained  the  laws  of  our  country  giving  to  mechanics  the 
right  to  seize  vessels  through  the  Courts  of  Admiralty,  and  that  process  to  that 
effect  had  been  taken  out.  Schuyler  then  stated  that  Mr.  Bodisco,  not  having 
the  funds,  and  being  unable  to  raise  them,  applied  to  him  to  do  so,  which  he 
consented  to  do  upon  the  positive  assurance  that  the  money  would  be  paid  im 
mediately  on  his  arrival  in  Russia ;  and  added,  that  he  did  not  doubt  it  would 
be  paid,  to  which  the  captain  replied,  "  Oh  !  certainly,  it  will  be  paid,  but  the 
Prince  wants  to  know  more  of  the  accounts."  The  answer  to  this  was,  "  Cap 
tain  Yon  Schauts  has  got  them  at  Cronstadt ;  they  were  rendered  monthly, 
with  the  vouchers,  which  will  be  found  to  show  how  every  dollar  had  been 
spent,  and  a  wish  was  expressed  that  he  might  be  ordered  to  come  here  with 
the  accounts  and  the  vouchers."  The  captain's  reply  was,  that  the  inter 
course  was  cut  off  by  the  ice  (Captain  Pepin,  who  came  over  in  the  ship  and 
was  with  us  the  day  before,  told  us  he  was  going  there,  and  that  the  communica 
tion  was  open).  The  captain  left  us,  saying  he  would  take  the  papers  and 
would  inform  the  Prince  of  what  had  passed ;  that  he  was  to  go  to-day  to  see 
the  Emperor  at  Tsarkoe  Selo  (his  summer  residence,  twenty  miles  distant  from, 
the  city).  We  knew,  on  the  contrary,  that  the  Emperor  was  in  the  city. 


REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON.  325 

November  14-24. — I  drew  this  day  from  Baron  Steiglitz,  Banker,  against 
my  deposit  -with  him  of  £100,  the  sum  of  174  silver  rubles,  which  is  nearly 
thirty  pounds  sterling. 

Not  having  received  any  communication  from  the  Minister  of  Marine, 
directly  or  indirectly,  since  the  visit  of  Captain  Poothattin,  a  letter  was  pre 
pared  by  me  on  the  18th  of  November,  reciting  all  the  particulars  which  had  been 
given  to  the  captain,  and  laying  the  whole  case  before  his  Excellency  in  the 
clearest,  but  at  the  same  time  most  courteous  language.  This  letter  was  signed 
by  Mr.  Schuyler,  and  sent  by  him  to  the  Minister. 

"  ST.  PETERSBURG,  November  18-30,  1841. 
"  His  Excellency  PRINCE  MEXSCHIKOFF,  Minister  of  Marine,  &c. 

"YouR  EXCELLENCY:  After  my  communication  to  your  Excellency  of  the  ll-23d 
instant,  Captain  E.  Poothattin  called  upon  me  in  your  Excellency's  name,  and  to 
him  I  had  the  honor  to  make  known  for  your  Excellency's  information  Jill  the  cir 
cumstances  of  my  demands,  and  to  deliver  to  him  a  copy  of  the  agreement  executed 
by  Captain  Von  Schauts,  dated  September  28th,  after  the  same  had  been  compared 
by  him  with  the  original  in  my  possession,  in  which  it  is  distinctly  declared  that  I 
am  the  owner  of  the  ship  Kamscliafka^  and  that  she  is  not  to  be  tranferred  to  his 
Imperial  Majesty,  either  directly  or  by  implication,  until  the  sum  of  $55,089.42, 
which  is  therein  certifi-d  to  be  due  to  me,  shall  have  been  paid.  I  subsequently 
received  a  visit  from  Captain  Yon  Schauts,  and  was  requested  by  him  to  assist  in  pre 
paring  a  statement  of  the  cost  of  the  ship  from  the  accounts  in  his  possession,  which 
accounts — your  Excellency  has,  no  doubt,  been  informed  by  him — were  duly  rendered 
to  him  at  the  end  of  each  month,  fully  examined  by  him  with  the  original  accounts 
and  vouchers,  and  certified  by  him  to  be  correct.  And  here  allow  me  to  add  that 
no  contracts  were  entered  into  by  us  with  builders  or  others  which  were  not  first 
submitted  to  him  and  received  his  sanction,  nor  was  any  money  paid  on  such  ac 
counts  until  he  examined  and  allowed  them.  Greater  caution  to  preserve  entire 
fidelity  could  not  well  have  been  observed.  With  this  request  from  Captain  Von 
Schauts  I  have  cheerfully  complied,  and  this  summary  thus  prepared,  when  examined 
by  your  Excellency,  cannot  fail,  as  regards  its  clearness  and  accuracy,  to  be  entirely 
satisfactory.  Not  having  been  honored  by  a  second  interview  with  Captain  Poot 
hattin,  and  from  the  pressure  of  your  Excellency's  engagements  not  having  been  per 
mit!  ed  to  have  a  personal  interview  with  your  Excellency,  and  thus  fully  to  explain 
the  peculiarity  of  my  situation,  I  now  address  this  note  to  your  Excellency,  to  inform 
you,  and  through  you  his  Imperial  Majesty,  that  after  the  lapse  of —  days  from  this 
date  it  will  be  too  late  to  remit  the  money  to  the  United  States  to  arrive  in  time  to 
meet  the  engagements  I  assumed  there  in  order  to  enable  me  to  make  the  advance 
for  his  Imperial  Majesty,  to  which  I  have  referred.  I  fear  your  Excellency  will 
deem  me  importunate  in  making  this  second  communication,  but  I  trust  I  shall  be 
excused  by  your  Excellency  when  you  learn,  as  I  now  assure  you  is  the  case,  that 
unless  the  money  is  remitted  in  time  to  reach  the  United  States  before  the  28th  day 
of  January  next  (new  style),  on  which  day  my  notes  will  become  due,  that  if 
they  are  not  paid,  my  credit  will  be  destroyed,  and  I  shall  be  exposed  to  inevitable 
ruin.  I  do  not  present  myself  to  your  Excellency,  nor  to  his  Imperial  Majesty,  to 


326  REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON. 

settle  the  accounts  of  the  ship  Kamschatka ;  that  was,  in  fact,  done;  and,  from  the 
nature  of  the  transactions,  was  necessarily  required  to  be  done  in  New  York,  where, 
by  her  completion,  my  connection  with  her  as  her  constructor,  and  the  accounts 
thereof  entirely  ceased  ;  but,  I  have  come  here  to  ask  his  Imperial  Majesty  to  cause 
to  be  paid  to  me  the  sum  of  $55,089.42,  which  was  advanced  by  me  to  his  Imperial 
Majesty,  to  save' the  Kamscliaika  from  a  legal  arrest  and  a  sale,  or  a  long  detention 
in  the  United  States,  and  much  additional  expense  ;  an  advance  made  by  me  at  the 
earnest  request  of  Mr.  Bodisco,  his  Imperial  Majesty's  Minister  in  the  United  States, 
and  under  the  most  positive  assurance  from  that  Minister  that,  immediately  on  my 
arrival,  the  amount  I  had  so  loaned  to  his  Imperial  Majesty  would  be  repaid — a  con 
dition  of  the  loan  which  kindly  required  such  assurance,  as  it  necessarily  resulted 
from  the  honorary  nature  of  the  transactions,  and  that  the  ship  would  be  accepted 
by  his  Imperial  Majesty,  and  transferred  by  me  to  him  in  such  manner  as  should  be 
advised ;  of  all  which  I  take  the  liberty,  with  great  respect,  from  what  passed  be 
tween  his  Excellency,  de  Bodisco,  and  myself,  to  say  he  promised  to  inform  your 
Excellency  in  the  despatches  which  Captain  Yon  Schauts  delivered  to  your  Excel 
lency  on  the  evening  of  the  1st  and  2d  instant.  And  allow  me  to  add  that  I  am  now 
entirely  uninformed  whether  his  Imperial  Majesty  will  accept  the  ship,  pay  the 
amount  due  to  me,  and  receive  a  transfer  of  her,  or  whether  she  is  to  remain  in  rny 
possession  as  the  owner  thereof,  to  be  disposed  of  by  me,  as  such  owner,  as  future 
circumstances  may  dictate. 

u  In  closing  this  note,  allow  me  to  intimate  with  as  much  delicacy  as  referring  at 
all  to  the  character  of  the  transaction  will  permit,  and  as  I  must  .sedulously  desire 
to  observe  toward  his  Imperial  Majesty  and  the  high  functionaries  of  his  govern 
ment,  that  I  was  not  constrained  to  make  this  advance  as  an  act  of  duty.  On  the 
contrary,  I  might  have  required  all  the  debts  of  the  ship  to  be  paid  before  her  de 
parture  from  the  United  States,  and  have  folded  my  arms  to  await  that  result.  But, 
not  regarding  my  own  interest  or  convenience  alone  in  this  matter,  confiding  in  the 
assurance  of  his  Majesty's  Minister,  and  with  unhesitating  reliance  upon  the  honor 
and  integrity  of  his  Imperial  Majesty,  and  to  promote  his  wishes  for  the  prompt  ar 
rival  of  the  ship,  I  assumed  this,  to  me,  heavy  pecuniary  responsibility,  and  thus  I 
did  an  act  which,  instead  of  being  one  of  duty,  may,  I  trust,  without  ostentation  or 
assuming  too  much,  be  characterized  as  one  of  gratuitous  and  laudable  service  to  his 
Imperial  Majesty  which,  allow  me  with  great  respect  to  say,  mny  be  supposed  to 
deserve  at  least  a  prompt  requital.  I  well  know  how  numerous  and  important  must 
be  the  claims  upon  your  Excellency's  time,  and  I  beg  leave  to  say  that,  were  it  not 
from  the  peculiar  and  urgent  nature  of  my  position,  I  have  too  much  respect  for  your 
Excellency  thus  again  to  press  myself  upon  your  attention." 

On  our  return  to  our  lodgings  we  found  a  note  from  Col.  Todd,  American 
Minister,  saying :  "Inconsequence  of  an  inquiry  made  by  Count  Nesselrode 
(the  Minister  of  Foreign  Affairs)  it  may  be  of  consequence  to  you  to  have  a 
conference  with  Col.  Todd  in  the  course  of  the  day,  in  the  event  that  you  may 
wish  to  be  presented  to  the  Emperor."  Sclmyler  immediately  went  to  seethe 
Colonel,  who  told  him  that  Count  Nesselrode  had  suggested  that  we  might  be  pre 
sented  to  the  Emperor,  if  we  wished,  at  the  same  time  with  him — probably  on 
Sunday  next.  We  assented  to  this  most  reasonable  wish  of  his  Majesty  to  see 


REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.    HAMILTON.  327 

us,  and  the  Colonel  is  so  to  inform  the  Count.  We  dined  this  day  with  Baron 
Steiglitz, — a  v7ery  handsome  French  dinner.  The  American  Minister  and  his 
Secretary  (the  now  celebrated  Motley) ;  four  others  who  spoke  English — one 
an  American,  the  Baron's  sister,  and  his  son  with  his  young  wife,  three  months 
married — a  very  agreeable  party.  I  had  some  conversation  with  Steigiitz 
about  the  country.  He  says  Nesselrode  was  born  on  board  ship  in  the  Tagus. 
He  is  56  years  old.  The  English,  Portuguese,  and  Russians,  claim  him.  He 
is  a  very  wise  man,  and  has  great  influence  with  the  Emperor.  The  people  of 
llussia  have  a  religious  veneration  and  love  for  the  Emperor.  They  are  taught 
this  by  their  prayers; — 'God  and  the  Emperor."  The  sudden  and  great 
changes  he  made  in  the  monetary  system  proved  this.  The  Baron  feared  it 
would  produce  an  emcute,  but  it  was  immediately  acquiesced  in.  The  debt  of 
llussia  is  at  an  average  of  five  per  cent,  interest  and  at  London  it  is  thirteen  per 
cent,  above  par. 

I  quote  from  the  indorsement  on  the  draft  of  the  following  letter  :  "  Peters 
burg,  November  10,  22,  1841.  I  had  a  conversation  with  Von  Schauts  this 
morning,  in  which  I  expressed  the  views  stated  in  this  draft  of  a  letter.  At  his 
request,  I  prepared  the  within  copy  which  was  handed  to  him.  The  last  para 
graph  being  erased,  he  said  it  was  satisfactory,  and  left  me  to  communicate  it 
to  Prince  Menschikoff." 

To  CAPTAIN  JOHN  E.  YON  SCHAUTS,  &c.,  &c.}  &c. 

"  ST.  PETERSBURG,  November  10,  22,  1841. 

"  MY  DEAR  SIR  :  With  the  same  desire  I  have  manifested  on  former  occasions  to 
preserve  harmony  and  produce  results  by  means  the  least  disagreeable,  I  address 
this  note  to  you.  The  protests  which  Mr.  Schuyler  has  on  two  occassions  addressed 
to  you  were  made  untfcr  my  advice,  in  order  to  preserve  unimpaired  his  possession 
and  title  as  Captain,  and  owner  of  the  ship  Kamschatka.  This  title  results  as  well 
from  the  papers  which  were  issued  to  him  under  the  laws  and  by  the  authorities  of 
the  United  States  as  by  his  agreement  with  you  of  the  28th  September  last ;  by 
which  last  paper  it  is  distinctly  declared  that  he  is  the  owner  of  the  ship,  and  that 
she  is  not  to  be  transferred  to  his  Imperial  Majesty,  either  directly  or  by  implication, 
until  the  sum  of  $55,089.42  (fifty-five  thousand  and  eighty-nine  dollars  and  forty- 
two  cents)  which  is  therein  certified  to  be  due  to  him,  shall  have  been  paid  to  him. 
I  fear,  from  what  has  passed  here,  that  Mr.  Schuyler's  true  position,  and  the  exigency 
of  his  situation,  are  not  clearly  understood,  and  therefore  now  call  them  to  your  at 
tention.  He  does  not  come  here  to  settle  the  accounts  of  the  ship— that  was,  in 
fact,  done,  and  from  the  nature  of  the  transaction  was  necessarily  done  in  New 
York,  where,  by  her  completion,  his  connection  with  her  as  her  constructor,  and  the 
accounts  thereof,  necessarily  ceased  ;  but  he  has  come  to  receive  from  his  Imperial 
Majesty  the  above  mentioned  sum  advanced  by  him  to  his  Imperial  Mnjesty,  to  save 
the  Kajnschatka  from  a  legal  arrest,  and  a  sale,  which  you  know  she  was  in  a  condi 
tion  by  the  laws  of  the  United  States  to  be  subjected  to,  or  a  long  detention  in  the 
United  States  at  very  great  additional  expense — an  advance  made  by  him  at  the 
urgent  request  of  his  Imperial  Majesty's  Minister  Extraordinary  in  the  United 


328  REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON. 

States,  who  had  not  the  ability  to  raise  that  sum,  and  upon  the  express  condition  that 
it  should  be  paid  to  him  on  the  arrival  of  the  ship.  You  well  know  that  in  ordu-  to 
render  this  gratuitous,  and,  allow  me  to  say,  this  meritorious  service,  to  his  Imperial 
Majesty,  Mr.  Sehuyler  was  under  the  necessity  of  issuing  his  notes  payable  in  four 
months  from  the  25th  September,  which  notes  will  fall  due  on  the  28th  day  of  Jan 
uary  next,  new  style,  and  I  assure  you  that  unless  he  is  repaid  before  the  20th  in 
stant  (20th  December)  it  will  be  too  late  to  remit  the  money  to  the  United  States,  to 
meet  the  payment  of  the  notes.  The  duty  of  Mr.  Sclmyler  was  to  cause  the  ship  to 
be  built,  and  settle  the  accounts  in  New-York;  and,  having  done  so,  he  might  have 
folded  his  arms  and  have  said,  '  now  pay  what  is  due,  and  take  the  ship ' — and  here 
all  his  obligations  ceased. 

"  With  very  great  respect  and  regard,  your  friend  and  servant, 

"  JAMES  A.  HAMILTON." 


On  the  23d  day  of  November,  Captain  Yon  Schauts  called  upon  me  (Schuy- 
ler  being  absent).  He  told  me,  he  had  communicated  the  letter  I  wrote  to  him 
to  Prince  Menschikoff,  who  informed  him  that  the  papers  were  sent  to  the 
Minister  of  Finance,  and  advised  us,  from  the  Prince,  that  we  should  go  to 
him.  I  replied,  "  that  is  very  satisfactory;  does  Prince  Menschikoff  authorize 
you  to  say  this  ?  "  He  answered,  "  He  does."  Yon  Schauts  then  continued  : 
"  Colonel,  you  have  held  a  high  office  in  your  own  country,  and  you  probably 
know  that  there,  as  well  as  here,  and  in  all  governments,  where  any  money  is 
paid  out  by  any  department,  it  is  customary  to  pay  to  the  chief  of  that  depart 
ment  and  his  subordinates  a  small  portion  of  the  amount  so  received,  in  the 
nature  of  a  compensation  for  their  trouble.  I  replied,  "  Captain,  I  understand 
you  to  intimate  that  Prince  Menschikoff,  Captain  Poothattin,  you,  and  others  in 
that  department,  are  to  receive  a  portion  of  the  amount  due  to  Mr.  Sclmyler  ?  " 
He  replied,  "  Certainly."  "  Well,  Captain,  I  am  gratified  by  your  frankness, 
and  now  1  intend  to  be  equally  frank.  I  know  of  no  such  practice  in  the 
United  States,  and  am  quite  sure  there  is  none  such  there.  I  understand  you 
to  say  it  is  an  accustomed  practice  here.  ^Now  I  wish  you  to  understand  me. 
"We  intend  to  receive  the  amount  due  to  Mr.  Schuyler  under  his  agreement,  and 
we  do  not  intend  to  give  Prince  Menschikoff.  yourself,  or  any  other  subordinate 
in  his  department,  a  single  ruble ;  and  further,  if  the  money  cannot  be  obtained 
without  making  the  payments  suggested,  that  Mr.  Schuyler  would,  as  owner  of 
the  ship,  take  her  to  London,  and  sell  her  for  whomever  it  might  concern.  And, 
further,  let  me  say  to  you,  that  my  connection  with  public  affairs  has  taught 
me  never  to  leave  to  the  recollection  of  parties  important  conversations ;  but 
always  to  reduce  them  to  writing  at  the  time.  I  will,  to  that  end,  retire  and 
put  into  the  form  of  a  letter  what  has  now  passed  between  us — you  will  remain 
here  to  receive  it."  Yon  Schauts  said,  "  Oh !  no,  Colonel,  that  is  not  neces 
sary."  Hamilton,  "  Yes,  sir,  it  is;  and  if  you  do  not  remain,  I  shall  send  the 
letter  to  you,  and  you  will  thus  lose  the  opportunity  of  correcting  my  state 
ment." 


REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON.  329 

He  consented  to  remain,  a  draft  of  the  letter  was  made  and  read  to  him, 
lie  agreed  that  it  was  correct,  but  wished  me  to  strike  out  the  last  part  which 
was  a  threat  to  which,  as  an  officer  of  his  Majesty,  he  could  not  listen.  I 
erased  that  part,  made  a  copy,  signed  it,  and  delivered  it  to  him.  When 
Schuyler  returned,  T  told  him  what  had  passed,  showed  him  the  letter  to  Von 
Schauta,  and  then  said,  "  our  only  course  now  is  to  go  to  the  Emperor.  Ho 
is  a  just  man,  and  will  not  permit  this  attempt  to  enforce  a  contribution  from 
you  to  these  people.  I  believe  all  this  delay  is  to  be  attributed  to  this  at 
tempt  upon  you."  I  then  advised  him  to  go  immediately  to  our  Minister,  and 
urge  him  to  ask  Count  Nesselrode,  the  Premier,  to  permit  us  to  be  presented 
to  him.  Todd  immediately  wrote  to  Count  Nesselrode,  and  we  were  very  soon 
presented,  with  Mr.  Motley,  who,  as  Secretary  of  Legation,  had  not  been  pre 
sented.  It  was  previously  arranged  that  Mr.  Todd  was  to  say  that  Mr. 
Schuyler  and  Mr.  Hamilton  wished  to  have  an  interview  with  him  on  business, 
whenever  he  could  receive  them.  This  was  suggested  by  Todd.  The  Count 
acquiesced,  and  said  that  the  present  was  the  most  convenient  time.  The 
Minister  and  his  Secretary  took  their  leave,  and  we  were  conducted  by  the 
Count  to  his  private  office,  where  Schuyler  stated  his  case  clearly,  and  I  stated 
what  had  passed  between  Von  Schauts  and  myself,  and  that  I  had  addressed  a 
letter  to  him  reciting  the  conversation.  The  Minister  promptly  said,  "  Mr. 
Hamilton,  repeat  what  that  letter  contains.1'  I  did  so,  and  added  that,  as  I 
well  knew  the  Emperor  was  a  just  man  who  could  not  sanction  such  practices, 
I  had  advised  Mr.  Schuyler  that  our  only  course  was  to  get  to  his  Majesty, 
and  with  that  view  we  had  sought  this  interview  with  him.  He  directly  said, 
"  Gentlemen,  send  to  me  a  copy  of  the  agreement  you  have  referred  to  and 
(emphatically),  a  copy  of  that  letter,"  pausing  a  moment  he  said,  "  No  !  you 
must  send  these  papers  to  me  through  your  Minister,  I  am  then  bound  to 
communicate  them  to  his  Majesty."  The  copies  of  both  were  immediately 
prepared,  and  with  the  originals  Mr.  Schuyler  took  them  to  Col.  Todd,  who 
assented  to  what  was  proposed.  A  letter  was  prepared  and  sent  by  him  with 
the  papers. 

Five  days  afterward,  Count  Nesselrode  addressed  a  note  to  Mr.  Todd, 

requesting  him  to  inform  Mr.  Schuyler  that  if  he  would  call  upon  Count , 

Minister  of  the  Treasury,  that  he  would  receive  fifty-five  thousand  and  eighty- 
nine  -j402F  dollars  in  rubles.  This  was  communicated  to  Baron  Steiglitz,  who 
sent  his  porter  with  Schuyler,  who,  after  going  through  the  forms  of  office, 
received  the  amount  in  rubles  at  a  most  favorable  rate,  and  deposited  the  same 
with  the  Baron,  who  afterwards  said  to  me,  "  I  knew  what  you  came  for  on 
your  arrival ;  and  well  knew  that,  according  to  the  accustomed  course  of  busi 
ness  here,  you  would  be  detained  at  least  six  months  :  and  here  you  have  got 
your  money,  at  the  most  favorable  rate,  in  less  than  thirty  days." 

I  now  proceed  with  my  journal. 

A  change  of  a  most  important  character  has  been  made  in  this  Government 


330  REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON. 

since  the  death  of  Paul  who  was  strangled  by  his  courtiers.  Formerly,  the 
nobles  governed  the  Emperor  and  people.  Now,  the  Emperor,  having  attached 
the  people  to  him,  and  by  the  influence  of  an  army  of  a  million  of  men,  governs 
the  nobles  and  the  people.  The  wish  and  effort  of  the  Emperor  is  to  improve 
the  condition  of  the  country,  and  to  raise  up  the  people  ;  but  he  fears  to  do  so 
by  the  direct  and  usual  means.  He  wishes  the  mind  of  the  nation  to  advance 
generally,  but  to  stand  still  and  remain  in  ignorance  as  it  respects  the  authority 
of  government.  His  absolutism  is  inconsistent  with  his  desire  for  improvement. 
He  draws  foreigners  and  their  improvements  to  him,  but  is  opposed  to  allow 
ing  his  subjects  to  go  abroad.  These  subjects  pay  a  high  tax  for  a  passport. 
A  nobleman  told  me  that  he  was  delayed  three  months  before  he  could  get  his 
passport.  The  purpose  of  this  delay  was  to  deter  him  from  leaving  the  Empire. 
This  policy  is  founded  upon  the  fear  of  introducing  liberal  opinions,  and  to 
compel  the  nobles  to  spend  their  money  in  the  Empire. 

The  schoolmaster  will  not  do  his  work  among  this  or  any  other  people,  on 
these  terms. 

It  is  generally,  almost  universally,  conceded  that  the  Emperor  Nicholas  is 
a  good  man — that  he  would  command  the  respect  and  esteem  of  all  who  know 
him.  if  he  were  in  a  private  station.  He  is  averse  to  ostentation,  and  shows 
himself  everywhere  as  a  private  gentleman  without  any  attendants.  I  have 
seen  him  often,  walking  and  driving  about,  alone.  The  people  give  way  to  him, 
and  he  returns  the  salutes  of  gentlemen  who  meet  him.  His  army  is  the  object 
of  his  supreme  attention. 

As  far  as  I  can  judge  from  the  people  in  the  streets  and  at  the  theatres, 
the  men  are  large  and  athletic,  but  fat.  They  wear  coats,  and  trowsers,  and 
overcoats  made  of  sheep-skin  with  the  wool  on,  which,  in  winter,  is  turned  to 
the  skin ;  also  woolen  caps.  Their  feet  are  covered  with  shoes  and  large, 
coarse,  knitted  stockings,  fastened  with  thongs  about  the  ankles  and  legs.  I 
have  seen  men  at  work,  when  a  crow  would  alight  near  them,  put  their  hands 
to  their  foreheads,  and  make  an  obeisance,  a  superstition  which  was  not  ex 
plained  to  me. 

The  women  are  large  and  fat,  and  generally  pretty ;  faces  broad,  noses 
short,  eyes  and  hair  black.  I  refer  to  the  people  you  meet  on  the  streets, 
those  I  saw  at  the  theatres  appeared  to  be  luxurious  in  their  habits,  well  covered 
with  rich  furs.  The  property  of  women  remains  theirs  after  marriage  as  it  was 
before,  and  cannot  be  touched  by  the  husband  without  the  wife's  consent. 

There  were  no  railroads  in  1841,  although  one  was  in  contemplation  be 
tween  St.  Petersburg  and  Moscow.  It  is  now  completed.  In  travelling 
between  these  two  cities,  the  higher  order  used  their  own  carriages  in  which 
they  had  beds,  and  they  carried  their  drinking  water. 

The  Serfs. — As  this  is  a  subject  of  the  deepest  interest,  I  have  endeavored 
to  acquire  the  most  correct  information.  Almost  the  whole  peasantry  are 
slaves  to  different  masters  who  own  from  one  or  two  to  twenty  thousand.  They 


REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.HAMILTON.  331 

are  transferred  with  the  land,  sometimes  without  it,  bartered  for  horses  and 
other  personal  property  ;  this  is  very  exceptional,  and  an  abuse.  They  are  allow 
ed,  and,  it  is  said  they  have  a  right,  upon  engaging  to  pay  a  certain  stipulated 
price  (the  amount  is  at  the  will  of  the  master,  and  depends  upon  his  estimate 
of  their  capacity,  and  varies  from  three  to  one  hundred  dollars)  to  go  off  and 
seek  their  own  living.  If  they  do  not  make  the  payment  regularly,  they  are 
denied  the  privilege.  Each  one  has  a  written  pass,  without  which  he  is  liable 
to  be  taken  up  as  a  runaway  by  the  police.  Some  of  them  have  become  men 
of  fortune.  One  of  the  largest  fruiterers  in  St.  Petersburg  is  a  serf  who  has 
offered  his  owner  thirty  thousand  rubles  for  his  freedom — more  of  him  hereafter. 

I  was  informed  by  the  proprietor  of  a  large  iron  manufactory  that  they  are 
apt  to  learn  their  trades,  but  when  they  have  acquired  their  art,  being  under 
the  necessity  of  returning  to  their  homes  at  the  end  of  two  years,  they  lose  what 
they  have  acquired.  In  a  manufactory  of  arms,  etc.,  I  found  women  at  work, 
as  well  as  men.  On  the  estates,  they  are  said  to  be  lazy  and  induced  to  work 
by  the  lash  alone,  which  is  applied  without  restraint  by  the  drivers.  During 
four  days  in  the  week,  they  are  required  to  till  the  lands  of  their  owners,  during 
two  days,  the  land  adjacent  to  the  houses  they  occupy,  which  is  set  apart  for 
them,  and  from  which  they  are  required  to  raise  as  much  as  will  support  them 
and  their  families.  They  have  houses  and  fire-wood,  nothing  more.  In  culti 
vating  their  own  land,  they  have  not  the  use  of  cattle,  consequently,  there  have 
been  instances  where  the  man  holds  the  plough,  and  his  wife  and  children  draw 
it.  In  Italy,  I  have  seen  a  cow  and  women  hauling  the  plough,  and  a  man  hold 
ing  it.  Very  frequently,  on  the  continent,  women  are  seen  with  a  basket  hang 
ing  from  their  shoulders  on  the  back,  into  which  they  collect  the  horse-droppings 
on  the  roads. 

Tho  serfs  belonging  to  the  crown,  of  whom  there  are  a  great  number,  are 
treated  more  indulgently. 

The  liability  of  the  serfs  for  sale  without  the  land  is  certain  in  the  German 
provinces.  Alexander,  after  his  return  in  1815,  made  all  the  serfs  in  these 
provinces  free,  as  an  experiment,  whether  with  compensation  to  their  owners  or 
not,  I  do  not  know ;  the  effect,  however,  is  understood  not  to  have  bettered 
their  condition,  because  now,  instead  of  their  owners  or  the  proprietors  of  the 
estates  receiving  from  them  a  rent  or  capitation  tax,  and  being  in  cases  of  fail 
ure  of  crops  compelled  to  provide  for  them,  as  heretofore,  they  charge  them  a 
rental  for  the  lands  and  the  houses  they  occupy,  which  is  higher  than  the  feudal 
service  they  before  rendered.  It  is  agreed  on  all  hands  that  they  do  not  work 
industriously ;  the  nature  of  the  system  of  servitude  necessarily  induces  this, 
here  and  in  my  own  honored  land. 

The  proprietors  are  required  to  furnish  soldiers,  according  to  their  wealth ; 
they  send  their  serfs.  The  persons  who  are  to  go,  are  decided  by  drawing  lots ; 
sometimes,  when  there  is  on  the  estate  a  bad  man,  he  is  ?ent. 

The  carpenters   and  house  builders  receive  sixty  rubles  a  month  wages, 


332  REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.    HAMILTON. 

out  of  which  they  provide  their  food,  which  consists  of  black  (rye)  bread,  salt, 
and  quash,  a  very  thin  malt  liquor  almost  as  tasteless  as  the  rinsing  of  a  tum 
bler  of  brown-stout.  In  the  city,  this  drink  is  very  cheap,  not  over  a  copeck  a 
bottle,  and  on  Sunday  they  indulge  themselves  with  soup  made  of  meat,  a  small 
portion  of  cabbage  and  onions,  with  salt.  I  went  into  the  house  of  one  of  the 
poorer  class  in  St.  Petersburg,  and  found  they  were  frying  sauer  krout  in  train 
oil — the  atmosphere  was  filled,  as  were  my  clothes,  with  the  offensive  uprising. 
The  adults  are  taught  to  read  and  write ;  measures  are  now  in  progress  to 
teach  the  children.  They  have  no  beds,  but,  rolling  themselves  in  their  sheep 
skins,  sleep  very  sweetly  on  the  floors,  with  a  log  under  their  heads.  In  the 
summer,  owing  to  the  vermin  in  their  houses,  they  go  to  the  fields  to  sleep. 

One  of  the  great  sources  of  revenue  is  derived  from  the  sale  of  liquor.  The 
country  is  divided  into  several  departments.  The  government  sells  the  right  to 
sell  liquor  in  each  department ;  of  course,  the  price  depends  essentially  on  the 
number  of  inhabitants  who  will  drink.  The  association  which  purchases  a 
department,  undersells  divisions  thereof,  counties,  towns,  or  villages,  as  we 
should  say,  to  different  persons,  who  open  shops  in  all  quarters  and  places.  It 
thus  becomes  their  interest,  and  the  interest  of  the  government,  that  the  people 
should  drink  to  excess.  Liquors  of  all  kinds  are  sold  at  low  prices  in  great 
quantities,  and  the  people  are  rapidly  becoming  drunkards.  This  consequence 
and  its  effect  upon  the  lives  of  the  people,  which  are  computed  to  have  been  short 
ened  ten  years  upon  an  average,  was  forcibly  presented  to  his  Imperial  Majesty 
by  the  philanthropist  Baird  with  great  effect.  His  Majesty  said  to  him,  u  Point 
out  to  me  another  source  of  revenue  equal  to  this,  and  I  will  substitute  it." 
This  was  a  politic  answer,  though  others  could  be  found.  I  believe  the  im 
proved  navigation  of  the  Volga  might  afford  this  substitute.  This  is  a  subject 
of  vast  importance. 

The  jurisprudence  of  this  country  is  as  corrupt  as  possible.  I  have  most 
reluctantly  permitted  myself  to  believe  this,  being  aware,  as  a  traveller,  how 
readily  we  are  imposed  upon,  and  how  imperfect,  and  oftentimes  how  unfair, 
are  our  sources  of  information  5  but  I  hear  this  from  all  quarters,  and  one  res 
ident  (a  man  very  much  disposed  to  mitigate  what  was  said,  and  to  put  the  best 
appearance  on  all  that  he  told  me)  said  it  was  unquestionably  true  that  the 
judges  constantly  expect  and  receive  bribes.  There  are  no  open  discussions  in 
courts  ;  the  pleadings  are  submitted  to  the  judges  in  writing.  This  gentleman 
told  me  he  had  two  cases  of  plain  justice,  which  were  both  decided  against  him, 
during  the  pendency  of  which  he  was  told  by  various  persons  that  his  only 
course  was  to  go  to  the  judges,  talk  with  them  about  his  case,  and,  at  his  depart 
ure,  leave  a  package  of  money  on  the  table.  His  adversary  did  so,  and  suc 
ceeded  in  both  cases  ;  various  other  persons  told  me  the  same  thing.  Cases  of 
much  importance,  and  involving  certain  great  principles  may  be  taken  to  the 
Emperor,  who  always  judges  and  decides  uprightly.  It  is  quite  certain  that 
frauds  have  been  openly  practiced  heretofore,  in  all  departments  of  the  govern- 


REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON.  333 

ment,  and  that  the  prevailing  opinion  here  is,  that  most  persons  who  are  engaged 
in  receiving  or  paying  out  the  public  moneys,  steal  more  or  less  of  it. 

Count  Cancreaux,  Minister  of  Finance,  has  been  of  great  service  to  his 
country  in  correcting  these  abuses.  He  found  the  receivers  of  the  customs  were 
very  inadequately  paid,  as  are  all  the  officers  of  the  government.  Proceeding 
upon  the  conviction  that  if  they  were  not  sufficiently  paid  to  support  them 
selves,  they  must  "  pluck  the  goose,"  he  has  so  raised  their  salaries  that  they  are 
now,  as  a  class,  better  paid  than  any  other  officers.  He  then  established  checks  ; 
among  others  the  following,  which  is  worthy  of  imitation.  He  requires  one 
original  invoice  and  bill  of  lading  of  every  importation,  to  be  sent  to  him  on 
the  arrival  of  every  ship.  One  copy  of  each  is  given  to  the  custom  house, 
another  to  the  consignee  or  owner,  and  one  other  copy  of  the  bill  of  lading  is 
kept  by  the  Captain.  lie  then  requires  an  account  to  be  opened,  in  books  kept 
at  the  treasury,  with  each  vessel ;  with  which  account  he  compares  that  rendered 
by  the  Custom  House,  and  as  the  duty  each  vessel  ought  to  pay  is  known,  he  is 
thus  enabled  to  ascertain  the  amount  of  duties  which  ought  to  be  received  and 
accounted  for  by  the  collector. 

TJie  Army. — One  other  evil  to  which  the  serfs  are  subjected.  The  Empire  ^ 
is  divided  into  two  grand  departments,  and  recruits  for  the  army  arc  drawn, 
one  year  from  the  lower,  and  the  next  year  from  the  upper  department;  the 
serfs,  consequently,  who  are  permitted  to  go  abroad  to  work,  as  before  stated, 
are  required  to  return  to  their  villages  every  two  years,  to  be  present  and  take 
their  chance  of  being  drafted,  which  is  a  loss  to  them  of  several  months  of  their 
time  and,  if  they  are  artisans,  to  a  loss  by  want  of  use  of  the  aptitude  and 
knowledge  they  had  acquired.  This  is  a  complaint  made  to  me  by  a  large  iron 
manufacturer,  who  spoke  of  it  from  his  own  knowledge  as  an  evil  from  which 
he  had  suffered  much. 

The  women  work  in  the  fields  and  in  the  shops  as  artisans.  Schuyler  saw 
them  burnishing,  for  which  work  they  receive  one  and  a  quarter  rubles  a  day 
of  fourteen  hours,  deducting  two  hours  for  their  meals.  The  best  artisans, 
at  the  best  smith-work,  receive  fifteen  dollars  a  month,  and  find  themselves. 
Imprisonment  for  debt  is  allowed.  The  creditor  who  causes  the  imprison 
ment  is  compelled,  however,  to  pay  three  and  a  half  silver  rubles  a  month  for 
the  support  of  his  debtor,  which  effectually  mitigates  its  duration  and  severity. 

Education. — The  universities  and  other  establishments  to  educate  the  higher 

c 

classes  are  very  extensive.  Teachers  and  men  of  science  are  well  paid,  and 
drawn  from  all  quarters  of  the  world ;  and  the  Russians  are  encouraged  to 
make  themselves  competent  to  fill  these  stations.  These  sources  of  education 
are  open  to  the  children  of  impoverished  nobles  without  price ;  and  to  those 
who  can  pay  for  the  small  sum  of  one  hundred  rubles  (about  twentj'-five  dol 
lars  a  year).  This  plan  was  recently  adopted,  in  order  to  render  the  migration 
of  young  men  of  this  class  to  seek  an  education,  unnecessary.  The  Govern 
ment  fears  liberal  opinions  more  than  a  pestilence. 


334  REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON. 

If  the  inheritors  of  a  title  shall  not  through  three  generations  have  served 
in  the  army,  the  title  is  destroyed.  Very  generally,  the  nobility  are  unable  to 
sustain  themselves  by  the  incomes  of  their  estates.  A  Lombard  bank  has  been 
opened  in  many  of  the  departments,  where  money  may  be  deposited  at  four  per 
cent,  interest ;  and  where  money  is  loaned  out  at  six  and  seven  per  cent,  upon 
real  estate  and  the  pledge  of  chattels ;  and  thus  the  nobles,  who  are  expected 
by  the  Government  to  be  profuse  in  their  expenditures  and  magnificent  in 
their  style  of  living,  particularly  when  they  come  to  the  capital,  have  become, 
from  their  necessities,  indebted  very  generally  to  these  institutions,  which  are 
Government  organizations — and  from  this  it  is  said  and  believed,  that  the 
nobility  are  generally  indebted  to  the  Government;  and  thus  their  estates,  when 
they  are  called  upon  for  payment,  belong  to  the  Government. 

The  possessions  of  the  Emperor  are  vast,  and  in  every  part  of  the  empire; 
and  it  is  said  a  large  portion  of  St.  Petersburg  belongs  to  him. 

Lord  Stewart  de  Rothsay,  the  English  ambassador,  sent  his  card  to  inform 
us  that  he  received  on  Monday  and  Tuesday,  between  twelve  and  three  o'clock. 
"We  went  there,  had  a  little  chat,  and  saw  princ:s,  counts,  and  high  officers  of 
the  llussian  Government,  with  foreign  ministers  dressed  in  most  gorgeous  uni 
forms.  We  learned  their  names,  but  could  not  procure  them.  At  a  private 
interview  with  Lord  de  Rothsay,  talking  of  the  Russian  character,  and  partic 
ularly  of  their  habitual  exaggeration,  he  said  their  disregard  of  truth  was  so 
great  that  he  had  been  instructed  by  his  Government  to  inquire  whether  they 
were  to  be  guided,  in  their  intercourse  with  them,  by  what  they  said,  or  what 
they  did.  Mr.  Schuyler  was  at  a  dinner  at  a  noble  house,  where  one  of  the 
guests  was  an  aid  of  the  Emperor.  A  gentleman,  sitting  opposite,  told  a  most 
extraordinary  story.  When  he  had  concluded,  this  aid  said,  "  Sir  !  that  is  an 
untruth,  and  you  know  it !  "  This  did  not  appear  to  be  considered  as  an  offence. 
The  person  to  whom  it  was  said  seemed  only  to  feel  that  he  was  called  upon  to 
sustain  what  he  had  said. 

The  Greek  Church — the  religion  of  the  Empire. — All  sects  are  tolerated.  If 
either  father  or  mother  be  a  member  of  the  established  Church,  the  children 
must  belong  to  it.  The  office  of  patriarch  of  the  Greek  Church  no  longer  exists. 
Peter  the  Great  abolished  it,  and  made  himself  the  head  of  the  Church.  The 
highest  order  of  dignitaries  are  called  the  White  Clergy.  They  are  forbidden  to 
marry ;  and  are  said  to  be,  in  general,  very  distinguished  for  their  learning  and 
piety.  The  lower  orders,  or  priests  of  parishes,  are  required  to  marry;  they  are 
unlearned  and  brutal,  and  so  esteemed  by  the  mass  of  the  people,  who  are  very 
attentive  to  their  religious  duties  ;  the  nobility  are  not  so.  When  the  wife  of 
a  priest  dies,  he  is  compelled  to  quit  his  parish,  and  betake  himself  to  a  monas 
tery,  where,  if  he  has  the  inclination  and  ability,  he  may  become  eminent  for 
his  learning  and  piety,  and  be  advanced  to  the  distinction  of  the  White  Clergy. 

There  is  a  proverb  in  Russia,  applied  to  any  subject  of  sedulous  attention. 
It  is  "  As  well  cared  for  as  a  parish  priest's  wife." 


REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON.  335 

The  revenues  of  the  church  are  very  large,  and  so  is  its  power  over  the  peo 
ple.  The  New  Testament  has  been  printed  in  Russian  and  Sclavonic  ;  the  last 
edition  is  now  exhausted,  and  the  synod  of  the  church  has  decided  that  no  more 
shall  be  printed.  It  is  said  that  the  Bible  Society  of  London  has  offered  to 
furnish  copies  if  they  will  permit  them  to  be  sold,  but  this  offer  has  been  reject 
ed.  The  Emperor  pays  marked  respect  to  the  clergy.  Yesterday  he  crossed 
the  river  (Neva)  to  visit  the  metropolitan  bishop,  to  congratulate  him  on  his 
birthday.  We  were  invited  to  go  and  see  the  exercises  of  the  horse-guards  and 
infantry,  which  were  under  cover,  it  being  mid-winter.  In  the  first  place,  in  an 
immense  building,  were  paraded  several  hundred  of  the  Emperor's  body-guard  of 
cavalry — the  best  dressed  men  I  had  ever  seen — black  helmets,  white  coats 
very  much  stuffed  in  front,  with  a  single  row  of  buttons,  striped  with  red  on  the 
bppets,  which  were  very  short,  large  gloves,  sword-belt  of  black  leather,  trow- 
sers  perfectly  white,  large  Hessian  boots  and  spurs ;  the  horses  were  not  in  the 
building.  The  men  were  formed  in  a  hollow  circle,  and  inspected  by  a  general 
officer  who  conversed  with  them  out  of  the  hearing  of  the  company  officers,  ask 
ing  them  whether  they  received  their  dues,  and  he  did  the  same  with  the  com 
pany  officers,  an  excellent  system.  We  then  went  to  the  infantry  drill — this 
was  in  a  room  one  hundred  and  twenty-five  feet  broad,  and  nine  hundred  feet 
long,  where  there  were  said  to  be  four  thousand  men  in  several  ranks.  Among 
them  were  about  a  dozen  Circassians — five  on  horses  in  the  costume  of  their 
country — armed  with  a  short  gun,  and  bows  and  arrows.  The  men  and  horses 
were  under  size.  The  Russian  infantry  went  through  their  manual  with  the 
greatest  precision.  Their  marching  was  faulty;  they  did  not  wheel  at  all  in 
line,  but  at  the  turns  became  a  -confused  mass.  Their  equipment  was  very 
well;  there  were  with  them  two  platoons  of  sailors.  The  term  of  service  of 
the  soldiers  is  very  long.  When  they  are  discharged  with  a  good  character,  are 
wounded,  or  have  served  out  their  time,  they  are  placed  by  the  government  in 
civil  positions  of  an  inferior  character  ;  watchmen,  ferrymen,  gate-keepers,  gard 
eners,  &c.  The  government  furnishes  the  flour,  cloth,  leather,  and  other  raw 
materials,  and  men  must  be  found  in  each  regiment  to  make  clothes,  harness, 
bread,  &c.;  so  that  men,  originally  serfs,  leave  the  army  freedmen,  and  many 
having  a  trade.  In  St.  Petersburg  I  saw  a  very  large  building  appropriated 
to  the  storing  of  wheat  and  other  grain  for  the  food  of  man,  which  the  Govern 
ment  provides  and  holds  as  a  resource  in  case  of  scarcity.  It  was  said  that  in 
the  other  departments  the  large  land-holders  were  required  to  have  like  stores 
of  food,  to  be  used  in  like  cases  for  the  support  of  the  serfs. 

Having  observed  that  money  was  brought  to  us  from  our  bankers  by  per 
sons  in  the  condition  of  porters,  we  found  upon  inquiry  that  they  were  common 
ly  trusted  with  large  amounts,  because  they  were  of  the  "  Artelchick,"  an  asso 
ciation  of  the  porters  and  runners  of  all  the  business  men  in  St.  Petersburg. 
In  order  to  be  received  as  a  member  of  the  association,  it  is  necessary  to  have 
served  an  apprenticeship,  and  to  have  acquired  a  character  for  integrity,  as  the 


336  REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON. 

association  is  answerable  for  the  fidelity  of  each  "  artel."  Every  one,  on  enter 
ing  the  association,  is  required  to  deposit  a  small  sum  as  his  security,  and  each 
one  pays  into  the  treasury  the  amount  of  wages  he  receives,  and  his  New  Year's 
presents — this  fund  is  annually  divided  among  the  members.  I  inquired  with 
care,  and  learned  from  all  quarters  that  the  members  of  this  association  were 
most  generally  employed  by  men  of  business,  and  that  they  were  not  only  faith 
ful,  but  dexterous  and  industrious. 

Murtsic  is  a  term  applied  to  all  laborers  and  artisans  about  the  city.  They 
are  all  allowed,  if  they  can  put  on  a  decent  suit  of  clothes  according  to  their 
condition  in  life,  to  visit  the  Imperial  palace,  and  to  see  the  Imperial  family  on 
New  Year's  day.  They  all  wear  the  beard  long. 

It  appears  to  be  a  matter  generally  understood  that  all  the  people  about 
the  Court  and  Government  are  to  receive  from  persons  employed  in  doing  any 
work  for  the  Government  a  compensation  or  reward  for  what  they  consider 
their  good  offices.  When  I  objected  to  this,  it  was  observed  by  my  friend  Dr. 
Handyside,  my  informant,  that  it  was  like  the  case  of  your  servant  being  paid 
by  your  baker  and  butcher,  or  the  shopmen  who  served  you — it  was  a  thing  of 
course,  and  not  to  be  considered  like  bribing  the  judges. 

The  Police. — These  are  considered  the  greatest  rascals  on  earth.  One  of 
the  consequences  of  a  despotic  government  is,  that  although  the  chief  or  head 
may  be  governed  by  principles,  a  regard  for  his  reputation,  and,  in  many  cases, 
by  the  good  of  his  people — the  further  you  go  down  in  the  scale,  the  more 
oppressive,  slavish,  and  brutal  it  becomes.  Mr.  G.?  our  Consul  General,  told 
of  a  case  he  had  heard  of.  A  droskey-rnan  (hackman)  charged  him  ten  rubles 
fare,  which  was  five  times  as  much  as  the  law  allowed.  G.  went  immediately  to 
the  police,  and  made  a  complaint  of  this  attempt  at  extortion.  The  policemen 
asked  G.  to  pay  ten  rubles,  which  he  did,  and  the  policeman  took  the  hackman 
by  the  beard,  and  thrashed  him  well,  and  turned  him  off  without  any  fee. 

A  workman  in  Mr.  Baird's  factory  had  accumulated  two  hundred  rubles 
which  he  kept  in  his  chest ;  this  was  stolen  from  him  (this  was  last  summer),  and 
the  poor  fellow  complained  to  the  police.  Officers  were  sent  to  the  shop  ;  they 
called  upon  all  the  inmates  of  the  dwelling  house  to  give  up  their  keys,  which 
they  did,  and  with  them  they  tried  the  lock  of  the  chest.  Four  keys  were  found 
to  open  it,  and  the  owners  of  these  keys  were  required  to  pay  forty  rubles  each, 
and  the  informant  twenty,  all  of  which  the  police  officers  put  into  their  pockets, 
and  thus  the  matter  ended  !  All  these  workmen  were  serfs,  and  Mr.  Baird, 
who  saw  the  transaction,  said  if  the  man's  master  had  lived  here,  and  they  had 
complained  to  him,  he  might  have  obtained  justice  against  the  police,  but  being 
otherwise,  it  was  impossible.  The  serf  lost  his  two  hundred  rubles,  and  the 
twenty  rubles  he  paid  to  obtain  justice.  Violent  deaths  by  accident  or  murder 
are  never  made  public ;  the  police  take  cognizance  of  them,  punishment  may 
follow,  but  the  public  know  nothing  further  of  the  matter. 

The  punishment  of  death  is  abolished  ;  and  perpetual  banishment  to  Siberia 


REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES  A.  HAMILTON.  337 

and  working  in  the  mines,  substituted  for  heinous  offences.  Periodically, 
droves  of  men  and  women,  well  guarded,  may  be  seen  going  to  their  destined 
abode  until  death.  For  lesser  offences,  imprisonment  and  the  knout  are  the 
usual  punishments — the  last  is  a  degrading  punishment  with  the  lash.  The 
condemned  are  confined,  and  brought  out  from  day  to  day,  to  be  punished,  and 
most  usually  on  the  Sabbath.  For  a  fee  to  the  executioner,  the  infliction  of  the 
punishment  may  be  seen.  The  convict  will  be  brought  out,  his  back  naked — 
tied  up  to  a  post  around  which  his  arms  are  stretched  and  tied.  The  instru 
ment  is  a  long  whip,  the  handle  of  hickory  or  other  pliable  wood,  the  thong  of 
leather  hardened  at  the  end  by  fine  or  twisted  wire.  The  executioner  stands  off 
some  six  or  eight  feet,  but  just  far  enough  to  strike  the  naked  body  with  the 
end  of  the  lash,  which  is  so  sharply  struck  and  jerked  back,  as  by  every  blow  to 
wound  the  skin  and  flesh.  The  pain  is  excessive,  and  this  punishment  is  repeated 
from  time  to  time,  until  the  sentence  of  the  court  is  satisfied. 

The  Secret  Police.— Prince  ******  to  whom  I  lad  a  letter  of  introduc 
tion,  and  who  treated  me  with  much  civility,  is  the  head  of  this  department. 
He  has  unlimited  power,  and  is  said  to  exercise  it  with  great  efficiency,  propri 
ety,  and  delicacy.  For  instance,  if  a  foreigner  talks  of  matters  which  are  con 
sidered  dangerous  to  the  peace  of  the  empire  in  public  places  he  is  sometimes 
cautioned,  and  if  he  persists,  he  is  ordered  immediately  out  of  the  empire,  and 
sometimes  (as  was  the  case  with  the  Jesuits)  is  taken  out  of  his  bed  at  mid 
night,  without  noise,  by  the  minister  of  the  police,  conveyed  to  the  frontier,  and 
there  permitted  to  go  at  large,  under  orders  never  to  return.  If  a  Russian 
subject  is  considered  troublesome  (they  all  belong  to  the  army,  although  not  in 
active  service)  he  is  sent  to  serve  in  the  Caucasus,  where  there  is  very  little 
likelihood  of  his  being  troublesome,  or  of  his  ever  returning.  The  Caucasians 
are  sharp-shooters,  and  are  carrying  on  a  successful  guerilla  war  at  great 
expense  to  Russia,  in  men  and  money.  Hitherto,  Russia  has  been  frequently 
foiled. 

We  read  every  day  the  Journal  de  St.  Petersburg.  It  is  the  official 
paper,  printed  in  French,  under  the  censorship  of  Count  Nesselrode,  Minister 
of  Foreign  Affairs.  Daring  all  the  time  we  have  been  here  that  war  has  been 
waging,  but  it  is  never  noticed  in  any  way  in  this  paper.  I  met  Captain 

S 1,  a  British  officer,  who  had  been  sent  by  his  government  to  learn  the 

condition  of  that  contest.  He  informed  me  that  although  the  Russian  army 
made  advances  into  the  country,  they  did  not  make  conquests  of  any  value ; 
the  people  retired  as  their  enemy  advanced,  but  returned  in  the  rear  to  cut  off 
supplies.  He  stated,  as  a  fact  of  his  own  knowledge,  that,  in  order  to  send 
home  despatches,  the  commanding  general  was  compelled  to  send  with  the  mes 
senger  a  squadron  of  cavalry  to  guard  him  to  the  Russian  frontier. 

An  incident  in  regard  to  their  secret  police.     I  met  Princa     *     *     *     the 
head  of  that  police,  at  the  royal  ball,  who,  after  the  ordinary  civilities,  said, 
"  Col.  Hamilton,  I  wish  to  ask  a  favor  of  you."     Hamilton — "  I  am  gratified  to 
22 


338  REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES  A.  HAMILTON. 

learn  that  I  can  serve  you  in  any  way ;  please  to  let  me  know  how."  Answer — 
"  You  will  do  me  a  favor  if  you  will  not  permit  persons  who  come  to  your 
rooms  to  speak  disparagingly  of  this  government,  nor  to  participate  yourself  in 
such  conversations.  A  gentleman  from  Holland  visited  you  two  days  ago,  who 
probably  left  Russia  the  next  day."  I  said,  "  Let  me  understand  more  of 
this."  He  said,  "  I  can  go  no  further  than  to  say  that,  with  any  other  foreign 
gentleman,  it  would  have  been  my  duty  to  have  sent  officers  of  the  police  to 
take  him  to  the  frontier  of  the  empire."  I  thanked  him  for  his  forbearance. 
He  then  walked  around  with  me,  pointed  out  the  distinguished  persons,  and 
among  others  Prince  Menschikoff. 

The  following  statement  will  explain  what  was  reserved  by  the  chief  of 
police  : 

Mr.  Huygens,  the  son  of  Chevalier  Huygens,  who  entertained  us  at  Copen 
hagen,  and  whom  I  well  knew  in  America,  was  on  a  visit  to  St.  Petersburg. 
His  father  gave  me  a  letter  to  him.  He  called  to  see  me,  and  passed  some 
time  conversing  with  me.  I  was  confined  to  the  house  several  days  by  indis 
position.  He  indulged  in  some  very  severe  criticisms  upon  the  Emperor  and 
his  government.  I  rose  while  he  was  talking  and  closed  the  door  of  a  passage 
way  between  the  parlor  and  my  bed-room,  where  our  valet  de  place  usually  sat. 
Huygens  seeing  me  do  this,  asked,  "  Why  did  you  shut  that  door?"  I  said, 
"  The  valet  usually  sits  there."  "  Is  he  there  now  ?  "  "  Yes,  he  is."  Huygens 
got  up  immediately  to  take  leave.  I  had  not  given  him  the  letter,  and  desired 
him  to  stay  until  I  went  to  my  room  to  get  it.  He  said,  "  No  !  please  send  it 
to  our  Minister ;  I  must  be  off."  The  next  day  I  went  to  the  Minister  with  the 
letter  ;  asked  where  I  could  find  young  Huygens  ;  "I  have  a  letter  for  him.3' 
The  answer  was,  "  He  went  on  his  way  to  Holland  this  morning  in  great  haste." 
Our  valet  was  undoubtedly  a  spy  of  the  secret  police,  and  had  reported  the  con 
versation  to  headquarters. 

In  this  connection  I  quote  from  my  note-book  to  show  that  this  despotic 
government  is  not  an  unmitigated  evil.  I  have  stated  that  one  of  the  great 
fruiterers  of  St.  Petersburg  was  a  serf.  The  governor  of  the  city  was  a 
rough,  but  a  good  old  soldier,  and  was  appointed  to  that  office  as  a  reward  for 
gallant  services.  There  was  a  countess  in  the  city  who  was  what  would  be 
called  in  New  York  a  fast  woman.  She  had  issued  invitations  for  a  party,  and 
sent  an  order  to  this  fruiterer  for  a  large  supply  of  expensive  fruits  for  her 
party ;  she  was  already  indebted  for  fruit  in  the  sum  of  three  thousand  rubles. 
The  fruiterer  refused  to  give  her  any  more  fruit  until  her  debt  to  him  was 
paid  ;  the  countess  complained  to  the  governor,  who  immediately  sent  a  message 
to  the  serf  to  supply  the  fruit.  He  did  not  do  so,  and  the  governor  sent  an 
officer  to  close  his  shop,  arrest  him,  and  put  him  into  jail ;  this  was  done.  On 
the  evening  of  the  next  day,  there  was  an  informal  reception  at  the  palace — 
young  and  old.  This  event  was  the  subject  of  conversation  by  the  young  men 
who  treated  as  a  good  joke  the  influence  of  the  handsome  countess  over  the 


REMINISCENCES  OF  JAMES  A.  HAMILTON.         339 

rough  soldier,  and  it  was  more  than  intimated  that  there  was  a  love  affair 
between  them.  The  atrocity  of  his  conduct  did  not  seem  to  strike  them. 
The  owner  of  the  serf,  Count  Cheremitiff,  was  announced.  When  he  came 
into  the  room,  his  acquaintances  ran  up  to  him  to  inform  him  of  what  had  been 
done  to  his  serf.  He  had  heard  of  it,  and  came  to  see  the  Emperor  on  the  sub. 
ject,  who  was  not  in  the  saloon.  The  Prince,  after  he  had  made  his  obeisance 
to  the  Empress,  asked  if  he  could  see  his  Majesty.  She  sent  one  of  the  attaches 
to  the  Emperor,  who  desired  the  Prince  to  come  to  him.  When  this  was  done, 
her  Majesty  beckoned  to  an  American  gentleman  who  was  present,  to  come  to 
her.  He  did  so.  She  asked  him  if  he  understood  the  conversations  of  the 
young  men.  He  replied  that  he  did.  She  said,  "  That  gentleman  who  has  gone 
to  the  Emperor  is  the  owner  of  the  serf  who  has  been  so  wretchedly  treated,  and 
now  you  will  see  the  working  of  this  { imperial  despotism.'  "  Ere  long,  the  Em 
peror  came  into  the  room,  attended  by  the  Prince  and  others.  Her  Majesty 
went  up  to  her  husband  and  asked  him  what  had  been  done.  He  replied,  "  An 
order  has  been  sent  to  the  governor  to  release  the  fruiterer  immediately,  to  place 
him  in  his  shop,  and  to  give  notice  to  the  countess,  that  if  her  debt  to  the  fruit 
erer  is  not  paid  in  twenty-four  hours,  she  must  be  put  in  jail."  Shortly  after 
her  Majesty  had  heard  this,  she  sent  for  her  American  guest,  told  him  what  had 
been  done,  and  said,  "  Could  such  exact  and  speedy  justice  have  been  done  in 
America?  "  He  said,  "  No  !  it  would  have  been  a  long  and  expensive  process 
to  have  arrived  at  all  these  results."  Her  Majesty  said,  "  Well,  I  am  pleased 
that  you  have  had  an  opportunity  to  learn  that  we  live  under  a  government 
where  the  rights  of  the  lowest  order  of  persons  are  vindicated,  and  the  highest 
are  compelled  to  do  justice  promptly." 

The  Organization  of  the  Government. — There  is  a  council  of  State  having  a 
President  and  a  Secretary,  and  composed  of  high  officers.  They  must  discuss 
measures,  and  make  reports  to  the  Emperor,  through  their  Secretary,  and  the 
Emperor  decides  ultimately  on  their  reports.  The  opinions  and  votes  of  the 
different  members  are  stated.  This  council  does  not  initiate.  There  is  the 
council  of  Ministers  or  heads  of  departments — a  sort  of  special  committee,  they 
make  reports  on  matters  respecting  their  respective  departments  to  the  Em 
peror,  who  receives  each  member  with  his  port-folio,  on  one  or  two  particular 
days  of  the  week.  The  Senate  enrolls  the  ukases  (decrees)  of  the  Emperor, 
and  is  a  sort  of  judicature  in  the  last  resort. 

During  Alexander's  reign,  an  attempt  was  made  to  change  the  form  of  gov 
ernment  by  the  Council  of  State.  They  proposed  to  the  Emperor  that  before 
an  edict  (ukase)  should  be  issued,  it  should  be  submitted  to  the  Council,  and 
become  a  law  when  approved  by  them.  He  replied,  l(  Well !  you  desire  to  re 
tain  your  peasants  ?"  That  intimation  ended  the  matter  ;  they  found  it  would 
not  do. 

The  population  of  Russia. — By  the  tenth  census  of  the  people  of  the  Empire 
of  Russia,  the  total  of  the  population  under  the  sceptre  of  the  Czar  amounts  to 
63,931,728  souls. 


340  REMINISCENCES    OF  JAMES  A.  HAMILTON. 

There  are  primary  schools  in  the  villages,  kept  by  the  parish  priests,  and 
there  are  public  schools  for  the  children  of  the  nobility,  to  which  they  may  go, 
but  they  are  not  compelled  to  send  their  children.  There  they  can  receive  a 
good  education,  such  as  will  fit  them  for  the  army,  the  navy,  and  civil,  naval 
and  military  engineering.  The  boys  are  taught  that  their  highest  duty  is,  to 
love  and  obey  the  Emperor.  This  was  .represented  to  me  as  a  great  source  of 
power. 

The  Emperor. — Among  the  gossips,  it  is  said,  Nicholas  was  not  the  son  of 
Paul,  but  of  a  Russian  nobleman  who  died  two  months  ago.  There  was,  it  is 
said,  a  very  strong  likeness.  I  am  told  that  her  Majesty  was  not  sans  reprochc. 
There  is  not  such  evidence,  however,  as  to  induce  a  belief.  Nicholas  is  certainly 
a  man  of  much  higher  order  than  any  of  his  family.  Paul  was  a  madman.  The 
stories  of  his  mad  pranks  are  numerous  and  amusing.  His  acts  of  tyranny 
were  so  extreme  and  general  that  his  friends  found  it  necessary  to  destroy  him 
— he  was  strangled  in  his  own  chamber. 

Tlie  money  of  Russia. — The  coin  of  Russia  is  of  two  denominations,  kopecks 
and  rubles.  The  kopeck  is  a  copper  coin  of  the  denomination  of  one,  five,  ten 
and  fifteen.  A  kopeck  is  the  one  hundredth  part  of  a  ruble.  A  silver  ruble  is 
worth  seventy-five  cents  of  our  money.  A  paper  ruble  is  worth  twenty-five. 
It  varies — three  and  a  half  paper  being  equal  commonly  to  one  of  silver.  The 
paper  rubles  were  issued  in  the  time  of  Catharine ;  the  par  was  seventy-five  ko 
pecks,  they  having  depreciated.  This  currency  is  issued  by  the  government  bank. 
The  business  of  this  bank  is  to  receive  on  deposit  the  public  revenue,  to  issue 
and  pay  out  for  public  expenses. 

The  revenues  of  the  Empire  result  from  salt,  sales  of  liquor,  capitation  tax 
(which  is  from  fifteen  to  twenty-seven  rubles  upon  every  male  born  in  the  Em 
pire),  from  import  duties,  which  are  very  high  (indeed,  in  order  to  encourage 
their  own  manufacturers  they  are  essentially  prohibitory),  from  privileges  to 
travel,  payments  to  belong  to  a  guild,  taxes  on  passports,  a  tax  of  ten  per  centum 
upon  all  sales  of  real  estate,  from  very  high  stamp  duties  and  from  gold  mines. 

The  gold  mines  in  Russia  are  in  the  Ural  Mountains  in  the  heart  of  Siberia. 
There  are  immense  alluvials  at  the  foot  of  the  Ural  Mountains,  and  in  the  valleys 
of  the  more  elevated  chains  of  the  Altai  Mountains.  Gold  is  there  in  its  native 
state,  disseminated  in  small  quantities  in  sand  and  gravel.  The  zone  where  it 
is  found,  has  a  diameter  of  a  little  more  than  nine  hundred  kilometres  or  half 
a  mile,  and  in  length  several  thousand  kilometres.  We  learn  from  Herodotus, 
that  they  were  worked  by  the  ancients,  but  they  were  lost  sight  of  until  the 
year  1823,  when  they  were  re-discovered  by  accident.  Since  then,  they  have 
been  regularly  worked  by  the  crown,  and  by  individuals.  Those  belonging  to 
the  Government,  are  worked  for  its  sole  benefit  by  criminals  sentenced  to  con 
finement  in  Siberia.  Those  worked  on  private  account,  pay  a  tax,  being  a  per 
centage  of  the  amounts  worked  out  of  the  mines.  In  St.  Petersburg,  there  is 
a  cabinet  where  large  amounts  of  gold  in  bars  are  stored.  It  is  shown  to  strang 
ers,  by  permission  of  an  officer  of  the  Government. 


REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES  A.  HAMILTON.  341 

In  1845,  the  product,  according  to  an  official  statement  was  18,803  kilo 
grammes.  Allowing  for  what  passes  off  clandestinely  to  avoid  the  payment  of 
duty,  the  productof  that  year  may  be  stated  at  22,564  kilogrammes,  equal  to 
$15,540,000.  A  kilogramme  consequently  represents  about  $600.  In  1846, 
about  30,000  kilogrammes,  or  $18,000,000,  which  is  about  the  quantity  thrown 
into  the  market  from  other  sources. 

Salt  is  produced  by  evaporation  from  lakes  in  the  Crimea,  in  Bessarabia, 
and  elsewhere.  In  1840,  the  salt  of  the  crown  from  the  lakes  and  the  boilers 
amounted  to  twenty-six  millions  of  ponds  (a  pond  is  thirty-six  pounds),  and  that 
made  for  individuals,  five  millions.  Salt  from  the  lakes  costs  the  crown  %  to 
5  kopecks  silver,  or  two  to  seven  and  a  half  kopecks  per  pond,  and  by  evapora 
tion,  six  to  fifty  kopecks  silver,  per  pond.  In  1840,  the  crown  sold  22,070,738 
ponds  for  over  twenty-four  millions  rubles.  The  net  receipts  in  the  treasury  by 
that  operation  amounted  to  fourteen  and  one  half  million  rubles.  The  mean 
amount  sold  for  interior  consumption  is  twenty-five  million  ponds,  or  eight 
hundred  and  seventy-five  millions  of  pounds. 

The  revenues  from  the  private  property  of  the  Emperor  and  his  family  are 
enormous,  but  whether  his  living  is  supplied  thereby,  or  by  a  civil  list,  I  could 
not  understand. 

The  expenses  of  the  Government  are  enormous.  It  is  said,  the  army  costs 
a  million  rubles  a  day.  The  pensions  are  very  unimportant. 

December  6-8.  The  Presentation. — We  went  with  Col.  Todd,  the  American 
Minister,  who  arrived  late.  The  Emperor  and  family  had  gone  to  the  church  with 
the  Court  and  all  his  attending  officers.  "When  we  came  into  the  throne-room  we 
were  arranged  with  others  (there  were  many  to  be  presented),  in  a  semi-circle ; 
our  Minister  was  placed  near  the]other  diplomats,  on  the  left,  and  Schuyler  and  I 
in  the  least  important  place.  Shortly,  all  the  officers  with  the  females  of  the 
Court,  in  their  splendid  attire,  in  passing  through  the  room  went  in  review  be 
fore  us ;  the  Emperor  and  Empress  went  to  the  throne,  and  the  family  were 
near  them.  Their  majesties  bowed,  and  those  who  were  in  the  circle,  to  be  pre 
sented,  bowed  in  return.  The  Emperor,  attended  by  a  chamberlain,  commenced 
on  the  left  of  the  circle,  where  the  diplomats  were,  and  addressed  the  British 
Ambassador ;  thence  he  went  to  the  next  person,  who  was  presented  by  name  by 
the  chamberlain,  and  thus,  bowing  to  each  person  in  turn.  The  Empress  fol 
lowed  his  Majesty,  having  a  page  to  hold  up  her  train.  Each  person  was  pre 
sented  to  her  by  name,  and  she  presented  the  back  of  her  hand  to  be  kissed  by 
each  person  in  turn.  The  following  story  was  told  to  me  in  relation  to  the  presen 
tation  of  John  Randolph,  who  was  appointed  Minister  Plenipotentiary  to  Russia 
by  President  Jackson.  When  he  was  presented  to  the  Empress,  and  she  put 
out  her  hand,  he  went  down  on  his  knee,  and  having  on  tight  gauntlets,  he  was 
for  some  time  in  that  position,  tugging  at  the  one  on  his  right  hand  in  order  to 
take  her  Majesty's  hand  and  kiss  it,  it  being  contrary  to  etiquette  to  touch  the 
lady's  bare  hand  with  a  gloved  hand.  This  took  him  so  long,  that  her  Majesty 


342  REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES  A.  HAMILTON. 

smiled,  and  the  courtiers  laughed  out.  Randolph  soon  took  his  leave,  and  left 
Russia. 

When  the  Emperor  got  through  he  went  off,  and  the  Empress  did  the  same, 
bowing  as  she  went  out,  and  the  courtiers  followed.  We,  and  those  who  had 
not  been  presented  before,  remained,  and  were  subsequently  presented  to  the 
Grand  Duchess,  in  the  gold-room,  and  afterwards  to  the  Grand  Duke,  now  the 
Emperor  Alexander,  in  his  private  room. 

We  were  invited  by  the  Prime  Minister  through  our  Minister,  to  a  ball  at 
the  palace,  on  the  7-19  December.  We  went  with  Col.  Todd.  The  entrance 
was  by  a  most  magnificent  stone  staircase,  which  brought  us  to  the  second 
story  ;  thence  we  went  through  various  rooms,  led  by  a  page,  until  we  came  to  the 
ball-room,  and  were  placed  near  the  door  of  entrance  with  the  diplomatic  corps. 
After  a  while,  this  door  was  thrown  open,  and  their  majesties,  attended  by  the 
family  and  suite  entered.  The  costumes,  male  and  female,  were  magnificent. 
His  majesty  wore  a  red  coat,  plain  gold  epaulettes ;  a  brilliant  star  of  precious 
stones,  a  broad  green  ribbon  over  the  left  shoulder,  black  stock  very  tight  fit 
ting,  white  cassimere  trowsers,  and  large  hussar  boots.  His  coat  was  single- 
breasted  and  much  stuffed.  His  walk  was  stately,  but  his  manner  was  affable, 
The  dress  of  the  Empress  was  white,  and  her  jewels  were  splendid.  There 
were  various  rooms  open — tea  and  coffee  at  command. 

In  the  course  of  the  evening  her  Majesty  the  Empress  took  the  arm  of  her 
married  daughter,  and  walking  across  the  room  to  where  I  stood,  bowed  to  me. 
I  immediately  advanced  a  few  paces  to  where  she  stood.  She  said  :  "  Col. 
Hamilton,  you  were  presented  yesterday  ?  "  "  Yes,  your  Majesty,  I  had  that 
honor."  "  Have  you  passed  your  time  agreeably  in  St.  Petersburg  ?  "  (this 
was  all  in  French,)  I  ventured  to  say,  "  I  believe  your  Majesty  speaks  Eng 
lish ;  if  you  will  allow  me,  I  will  reply  to  you  in  English."  She  said,  "  Cer 
tainly.  You  know  I  was  a  German  Princess,  and  I  learned  the  Russian  lan 
guage,  and  if  you  can  learn  that,  you  may  learn  any  thing  ;  however,  it  is  not  as 
harsh  as  it  no  doubt  seems  to  your  ear  when  it  is  spoken  in  the  streets."  She 
then  repeated  a  few  lines  of- poetry  in  Russian.  I,  of  course,  assented.  She 
then  asked  me,  "  Are  you  gratified  by  your  visit  here  ?  "  I  replied,  "  I  am 
deeply  interested  in  what  I  learn  of  the  people  and  government,  and  am 
very  much  gratified  by  one  evidence  of  the  regard  of  the  people  for  their  Em 
peror,  and  of  his  confidence  in  their  loyalty."  "  What  do  you  refer  to  ?  "  "I 
have  seen  his  Majesty  going  about  on  foot,  and  in  his  open  carriage,  unattend 
ed  by  guards  or  servants,  unlike  any  other  Sovereign  in  Europe.  The  Magis 
trate  of  a  despotic  government  mingling  with  his  people,  as  does  our  President, 
with  a  mere  semblance  of  power,  is  interesting."  She  then  said,  "  Have  you 
seen  my  children  ?  "  "I  was  presented  to  the  Prince  Imperial  and  his  wife." 
"  You  must  come  to  the  palace  in  the  evening,  and  see  our  domestic  life.  When 
you  come,  direct  the  person  at  the  door  to  take  your  card,  and  deliver  it  to  me; 
if  there  is  not  a  ceremonial,  you  will  be  conducted  up  and  presented  to  me."  I 
thanked  her  for  this  condescension.  She  bowed  most  courteously,  and  retired. 


REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON.  343 

This  act  of  attention  by  her  Majesty,  made  me  so  much  an  object  of  remark 
that  the  persons  I  approached,  in  returning  to  where  I  stood  before,  opened  the 
way  for  me,  and  I  heard  "  Amerikanskey  "  repeated  again  and  again.  To  get 
away  from  the  observation,  I  walked  to  the  dancers,  where  I  came  upon  the 
quadrille  in  which  the  Prince  was  dancing.  He  saluted  me,  the  dance  was 
stopped,  and  we  conversed  together. 

The  supper  tables  were  prepared  for  twelve  hundred  guests.  There  was  a 
round  centre  table,  at  which  the  Royal  family  and  the  high  officers  of  the  gov 
ernment  sat. 


In  the  centre  of  the  round  table  there  was  an  orange  tree  with  blossoms  and 
fruit.  As  these  were  at  the  long  tables,  about  that  in  the  centre,  there  was  a 
circle  of  tulips  rising  up  gradually.  In  the  gallery  a  band  of  music,  with  wind 
instruments,  discoursed  soft,  sweet  airs.  The  Imperial  Tokay  was  handed 
around,  and  as  I  was  placed  with  Mr.  Todd  at  the  head  of  the  long  centre 
table,  a  bottle  came  as  far  as  that  table,  and  I  got  a  glass.  The  attendants 
were  expert,  prompt,  and  noiseless.  The  dishes  were  placed  on  the  table  when 
we  sat  down,  then  removed  to  another  part  of  the  room,  cut  and  put  on  plates, 
and  handed  around.  The  wines,  with  glasses,  were  brought  in  on  silver  trays, 
and  thus  the  guests  took  such  of  several  kinds  as  they  liked.  After  supper  the 
guests  marched  back  to  the  ball-room,  when  the  Polonaise  was  walked.  Count 
Orloff  was  much  with  the  Emperor.  He  was  said  to  be  his  favorite.  We  were 
afterward  presented  to  the  Grand  Duke  Michael,  and  invited  by  Count  War- 
ronsow  to  a  ball  given  by  the  nobility. 

To  my  good  friend,  Dr.  Handyside  (whose  wife  and  a  lady  friend  called  to 
see  how  I  was  taken  care  of,  when  I  was  confined  to  the  house  by  illness),  I 
was  indebted  not  only  for  his  valuable  professional  services  but  several  other 
advantages.  He  took  me  through  the  hospital.  It  was  well  arranged  as  to 
light,  warmth,  and  ventilation.  The  patients  were  numerous,  but  perfectly 
well  cared  for.  I  was  admonished  not  to  go  through  the  ward  in  which  were 
many  patients  haying  the  consumption,  because  that  disease  was  believed  to  be 
catching.  I  learned  that  the  faculty  had  made  all  imaginable  experiments  with 
their  cholera  patients,  and  that  the  people  taking  it  into  their  heads  that  the 
disease  was  occasioned  by  poison  in  the  water,  they  were  disposed  to  treat  all 
persons  who  wore  camphor  bags  around  their  necks  as  the  poisoners.  This  went 
so  far  as  to  amount  almost  to  a  riot.  I  was  advised  when  convalescent,  to  take 
the  vapor  bath,  and  the  doctor  went  with  me  to  the  bath-house.  It  was  a  large- 


344  REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON. 

room,  with  steps  in  a  semi-circle,  rising  as  an  amphitheatre  to  within  seven  feet  of 
the  ceiling.  The  doctor  left  me,  admonishing  me  not  to  go  very  high,  as  the 
steam  would  be  too  hot  for  me,  although  the  Russians,  being  accustomed  to  the 
heat,  went  up  to  the  highest  platform.  In  this  large  hall  there  was  an  oven, 
into  which  stones  were  placed.  The  fire  being  made,  and  circulating  between 
these  stones,  they  became  very  hot,  and  upon  them  water  was  thrown  by  a  man, 
who  came  in  from  time  to  time  for  that  purpose.  This  went  off  in  steam,  which 
filled  the  whole  room,  and  the  upper  part  soon  became  very  hot.  The  natives 
having  enjoyed  the  hot  bath  as  long  as  they  will,  rush  down  to  a  closet  in  which 
they  sit  and  take  a  cold  shower-bath.  There  are  similar  baths  provided  for  the 
people  by  the  government,  who  rush  into  the  snow.  This  is,  I  suppose,  a  prac 
tice  which  must  kill  or  cure.  I  was  told  that  the  baths  for  the  females  were 
furnished  with  steam  by  the  same  agency  in  all  respects. 

It  is  said  that  in  the  time  of  Catharine,  the  men  and  women  took  their 
baths  at  the  same  time,  and  in  the  same  rooms.  I  saw  nothing  in  the  inter 
course  of  the  sexes  which  was  at  all  exceptionable. 

A  winter  amusement  of  which  the  Russians,  male  and  female,  and  of  all 
classes,  are  desperately  fond,  is  the  Russian  Mountain.  Societies  are  formed 
for  the  purpose  of  building  the  mountain,  and  providing  the  accessories.  In 
vacant  places  in  the  city,  well-fenced,  and  with  convenient  apartments  where  the 
members  and  invited  guests  assemble,  a  strong  frame  of  wood  is  erected  within 
which  there  is  a  circular  stairs  to  get  to  the  platform  at  the  top.  From  that 
platform  a  steep  inclined  plane  is  carried  down  to  the  ground  and  out  as  far  as 
is  necessary,  forming  a  line  with  the  upright  stretch  and  forming  an  angle  and 
extending  according  to  the  length  of  the  lot  or  the  wishes  of  the  participants. 
On  this  plane,  which  is  about  three  feet  wide,  there  are  strong  sides  about  a  foot 
high,  reaching  from  one  end  to  the  other,  and  between  these  sides  cakes  of  ice 
are  laid  and  water  is  thrown  upon  it,  which  by  freezing  fastens  the  cakes  together 
and  makes  the  whole  surface  as  smooth  as  glass.  The  sleds  are  made  of  a 
proper  width — less  of  course  than  the  sides — and  long  enough  to  hold  two  per 
sons.  A  gentleman  sits  behind  and  a  lady  before  him;  one  of  his  arms  is  about 
her  waist,  and  the  other  directs  the  sled  by  moving  the  hand.  The  rapidity  is 
little  less,  than  falling  through  the  air.  The  excitement  is  extreme  and  most 
pleasing,  as  is  always  the  excitement  of  rapid  motion.  The  sleds  are  hauled  up 
to  their  places,  and  the  parties  take  their  turns  to  go  down.  The  women  seem 
to  be  very  anxious  to  ride.  On  the  Neva,  the  public  authorities  build  a  moun 
tain  for  the  people  which  is  not  so  rapid  but  much  larger. 

The  fat  cattle  are  driven  from  the  southern  and  more  fertile  country  to 
wards  St.  Petersburg  in  the  winter  (I  was  there  only  during  that  season) ;  they 
are  driven  sometimes  (depending  upon  the  state  of  the  cold)  not  nearer  than 
one  hundred  and  fifty  miles,  where  they  are  slaughtered  and  dressed,  and  from 
thence  conveyed  to  the  city  on  sleds.  I  saw  great  masses  of  frozen  quarters  of 
beef  piled  up  in  public  squares  where  the  butchers  go  to  purchase.  They  can 
not  be  injured  by  the  weather. 


REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON.  345 

Having  accomplished  what  we  came  for,  in  obedience  to  law  we  advertised 
our  intended  departure  for  ten  days — took  places  in  the  public  stages  for  a 
particular  day.  We  sought  our  passports  in  the  usual  form.  The  Governor 
refused  to  let  us  have  them,  until  we  provided  for  some  of  the  sailors  who  came 
out  in  the  ship,  and  would  not  return,  preferring  to  remain  at  Cronstadt,  when 
we  offered  to  pay  their  passages  to  America.  We  called  upon  our  Consul,  Mr. 
Gibson,  stated  what  had  been  done,  and  further,  that  as  these  men  came  out  to 
navigate  the  ship  for  the  Emperor,  we  were  not  called  upon  to  provide  for  their 
return.  Mr.  Gibson  soon  put  the  matter  right,  and  obtained  our  passports,  but 
too  late  for  the  stage  for  which  we  were  booked,  and  had  paid.  All  this,  how 
ever,  proved  to  be  the  greatest  good  fortune,  for,  hearing  of  our  difficulties, 
Captain  Wright,  formerly  of  the  British  Army,  with  whom  we  were  acquainted, 
very  kindly  offered  to  take  us  with  him.  We  not  only  thus  enjoyed  the  society 
of  a  right  good  fellow  who  spoke  the  language,  but  went  directly  through — he 
having,  as  is  usual,  an  order  from  the  Government  to  the  post-horse  providers 
along  the  road  to  furnish  him  with  horses  without  delay.  So  imperative  was 
the  order,  as  the  Captain  told  us,  that  if  the  horses  of  the  post  were  out  the 
others  were  to  be  obtained  from  the  stables  of  any  person  in  the  neighborhood. 

We  left  St.  Petersburg  with  him  on  the  28th  December  at  half-past  nine 
p.  m.,  and  travelled  continuously  (except  part  of  a  night  we  were  detained  by  the 
ice  on  the  river  opposite  to  Tilsit)  during  eight  nights  and  seven  days,  stopping 
only  to  change  horses  and  get  our  meals.  At  one  breakfast,  in  Russia,  we 
were  called  to  the  table  before  Wright  came  in.  For  our  breakfast  there  was 
the  usual  coffee,  milk,  bread  and  butter,  and,  in  addition,  a  dish  of  dark-colored 
meat  which  was  presented  as  beef.  I  cut  a  piece  off  it,  began  to  eat,  found  it 
tasteless,  dry  and  tcugh.  As  soon  as  Wright  came  in  to  the  table  he  said  "  Stop  ! 
Colonel,  that  is  horse-meat,"  and  berated  the  woman  for  daring  to  put  such  stuff 
on  her  table.  She  then  produced  some  game  birds,  which  were  cold,  and  very 
good. 

At  about  midnight,  we  came  to  the  north  bank  of  the  river.  Being  unable 
to  get  over,  we  were  shown  into  a  back  room  in  which  was  a  stove,  where  we 
could  sit  until  morning.  To  get  to  that  room  we  passed  through  a  large  pas 
sage-way,  the  floors  of  which  were  covered  with  the  bodies  of  sleeping  men  and 
women,  in  their  clothes,  their  heads  to  each  wall  and  their  feet  extending  out  so 
far  as  to  leave  a  passage-way  of  about  two  feet  wide.  That  was  the  coldest 
night  I  had  felt — the  thermometer  (Reaumur's)  was  thirteen  degrees  below 
zero,  equal  to  about  twenty-eight  of  Fahrenheit.  I  found  that  sleeping  on  my 
hand,  my  elbow,  which  pressed  against  the  curtains  of  the  carriage,  was  frozen. 

As  Captain  Wright  had  previously  promised  to  a  German  gentleman  a  place  in 
liis  carriage  as  far  as  Tilsit,  we  purchased  a  Tallago  with  four  wheels,  four  seats 
with  a  cloth  covering — cost  thirty  dollars.  At  the  dawn  of  day,  leaving  our  car 
riages  we  took  our  luggage,  and  crossed  in  a  row-boat  to  Tilsit,  where  the  Captain 
got  a  carriage  with  seats  for  three  persons.  After  breakfast,  the  keeper  of  the 


346  REMINISCENCES    OF  JAMES  A.  HAMILTON. 

house  came  in,  and  inquired  what  he  should  do  with  our  Tallago.  I  promptly 
answered,  "  Sell  it  for  what  you  can  get  for  it,  and  give  the  money  to  the  poor." 
He  hesitated,  as  if  he  did  not  understand.  Wright  repeated  what  I  had  said. 
The  man  then  asked  "  And  to  whom  am  I  to  say  we  are  indebted  for  this  kind 
ness  ?  "  Answer  :  "  To  an  American  gentleman  !"  "  But  the  name  !  "  "  No 
name."  Some  years  afterwards  I  saw  Captain  Wright  in  New  York.  I  think 
he  took  home  the  Treaty  of  Washington  negotiated  by  Lord  Ashburton.  He 
told  me  he  had  been  asked  by  divers  p30ple  in  Tilsit  for  the  name  of  the  Amer 
ican  gentleman.  The  secret  excited  much  curiosity  and  speculation. 

We  arrived  at  Berlin  early  on  January  4th,  having  travelled  eight  nights 
and  seven  days. 

So  much  for  Russia.  I  have  written  down  here  all  that  I  had  noted  of  this 
very  interesting  journey.  I  must  say  that  I  found  the  Russians  the  most  civil 
and  obliging  people  I  ever  met  with. 

The  present  Emperor  Alexander  had  just  married.  He  has  performed  suc 
cessfully  the  great  and  glorious  work  his  father  wished  to  do ;  but  could  not — 
the  emancipation  of  twenty- three  millions  of  people. 

Berlin. — I  here  met  Dr.  Julius,  a  friend  whom  I  had  well  known  in  America, 
a  man  of  great  knowledge  and  intelligence.  He  gave  me  much  useful  informa 
tion.  The  people  of  Prussia  are,  generally,  so  far  educated  as  to  be  able  to 
read  and  write.  Indeed,  I  was  convinced,  from  what  I  learned,  that  the  educa 
tion  of  the  people  there,  is  as  general  as  it  is  in  the  State  of  Connecticut, 
where  all  the  native-born  read  and  write.  The  misfortune  of  the  Prussians  is, 
there  are  no  cheap  newspapers,  or  literature ;  at  least,  this  was  the  case  in  1842. 
They  were  like  the  mechanic  who  had  tools,  and  knew  how  to  use  them,  but 
had  no  materials  to  work  upon.  The  Doctor  took  me  to  see  the  Winter 
Garden,  an  establishment  I  have  long  wished  might  be  introduced  into  New 
York.  I  was  there  in  mid-winter.  All  classes  of  people  are  admitted,  for  the 
smallest  copper  coin.  It  is  extensive  and  well  covered.  I  there  saw  whole 
families,  mothers  at  their  knitting  or  sewing,  their  little  ones  playing  about 
them  ;  young  men  and  women  walking  about  and  sitting  under  trees  and  bowers  ; 
nothing  is  furnished  to  eat  or  drink — at  intervals  a  band  of  music  would  come 
into  the  orchestra,  a  place  raised  from  the  floor  with  seats  and  desks  for  music, 
and  lights.  As  soon  as  the  horn  announced  the  presence  of  the  band,  all 
persons  would  rush  to  the  front  to  enjoy  the  music,  and  when  the  pieces  were 
ended  they  would  disperse.  This  place  was  warmed  and  lighted  from  four  in 
the  afternoon  until  ten  o'clock  at  night,  and  thus  these  people,  old  and  young, 
male  and  female,  were  saved  the  necessity  of  having  lights  or  fires  at  their  homes. 
The  old  and  young  enjoyed  each  other's  society  without  expense,  and  all  were 
gratified  by  exquisite  music,  and  thus  they  were  refined  in  their  tastes.  Music 
and  painting  must  have  that  effect;  particularly  upon  the  younger  and  less 
improved  classes. 

In  New  York,  the  young  men  seek  the  drinking  places,  other  dens  of  vice, 
or  are  driven  to  walk  with  their  female  companions  in  the  common  streets. 


REMINISCENCES  OF  JAMES  A.  HAMILTON.         347 

The  wheat  of  Prussia  and  the  continent  is  not  so  good  as  that  of  America, 
because  it  is  exposed  to  too  much  wet  weather;  it  is,  therefore,  not  so  flinty. 

I  visited  the  distinguished  Humboldt,  a  very  aged  and  infirm  man.  His 
conversation  turned  upon  the  United  States.  I  told  him  I  had  one  of  his 
letters,  addressed  to  my  father  Alexander  Hamilton.  He  said,  "  Yes,  I  knew 
him  well,  by  reputation ;  and  it  has  been  a  subject  of  deep  interest  to  me  to 
know  how  his  system  of  finance  adapted  to  the  condition  o£  the  country  with 
three  millions  of  people,  should  have  the  capacity  to  conduct  the  business  of  a 
country  five  or  six  times  that  number,  and  so  vastly  extended. " 

The  population  of  Prussia  is  said  to  be  so  numerous  already  (1812)  that 
measures  are  taken  by  Government  to  repress  its  increase.  Among  others,  it 
is  forbidden  to  young  people  to  marry  unless  there  is  a  vacant  house,  within 
their  parish,  which  they  can  obtain  to  inhabit.  (See  Lane's  Travels,  on  this 
subject).  The  people  of  all  ranks  must  belong  to  the  army  for  six  years. 

London,  1842. — Having  learned  that  upon  the  death  of  her  husband,  his 
widow,  Lady  Holland,  was  living  in  her  own  home  (if  I  recollect  right,  in  South 
Audley  street),  the  first  visit  I  made  was  to  her;  in  acknowledgment  of  the 
kindness  and  attentions  I  had  received  from  her  husband.  The  next  visit  was 
to  my  dear  friend  Samuel  Rogers.  He  was  pleased  to  see  me,  engaged  me  to 
breakfast  next  morning,  and  before  I  left  intimated  a  wish  that  I  should  call 
upon  Lady  Holland.  I  said  I  had  made  that  my  first  visit.  He  replied,  "  I 
am  glad  of  it ;  she  gives  next  week  a  trial  dinner  to  which  you  will  be  invited." 
"  What  do  you  mean  by  a  trial  dinner  ?  "  "  To  ascertain  whether  the  distin 
guished  people  you  used  to  meet  at  Holland  House  dining  with  her  husband, 
will  dine  with  her." 

I  was  invited,  I  have  no  doubt  upon  his  suggestion,  and  that  such  was  his 
purpose  when  he  said  "  You  will  be  invited."  I  went  to  the  dinner.  The 
guests  were  numerous.  Most  of  them  I  had  met  before.  Sydney  Smith  was 
overflowing  with  anecdote  and  wit.  Lord  Palmerston  had  married — his  wife 
was  there.  When  the  dinner  was  nearly  ended,  the  table  being  in  a  roar  of 
laughter  from  Smith's  wit  and  anecdotes,  her  Ladyship  cried  out,  "  Stop, 
Sydney,  do  stop,  you  will  kill  us."  This  being  done,  she  called  out  to  me 
sitting  the  length  of  the  table  from  her,  "  Col.  Hamilton."  "  Your  Ladyship  !  " 
"  I  have  heard  of  an  incident  connected  with  the  battle  of  New  Orleans  given 
to  you  by  General  Jackson,  will  you  do  me  the  very  great  favor  to  repeat  it  to 
our  friends  here  ?  "  I  had  been  impressed  by  what  I  had  myself  seen,  and 
heard  from  Fenimore  Cooper,  that  she  sometimes  took  occasion  to  put  her 
American  guests  in  an  awkward  position, — the  idea  of  an  American  talking 
about  the  battle  of  New  Orleans  at  an  English  dinner-table  !  However,  I  deter 
mined  to  make  the  statement  as  palatable  as  possible;  and  I  replied,  "  I  will 
with  pleasure  relate  what  you  refer  to,  stated  to  me  by  General  Jackson  on  the 
battle-field."  One  of  his  guns  (a  thirty-two  pounder)  was  commanded  by  a 
Earrataria  pirate  who  was  a  skilled  artillerist.  He  had  been  tried,  found 


with  all  my  heart."     Mr.  Howard,  a  member  of  the  distinguished  family  oi: 
Howards,  introduced  himself  to  me  to  shake  hands.    Lieut.-General  Grajtit 
to  me,  was  introduced  to  me,  and  said,  "  I  was  in  that  battle,  and  now  thcvnl 
for  this  tribute  to   the  bravery  of  our  gallant   soldiers.     Please  give 
address."     The  company  shortly  rose  and  went  to  the  drawing-room, 
Holland  called  me  to  her;   and  presented  me   to   Lady  Paimerston,  whl 
I  was  about  to  take  my  leave,  said  "  I  shall  be  pleased  to  see  you  at  n  3 
on     *     *     *     evening  next.     I   will  send  you  a  written  invitation."     Illl 
was  done. 

During  my  stay  in  the  great  city,  I  breakfasted  with  Rogers  agaj||| 
again.     On  one  occasion,   Thomas  Moore,  the  poet,  being  present,  tW 
tion  was  put  to  me  as  to  my  father's  having  written  most  of  Wasbl 
public  papers.     I  replied,  "  I  can  only  say,  I  have  indisputable  eviderlt 
he  wrote  the  Farewell  Address."     Moore,  as  appears  by  his  diary  publbli 
Earl  Russell,  put  down  the  whole  conversation  of  that  breakfast,  and 
gerates  what  I  did  say,  by  quoting  me  as  saying  my  father  wrote  all  \V 
ton's  public  papers. 

JAMES  A.  HAMILTON  TO  LORD  BROUGHAM. 

"March  3, 

"  I  accept,  my  dear  friend,  with  great  pleasure  the  works  which  you  ha\ 
so  good  as  to  present  to  me. 

"Although  I  have  inherited  from  my  father  nothing  but  his  illustrious  name,  it 
would  afford  me  extreme  pleasure  to  hear  the  discussion  to  which  you  refer.  I  am 
engaged  to  dine  with  Bulwer  at  half-past  six  o'clock,  which  will,  I  fear,  deprive  me 
of  that  pleasure. 

"  I  have  the  honor  to  be,  with  great  respect, 

u  Your  Lordship's  most  obedient  servant,  &c." 

I  went  to  the  House  of  Lords.  Lord  Brougham's  card  gave  me  the  entrance 
and  a  seat  at  the  foot  of  the  throne.  The  discussion  was  interesting. 

Lord  Brougham  was  very  civil  and  attentive  to  me,  as  he  had  been  on  a 
former  visit  to  London.  We  were  invited  to  dine  with  Sir  Fleetwood  Pillow. 
There  were  among  other  guests,  an  Under  Secretary  of  State  by  the  name  of 


REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES  A.   HAMILTON.  349 

Hamilton,  and  another  who  had  held  that  office,  and  who,  upon  leaving  it,  was 
knighted.  The  conversation  on  the  part  of  these  gentlemen  was  very  in 
teresting,  relating  to  the  course  of  business  in  their  particular  department, 
and  the  characters  and  habits  of  their  chiefs.  It  was  understood  that  Under 
Secretaries  were  to  continue  in  office  for  a  long  period,  and  thus  to  con. 
vej  to  each  chief  in  succession,  upon  a  change  of  ministry,  the  traditional  as 
well  as  actual  condition  of  the  business  of  the  department.  Talking  to  Lady 
Pillow,  I  found  she  was  the  sister  of  Lady  Holland  ;  had  heard  of  my  being 
at  the  "  trial  dinner,"  and  of  my  success  in  the  account  I  had  given  of  the  battle 
of  New  Orleans.  Lady  Pillow  was  going  that  evening  to  the  party  at  Lord 
Palmerston's.  I  told  her  I  was  going  also.  Walking  about  the  room  she  took 
my  arm,  pointed  out  the  distinguished  people,  and  introduced  me  to  some  of 
her  acquaintances.  At  length,  while  talking  to  her,  I  saw  coming  into  the 
room  alone  a  lady  in  a  rich  black  dress,  with  beautiful  black  hair  plainly 
dressed,  and  I  directly  asked  who  that  beautiful  woman  was.  She  said,  "  Don't 
you  know  her  ?  that  is  the  Honorable  Mrs.  Norton  5  shall  I  present  you  to 
her?"  "Certainly."  She  did  so,  and  thus  I  became  acquainted  with  that 
very  talented  and  much  injured  woman.  Our  conversation  (standing  together 
where  I  was  presented)  was  animated  and  interesting.  I  asked  if  she  was 
writing  anything.  She  said,  "  No  !  I  am  in  chancery."  "  What  do  you 
mean  ?  "I  am  endeavoring  to  induce  the  Chancellor  to  allow  me  to  have  my 
children  (two  boys)  with  me  at  all  times,  that  I  may  direct  their  education. 
At  present  they  only  come  to  me  for  an  hour  or  two  on  particular  days." 
a  Allow  me  to  say,  madame,  I  have  a  remedy  for  that.  I  think  you  said  you 
wished  to  go  to  the  United  States."  "  I  intend  to  do  so."  "  I  am  to  sail  next 
week  from  Liverpool ;  I  care  nothing  for  your  Lord  Chancellor.  The  day  be 
fore,  when  your  boys  are  with  you,  I  will  come  to  your  door,  take  them  in  my 
carriage,  post  to  Liverpool,  go  on  board  ship,  and  you  can  follow  them  as  soon 
as  you  please."  This  badinage  excited  and  pleased  her.  She  remarked,  u  We 
had  better  take  seats,  we  are  much  observed."  We  did  so,  and  continued  our 
chat  until  I  observed  General  Fox,  Admiral  Napier,  and  other  gentlemen  look 
ing  on,  and  anxious,  as  I  supposed,  to  join  her ;  fearing  to  intrude,  I  asked  her 
address,  which  she  gave  me,  and  I  retired. 

Moving  about  to  see  the  magnates,  Lord  Palmerston  joined  me,  saying,  "  I 
presume,  seeing  all  these  gentlemen  in  their  fine  toggery,  (that  is  the  Duke  of 
Wellington,  whom  you  see  there  with  all  his  orders,)  is  new  to  you  ?  "  I  said  I 
had  seen  much  of  all  that  in  Hussia  and  other  parts  of  the  continent,  but  not  in 
England.  u  I  will  explain  to  you.  The  Speaker  of  the  House  of  Commons 
receives  once  a  month  ;  the  members  of  Parliament  and  other  distinguished 
officers  of  the  goverpment,  consider  it  their  duty  to  pay  their  respects  to  the 
Speaker  as  the  representative  of  the  Commons  House,  and  etiquette  requires 
them  to  dress  in  as  full  costume  as  they  would  when  presented  to  the  Queen." 
He  then  gave  me  the  names  of  some  of  the  distinguished  persons  we  met,  and 
presented  me  to  Lady  Palmerston. 


350  REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES  A.  HAMILTON. 

4 

I  had  the  pleasure  to  see  Mrs.  Norton  at  her  own  house ;  she  called  at  my 
hotel  and  left  for  me  a  copy  of  several  of  her  works,  and  among  them  : 

"  A  plain  letter  to  the  Lord  Chancellor,  on  the  Infant  Custody  Bill ;  by  Pierce 
Stevenson,  Esquire."  (Note  on  my  copy  in  her  hand  writing)  "  Was  written  by  Caroline 
L.  Norton,— a  name  adopter1,  as  I  feared  if  they  knew  it  was  a  woman's  writing,  it  would 
have  had  no  weight.  Dated  December  15,  1838,  printed  for  distribution  to  mem 
bers  of  Parliament — not  published." 

This  lady,  the  granddaughter  of  the  illustrious  Sheridan,  was  distinguished 
for  her  talents  and  beauty.  Her  figure  was  commanding,  her  hair  was  soft  and 
jet  black,  her  countenance  very  expressive,  her  manners  easy  and  in  all  respects 
correct.  No  woman  was  so  wickedly  traduced  as  she  was,  and  without  cause. 
She  was  separated  from  her  husband,  who  held  some  place  in  the  police  of 
London. 

JAMES  A.  HAMILTON  TO  PRESIDENT  FILLMORE. 

"NEVIS.  DOBBS  FERRY  P.  O.,  April  29, 1842. 

"  SIB  :  I  have  the  honor  to  inform  you,  that  when  I  was  in  London,  about  a  month 
ago,  I  was  presented  to  Lord  Aberdeen,  her  Majesty's  Minister  of  Foreign  Affairs, 
who  sought  an  opportunity  to  converse  with  me  in  relation  to  the  affairs  of  our 
respective  countries,  in  which  he  manifested  the  strongest  interest, — I  may  say 
solicitude — that  the  points  of  difference  should  be  adjusted  in  such  a  way  as  to  pre 
serve  the  peace.  As  to  the  Eastern  boundary  line,  he  plainly  intimated  that  if  the 
difference  could  be  settled  by  purchase,  they  were  ready  to  pursue  that  course,  and 
in  regard  to  all  the  subjects  of  difference,  after  inquiries  as  to  the  disposition  on  our 
part  lie  said,  u  Well,  although  there  may  be  great  difficulties  yet,  to  use  a  homely 
phrase,  where  there  is  a  will  there  is  a  way." 

"Afterwards,  at  dinner  with  the  Lord  Chancellor,  he  spoke  tome  of  the  Eastern 
boundary  question,  wishing  to  know  if  we  were  willing  to  settle  it?  I  replied  we 
were;  that  it  was  too  clear  under  the  treaty  of  1783  to  raise  an  argument,  as  his 
lordship  well  knew.  He  replied,  (without  admitting  that  point)  he  would  ask 
whether  I  thought  our  government  would  sell  the  country?  I  replied  that  with 
the  assent  of  the  States  interested,  we  probably  would.  lie  then  said  '  Well,  would 
half  a  million  purchase  it?'  I  replied  he  had  better  say  a  million.  'Oh!  no!'  he 
replied, '  I  understand  the  country  is  very  barren  and  worthless.'  '  Yes,'  said  I,  'but 
it  is  very  valuable  and  indispensable  to  you,  and  you,  my  Lord,  well  know — having 
been  b  >rn  in  Massachusetts — that  we  are  pretty  sharp  in  a  bargain.' 

"  I  have  thought  it  my  duty  to  communicate  these  conversations  to  you  for  what 
they  are  worth.  They  produced  on  my  mind  a  very  distinct  impression  that  they 
were  prepared  to  pay  the  sum  named,  or  more,  if  necessary,  and  to  do  whatever 
justice  might  seem  to  demand,  in  order  to  settle  all  the  other  points  in  controversy. 
On  the  other  hand,  I  was  satisfied  from  the  language  of  Louis  Philippe,  that  if  there 
should  be  war  between  the  United  States  and  England,  the  French  nation  would  be 
forced  into  it  on  our  side ;  and  that  to  avoid  such  a  calamity,  the  King  of  the  French 
would  most  gladly  arbitrate  between  us. 

"I  have  the  honor  to  be,  with  very  great  respect, 

"Your  most  obedient  servant,  &c." 


EEMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON.  351 


WILLIAM  H.  SEWARD  TO  JAMES  A.  HAMILTON. 

"ALBANY,  June  8,  1842. 

"  DEAR  SIR:  Your  letter  of  the  1st  instant  was  duly  received  and  read  with  grat 
itude  and  sincere  pleasure.  It  has  been  an  occasion  of  much  regret,  that  important 
public  interests  have  suffered  in  consequence  of  the  difference  existing  between  the 
brandies  of  the  appointing  power.  What  you  describe  as  having  happened  in 
Westchester  County,  has  occurred,  if  I  am  rightly  informed,  in  several  other  counties. 
I  fear  that  there  will  be  losses  of  the  United  States  deposit  fund,  in  consequence  of  a 
failure  to  make  appointments  of  Commissioners. 

"  The  consequences  of  the  falling  back  of  the  "Whig  pnrty  at  the  last  election  in 
this  State,  are  mortifying  indeed.  The  State,  rich  and  powerful,  and  in  the  fruition 
of  advantages  of  the  enlightened  policy  hitherto  pursued,  has  given  way  under  a 
panic,  and  is  submitting  to  losses  and  vacancies  on  every  side.  If  ever  a  party  acted 
without  consideration  of  public  interests,  our  opponents  did  so  during  the  last 
session  c  f  the  Legislature,  and  they  are  now  proving  what  we  all  know  very  well 
u  a  priori,"  that  they  cannot  correct  their  errors.  My  letters  from  various  parts  of 
the  State,  assure  me  that  the  Whigs  are  recovering  from  the  shameful  lethargy 
which  was  perhaps,  a  natural  consequence  of  the  intense  excitement  of  the  Presi 
dential  contest,  and  the  unhappy  dissensions  which  followed  it.  I  cordially  agree  / 
with  you,  that  to  obtain  success,  we  must  forget  the  Presidential  controversies  and  (/ 
National  politics,  and  rally  upon  the  local  interests  and  policy  of  the  State.  What 
ever  I  can  contribute  to  the  adoption  of  such  a  course,  shall  be  cheerfully  rendered. 

"  It  has  always  seemed  to  me  inexpedient  to  hold,  or  to  try  to  hold  a  great  party 
to  the  interests  or  care  of  any  leader.  When  I  entered  upon  my  trust,  it  was  with 
an  intention  to  show  that  I  could  as  cheerfully  resign  as  accept  that  high  public  trust, 
and  I  never  intended  to  exact  further  support  than  what  was  afforded  by  the  first 
election,  and  at  most,  a  re-election  upon  the  merits  of  my  administration, — I  therefore 
announced  immediately  after  the  latter  event  occurred,  that  I  should  not  again  be  a 
candidate.  I  could  not  have  the  vanity  to  believe  that  the  reconsideration  of  that 
decision  could  in  any  degree  be  beneficial  to  the  common  cause,  and  if  I  could,  the 
necessity  of  devoting  myself  to  my  private  affairs,  so  long  neglected,  in  such  try 
ing  times,  is  a  matter  of  ever  paramount  obligation.  I  tender  you  my  thanks  for  the 
assurance  moat  gratifying  to  me,  of  your  favorable  opinion  ;  such  assurances  are  the 
only  permanent  gains  of  public  service. 

u  It  will  afford  me  very  great  pleasure  if  you  can  make  me  the  visit  you  propose 
between  this  time  and  the  next  session  of  the  Legislature,  and  the  more  as  your 
advice  will  be  useful  to  me  in  regard  to  some  questions  of  deep  public  interest,  which 
I  wish  to  leave  in  a  proper  situation,  to  be  beneficial  to  the  Whig  cause. 

"  I  am,  my  dear  sir,  very  respectfully  and  sincerely  yours,  &c." 

COPIED  FROM  MY  JOURNAL  UNDER  THIS  DATE. 

June  27,  1842. — It  was  reported  and  generally  believed  in  New  York  that 
the  Dorr  insurrection  in  Rhode  Island  would  immediately  come  to  a  military 
contest.  I  suggested  to  Mr.  Gr.  L.  Schuyler  that  we  might  be  of  service  there, 
and  proposed  that  we  should  take  the  afternoon  steamboat  for  Provideuce ;  there 


352  REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES  A.  HAMILTON. 

the  parties  were  arrayed  against  eacli  other ;  where  the  fight  was  to  be  we  did 
not  know.  We  arrived  in  Providence  on  the  morning  of  the  28th  of  June,  when 
we  learned  that  Dorr  had  made  a  cowardly  escape  during  the  night,  leaving 
over  one  hundred  men,  a  part  of  his  force,  who  were  taken  prisoners. 

We  reported  ourselves  to  the  commanding  officer  of  the  State  troops,  who 
was  very  civil,  and  presented  us  to  Governor  King  and  others,  who  thanked  us 
for  our  good  intentions.  The  people  of  the  State  turned  out  with  great  alacrity. 
Four  lives  were  lost  in  this  foolish  and  wicked  outbreak;  the  State  was  put  to 
much  expense,  and  much  hot  blood  had  been  excited.  The  men,  and  particu 
larly  those  who  held  the  meeting  in  the  Park  in  New  York,  who  sympathized 
with  Dorr's  treasonable  acts  and  purposes,  have  to  answer  in  some  measure  for 
his  crimes. 

I  was  moved  to  go  on  this  expedition,  first,  because  I  felt  it  was  my  duty  to 
show  a  readiness  to  risk  something  in  support  of  law  and  order;  second,  be 
cause  I  wished  to  give  this  public  demonstration  that  I  did  not  concur  in  the 
views  entertained  on  this  subject  by  my  brother  Alexander,  who  was  one  of 
the  Vice-Presidents  of  the  Park  meeting,  and  lastly,  because  I  desired  to  be  in 
a  fight  to  know  how  men  do  and  how  I  myself  would  behave  on  such  an  occa 
sion.  I  had  made  up  my  mind  to  be  in  the  hottest  of  the  fight,  if  there  should 
be  one,  which  there  was  every  reason  to  believe  would  be,  when  we  left  New 
York.  The  surprise  was  how  Dorr  could  avoid  fighting  after  he  had  become  so 
deeply  pledged.  "  Conscience  makes  cowards  of  as  all." 

CHARLES  R.  VAUGHAN  TO  JAMES  A.  HAMILTON. 

"  5  Hertford  street,  May  Fair  (LONDON),  1st  July,  1844. 

"My  DEAR  HAMILTON:  It  wns  my  intention  to  have  written  to  you,  by  your  son, 
but  when  he  left  London  my  letter  was  not  ready.  It  will,  however,  I  dare  say,  be 
carried  to  New  York  by  the  same  steam  packet  which  is  to  restore  him  to  his  family. 
It  has  given  me  great  pleasure  to  have  made  his  acquaintance.  He  is  a  very  intelli 
gent,  pleasing  person,  and  such  I  assure  you  is  the  impression  which  he  has  left  upon 
all  those  to  whom  he  was  introduced.  If  some  one  of  your  fluctuating  administra 
tions  in  the  United  States  would  make  it  worth  his  while,  I  should  think  he  would 
be  very  useful  in  the  Diplomatic  service. 

"The  news  which  you  sent  me  in  your  letter,  delivered  by  your  son,  has  been 
proved  to  be  very  correct  by  subsequent  events.  After  the  result  of  the  Democratic 
Convention  at  Baltimore,  I  presume  that  Mr.  Clay  wrill  have  no  opponent  for  the 
Presidency,  and  I  see  that  the  Senate  has  refused  to  ratify  the  annexation  of  Texas. 
Indeed  you  will  require  all  the  talent  and  spirit  and  honesty  of  Clay,  to  set  you  right 
after  the  strange  vagaries  of  Mr.  Tyler. 

"  So  far  as  Great  Britain  is  concerned,  his  pretext  for  the  annexation  of  Texas  is 
most  flimsy  and  false.  "We  do  not  seem  to  take  the  least  interest  1  ere  in  that  pro 
ceeding,  excepting  in  the  question  of  its  releasing  Texas  from  any  obligations  under 
the  treaty  by  which  we  acknowledged  its  independence. 

"  The  voting  for  Cass  at  the  Baltimore  Convention  and  the  test  motion  in  the 


REMINISCENCES    OP    JAMES  A.  HAMILTON.  353 

Senate,  of  Mr.  Benton,  seems  to  me  to  indicate  a  stronger  party  for  annexation  than 
I  could  have  supposed,  followed,  as  it  must  be,  by  a  war  with  Mexico  and  the  dis 
turbance  of  your  valuable  commerce  in  the  Gulf  of  Mexico  by  all  sorts  of  unprin 
cipled  marauders  in  the  shape  of  privateers.  France,  I  hear,  does  not  by  any  means 
look  so  quietly  upon  annexation  as  we  do. 

"  The  English  newspapers  will  have  enabled  you  to  form  a  correct  judgment  of 
our  political  state  in  England.  We  have  a  strong  government,  which  has  placed  our 
finances  in  an  excellent  condition,  and  no  nation  can  be  respected  or  powerful  in  a 
crisis  of  financial  difficulties. 

u  It  would  give  me  great  pleasure  to  see  you  again  in  England,  and  if  there  is  no 
hope  of  that,  I  shall  be  glad  to  hear  from  you  whenever  you  are  disposed  to  tell  me 
how  you  are  going  on  in  the  United  States,  for  I  take  a  very  deep  interest  in  your 
politics. 

"  Believe  me,  most  truly  and  sincerely,  yours,  &c." 
23 


CHAPTER    X. 

FROM  JULY  1847  TO  APRIL  1848. 

Offer  of  services  to  the  Government — The  Chicago  Internal  Improvement  Convention — Let 
ters  from  Daniel  Webster — Affairs  in  the  Papal  Dominions — To  England  and  France- 
Arrival  at  Florence — Outbreak  of  the  Revolution  in  Tuscany — Governmental  Institutions 
in  the  Papal  States — Financial  affairs — Military  force — Population  of  Italy — Memoran 
dum  submitted  to  the  Pope — Memorandum  from  an  English  gentleman — Reflections  by 
J.  A.  Hamilton  upon  the  political  condition  of  Italy — From  Rome  to  Naples — An  inter 
view  with  Ibrahim  Pacha,  Viceroy  of  Egypt — A  messenger  of  the  Italian  Liberals — Mr. 
Hamilton  determines  not  to  join  the  Committee — A  warning  of  the  rising — The  Vienna 
Revolution — General  uneasiness  throughout  the  Continent — Holland — The  Harlem  Sea — 
Incident  of  the  Revolution  in  Paris — Letter  from  George  Sumner. 

JAMES  A.  HAMILTON  TO  HON.  WM.  L.  MARCY,  Secretary  of  War. 

"  July  20,  1847. 

"  DEAR  SIR  :  I  have  been  urged  by  an  officer  in  the  Army,  who  has  seen  some 
service  in  Mexico,  to  write  this  letter.  He  informs  me  that  a  brigadier-general  is 
to  be  appointed.  If  this  be  so,  and  no  selection  has  been  made,  allow  me  to  beg  the 
favor  of  you  to  present  my  name  to  the  President  for  that  place. 

"  I  desire  most  ardently  to  serve  the  country  in  a  military  capacity ;  and  if  op 
portunity  should  be  afforded,  to  end  my  life  on  a  field  of  glory. 
"  "With  great  respect  and  regard,  I  have  the  honor  to  be, 

41  Your  obedient  servant." 

E.  CURTIS  TO  JAMES  A.  HAMILTON. 

"  GADSBY'S  HOTEL,  10  p.  M. 

"  MY  DEAR  SIR  :  Mr.  "Webster  will  call  to  see  you  in  the  morning  between  nine 
and  ten  o'clock,  if  you  can  receive  him.  Pardon  my  late  visit — I  have  been  pre 
vented  from  coming  at  an  earlier  hour,  and  also  from  acknowledging  your  note,  by 
a  succession  of  company  through  the  whole  evening. 

"  Yours  truly,  &c. 
"  P.  S. — Of  course  I  should  gives  notes  to  our  friend." 

The  obj  ect  of  Mr.  Webster  was  to  confer  with  Mr.  H.  as  to  the  propriety 
of  submitting  a  resolution  to  Congress.  At  Mr.  W.'s  request,  the  following 
resolution  was  prepared  by  J.  A.  H.  for  Mr.  Webster : 


REMINISCENCES  OF  JAMES  A.  HAMILTON.         355 

"  By  bill  as  a  substitute  for  the  bill  tinder  discussion,  or  by  joint  resolution,  de 
clare  that  the  war  is  not  prosecuted  by  the  United  States  for  conquest;  that  the 
acquisition  of  territory  is  not  desirable  or  desired;  that  the  interest  or  the  honor  of 
the  United  States  does  not  require  its  prosecution  further  than  to  secure  indemnity 
for  the  wrongs  of  her  citizens. 

"That  the  President  be  and  he  is  hereby  authorized,  to  appoint  three  commis 
sioners  to  meet  such  commissioners  or  other  agents  on  the  part  of  Mexico,  in  the 
city  of  Havana,  or  such  other  place  as  the  parties  may  agree  upon,  to  treat  of  peace 
and  the  differences  between  the  parties,  and  to  settle  the  boundaries  between  the 
two  countries  upon  terms  the  most  just  and  liberal;  and  that  the  sum  of  $50,000  is 
hereby  appropriated  to  be  applied  by  the  President  to  carry  out  these  important 
and  humane  purposes." 

CHICAGO  CONVENTION,  JUNE,  1847. 

As  a  delegate  to  the  Chicago  Convention  to  promote  internal  improvements, 
I  sought  advice  from  the  best  minds  in  the  country  j  and  to  that  end  I  ad 
dressed  a  letter  to  Daniel  Webster,  and  received  the  following  reply : 

"  MARSHFIELD,  June  IV,  1847. 

"  MY  DEAR  SIR  :  I  received  yours  of  the  13th  instant,  last  evening.  I  am  glad 
you  are  going  to  Chicago ;  and  though  not  in  very  good  working  order,  I  will  try  to 
give  in  some  form  my  sentiments  on  the  subjects  there  likely  to  be  discussed. 

"  There  are  two  difficulties  :   First,  as  to  the  form  of  making  the  communication. 

"  I  have  an  invitation  from  two  or  three  hundred  individuals,  of  all  factions,  in 
viting  me  to  attend  the  Convention,  and  recording  in  complimentary  terms  my  votes 
heretofore  in  favor  of  harbor  and  internal  improvements.  Shall  I  say  what  I  have 
to  say  in  answer  to  this  ?  Would  it  be  better  that  you  should  write  me  a  letter, 
asking  for  my  opinions,  &c.,  which  you  could  commit  to  the  Convention?  I  do  not 
see  how  I  could  presume  to  address  the  Convention  itself.  Think  of  this. 

"  Second. — I  have  discussed  these  subjects  so  often,  and  recently  in  my  speech 
at  Philadelphia,  that  I  have  nothing  new  to  say.  I  could  only  repeat  what  has  been 
said  before. 

UI  am  a  little  afraid  of  the  results  of  this  Convention,  in  a  party  point  of  view. 
The  Whigs  have  now  the  advantage  of  being  that  party  which  sustains  Internal 
Improvements.  Is  it  not  possible  that  this  Convention  may  take  from  them  this 
vantage  ground  ?  All  that  has  been  done  for  the  country  on  these  subjects  has  been 
done  by  the  Whigs,  this  is  now  getting  popular.  The  Whigs  are  entitled  to  this 
popularity  in  justice  ;  now  as  leading  men  of  the  other  side  will  be  there,  and  will 
be  prominent,  can  we  afterward  claim  this  wise,  beneficent  and  now  most  accepta 
ble  policy  to  be  exclusively  Whig  policy  ?  In  other  words  will  not  the  character 
and  probable  proceedings  of  the  Convention  relieve  the  other  party  from  the  odium 
of  Mr.  Polk's  vetoes?  This  point  ought  to  be  well  considered. 

"  As  to  the  other  topic  of  your  letter,  I  think  there  is  nothing  at  all  to  be  done  at 
present.  There  is  a  strong  popular  feeling  in  favor  of  General  Taylor.  It  must  be 
allowed  to  take  its  course  for  the  present  undoubtedly.  It  may  outride,  but  it  must 
be  left  to  events. 

uPray  give  me  a  line  containing  your  thoughts  on  the  matter  of  the  Convention 
at  an  early  day.  Yours  very  truly, 

"  DANIEL  WEBSTER." 


356  REMINISCENCES    OP    JAMES  A.  HAMILTON. 

I  went  to  the  Convention.  The  Honorable  Edward  Bates  was  made  Presi 
dent.  His  address  was  a  most  excellent  one.  I,  of  course,  played  the  subordi- 
nnte  part  of  taking  care  that  the  course  of  proceedings  should  be  systematic ; 
and  to  that  end  when  about  to  proceed  to  business  I  proposed  that  a  Commit 
tee  should  be  appointed,  to  which  all  propositions  should  be  submitted  without 
debate,  further  than  to  allow  the  proposer  to  explain  his  proposition;  and  that 
this  Committee  should  report  such  a  plan  of  action  as  they  deemed  best,  or 
something  to  that  effect.  I  write  from  memory,  not  having  a  copy  of  the  pro 
ceedings. 

This  course  was  adopted  and  the  Committee  was  appointed.  Subsequently 
the  Hon.  John  C.  Spencer  took  the  lead. 

General  Cass  wrote  a  letter  stating  that  circumstances  did  not  permit  him 
to  attend  the  Convention. 

The  letter,  Appendix  B,  dated  August  30th,  1847,  was  written  with  some 
care — not  for  publication.  It  is  now  given  for  what  it  may  be  considered  as 
worth : 

HON.  DANIEL  WEBSTER  TO  JAMES  A.  HAMILTON. 

"NEW  YORK,  July  1,  1847. 

"  MY  DEAR  SIR:  I  concluded  upon  the  whole,  that  my  best  way  was  to  say  what 
I  wished  to  say,  in  a  letter  written  to  the  Committee  of  Correspondence,  in  answer 
to  their  invitation.  Such  a  letter  was  mailed  last  night,  but  I  had  not  time  to  write 
to  you. 

u  I  know  not  how  the  Convention  will  relish  my  letter.  It  is  pretty  stiff  in  as- 
serting  the  doctrine  of  internal  improvements  as  a  doctrine  of  our  side:  though  this 
is  done,  I  think,  in  a  way  to  give  no  just  offence.  Mr.  Curtis  thinks  the  letter  about 
right. 

"I  have  no  doubt  the  Convention  originated  in  a  plan  for  giving  the  North 
western  branch  of  the  Loco-foco  party  the  lead  in  that  party,  and  making  a  N.  W. 
President. 

"  The  Convention  may,  or  may  not,  print  ray  letter.  If  not,  Mr.  C.  joins  me  in 
desiring  that  you  will  cause  it  to  be  printed  in  the  Chicago  papers. 

"  We  look  for  your  proceedings  with  a  good  deal  of  interest. 

"  Yours  very  truly." 

THIRD  VOYAGE  TO  EUROPE,  1847-1848. 

JAMES  A.  HAMILTON  TO  PRESIDENT  JAMES  K.  POLK. 

"  NEW  YOKK,  October  11,  1847. 

"Sir.:  I  have  the  honor  to  submit  to  you  the  following  suggestions  connected 
with  the  existing  state  of  things  in  the  Papal  Dominions.  I  go  in  the  steamer  of 
the  16th  instant  to  England,  and  thence  directly  through  France  to  Italy,  to  pass  the 
winter  there.  I  have  given  some  attention  to  the  course  of  events  in  the  peninsula. 
"  Under  the  government  of  Pius  IX.  the  people  of  the  Roman  States  are  en 
deavoring  to  break  their  chains,  and  their  example  has  inspired  those  of  the  other 


REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES   A.  HAMILTON.  357 

Italian  States  to  make  an  effort  to  throw  off  the  iron  despotism  of  their  princes, 
which  is  sustained  hy  the  power  of  Austria. 

"  In  this  state  of  things  it  has  occurred  to  me  that  the  expression  of  the  sympa 
thy  of  the  people  of  the  United  States,  which  is  deep  and  universal,  through  their 
Government,  would  have  an  effect  useful  in  very  many  ways  to  those  people  and 
to  us. 

"  I  am  well  aware  that  without  the  action  of  Congress,  diplomatic  relations 
could  not  be  established,  nor  do  I  advise  that  course  ;  but,  should  the  President,  in 
his  message,  referring  to  the  struggles  for  liberty  in  this  most  interesting  portion  of 
the  globe,  suggest  to  Congress  the  propriety  of  opening  such  an  intercourse,  it  w;ould 
be  of  importnnt  service  to  these  people  and  to  human  freedom,  and  it  would  give  the 
Catholics  of  this  country,  and  the  world,  the  utmost  gratification.  Should  you  deem 
such  a  course  proper,  and  should  you  direct  the  Secretary  of  State  to  send  a  copy 
of  your  message  to  me,  with  instructions  to  communicate  it  to. the  Pope,  with  such 
other  instructions  as  you  might  think  proper,  it  would  afford  me  very  great  pleasure 
to  be  the  humble  (and  if  you  please,  private  and  confidential  instrument)  in  such  a 
beneficent  policy,  without  any  view  to  compensation  or  ulterior  employment. 
"  I  have  the  honor  to  be,  with  great  respect,  yours,  &c." 

I  received  no  answer,  and  perhaps  did  not  deserve  one.  I  arrived  in  Lon 
don  in  November,  1847,  the  day,  it  was  said,  the  Privy  Council  found  it  unneces 
sary  to  relieve  the  Bank  of  England  from  the  restraints  of  Sir  Robert  Peel's 
bill.  I  passed  over  to  Paris,  where  I  arrived  early  in  November,  1847  j  re 
mained  in  Paris  a  few  days,  thence  to  Marseilles,  and  on  the  6th  December  left 
Genoa  for  Leghorn,  in  a  steamer.  On  the  boat,  met  a  drunken  dandy,  full  of 
affectation  and  conceit — Dyce  Sombers — who  got  into  my  berth.  When  I  called 
this  intrusion  to  the  captain's  notice,  he  begged  me  not  to  insist  upon  taking 
him  out,  as,  being  drunk,  he  would  make  a  great  noise  ;  and  promised  that  he 
would  give  me  another  berth  as  good.  This  fellow  was  an  East  Indian  Prince, 
who  paid  two  hundred  francs  to  go  to  Leghorn  with  his  valet,  a  ragged,  dirty 
boy. 

December  8th. — Arrived  at  Florence,  where  I  met  my  friend,  formerly  Duke 
Denou,  now  Prince  Talleyrand.  He  told  me  the  Secretary  of  Prince  Talley 
rand  had  published  what  he  said  were  a  part  of  the  Prince's  memoirs,  and  had 
intimated  that  he  intended  to  make  another  publication.  The  Prince  believes 
that  this  was  a  threat  to  get  money,  and  asked  whether  he  ought  to  give  him 
money.  I  said,  "  Certainly  not ;  if  you  purchase  forbearance  now,  you  will 
soon  have  to  do  so  again." 

The  houses  here  are  built  very  massively,  and  are  apparently  fire-proof. 
The  practices  of  the  people  are  ver}r  dirty — no  delicacy  towards  females.  The 
people  are  under  great  excitement,  without  knowing  what  they  wish,  or  how  to 
effect  anything.  They  sing,  talk  loud  and  vehemently,  are  very  courteous  to 
each  other  and  to  strangers.  Both  men  and  women  are  under  size. 

The  dress  of  the  country-people,  with  their  large  Leghorn  hats,  is  peculiar. 
That  of  the  citizens  is  similar  to  the  people  of  Fracee. 


358  REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON. 

The  revolution  in  Tuscany  came  off  in  this  wise  :  blindness  is  a  frequent 
malady,  and  those  so  afflicted  are  objects  of  deep  and  general  sympathy.  A 
blind  man,  sitting  on  a  bridge  begging,  said  something  to  a  policeman  which 
offended  him.  The  latter  treated  the  blind  man  harshly,  and  he  resisted  ;  the 
passers-by  came  to  his  assistance ;  the  police,  in  force,  came  to  the  aid  of  their 
associate  •  a  fight  ensued  ;  the  people  being  victors,  followed  the  police  to  their 
quarters  and  took  possession  of  them  with  their  arms.  In  the  dungeons  the 
bones  of  dead  men  were  found  in  chains,  as  were  the  bodies  of  those  who  were 
dying,  and  others  recently  incarcerated.  They  had  been  subjected  to  tho  most 
brutal  treatment  and  nearly  starved.  This  was  soon  noised  abroad,  and  the 
people  drove  off  the  police,  subjected  the  magistrates,  who  were  considered  their 
accomplices,  to  a  humiliating  condition,  and  being  armed  in  great  numbers,  went 
to  the  palace,  drove  off  the  body-guard,  and  informed  the  Grand  Duke,  who  was 
beloved,  that  they  would  guard  and  protect  him.  He  acquiesced ;  and  thus  the 
public  authority  was  overthrown,  and  the  Grand  Duke  was  taken  in  triumph 
through  the  streets  to  the  theatre,  to  give  his  sanction  to  what  had  been  done 
by 'his  people.  This  was  the  first  part  of  the  revolution  of  that  period,  and  it 
was  a  bloodless  one. 

The  people  of  Tuscany  are  the  most  intelligent  and  independent  of  all  the 
people  of  Italy. 

After  some  months,  when  I  returned  to  Florence,  I  was  invited  to  dinner 
by  Mr.  Greenough,  an  American  sculptor  of  merit,  to  meet  four  distinguished 
public  men  who  were  understood  to  be  the  advisers  of  the  Grand  Duke  as  to 
the  government  to  be  established.  The  conversation  was  frank  and  interesting. 
I  found  that  the  Grand  Duke  was  disposed  to  go  much  further  in  introducing  a 
popular  government  than  his  advisers  believed  to  be  prudent.  I  asked  if  the 
superstitions  by  which  the  people  had  been  so  long  subjected  to  the  domination 
of  the  clergy  were  to  be  denounced.  The  answer  was,  they  must  be  continued ; 
we  could  not  govern  the  people  without  the  influence  of  the  priests ;  and  these 
superstitions  are  essential  to  the  latter. 

We  left  Florence,  and  arrived  at  Rome  in  the  evening  of  the  20th  of  De 
cember,  and  stopped  at  the  Hotel  Britannique.  On  the  24th,  in  the  evening, 
high  mass  was  performed  at  St.  Maria  Maggiore,  by  the  Pope  in  person.  The 
people,  who  were  there  in  great  numbers,  evidently  did  not  participate  in  the 
exercises  with  any  heartiness. 

On  the  25th,  Christmas  day,  the  religious  ceremony  made  a  gorgeous  dis 
play.  The  people  showed  no  interest  whatever ;  they  seemed  to  be  at  a  spec 
tacle  where  there  were  performers  to  interest  and  amuse  them. 

1848.  January  1st. — The  Earl  of  Minto  called  upon  me.  He  is  Lord 
Privy  Seal,  a  member  of  her  Majesty's  Cabinet,  is  an  accredited  Minister  to 
Sardinia  and  Tuscany,  but  not  to  Home.  He  had  been  received  by  the  Pope, 
and  had  several  private  conversations  with  him  upon  the  condition  of  public 
affairs.  Our  conversation  referred  to  the  popular  movements  in  the  Papal 


REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON.  359 

States,  tending  to  a  revolution.  Lord  Minto  said  the  Pope  was  very  frank  and 
candid,  and  was  very  much  disposed  to  make  changes  which  would  meet  the 
public  wishes,  particularly  in  secularizing  the  public  offices.  From  all  he  said, 
I  inferred  that  the  popular  movements  were  admitted  to  be  of  a  grave  charac 
ter  ;  that  the  Pope  had  very  good  intentions ;  that  he  was  not  a  man  of  a  vigor 
ous  intellect ;  and  that  there  is  much  reason  to  believe  the  Cardinals  about  him 
and  others  who  seem  to  acquiesce  in  his  measures  of  reform,  are  false  to  him. 

I  made  the  acquaintance  of  an  English  gentlemen  who  was  connected  with 
a  newspaper.  He  related  this  anecdote :  The  Pope  wishes  to  bring  laymen 
into  some  of  the  public  offices  now  exclusively  held  by  the  clergy.  In  his  per 
sonal  individual  interviews  with  the  cardinals,  members  of  his  council,  he  urged 
upon  them  the  propriety  and  expediency  of  this  change,  in  which  they  generally 
acquiesced.  When  they  came  together,  the  change  was  proposed  by  the  Holy 
Father ;  it  was  discussed  and  submitted  to  a  vote.  White  balls  are  "  yea," 
black  balls  are  "  nay.''  Each  member  present  puts  a  ball  on  the  table,  thus 
indicating  his  vote.  .  On  this  occasion  a  majority  of  the  balls  were  black.  The 
Pope  put  his  capote  down  upon  the  black  balls,  declaring  that  it  did  not  be 
come  the  Council  to  be  divided,  and  that  the  question  was  decided  in  the 
affirmative.  He,  having  the  right  and  power,  so  decided,  regardless  of  the 
opinions  of  his  Council. 

I  became  acquainted  with  some  of  those  who  were  understood  to  be 
leading  men  in  the  popular  movement,  and  from  them  learned  much  of  their 
affairs  and  of  what  they  complained,  and  the  movements  which  were  in  progress. 
I  prepared  for  one  of  those  gentlemen,  at  his  request,  a  paper  containing  such 
measures  of  reform  as  they  desired,  and  I  thought  necessary,  in  which  I  en 
deavored  to  impress  upon  them  this  view :  "  That  personal  liberty,  the  right 
to  be  free  from  arrest  without  a  written  warrant  founded  upon  a  charge  made 
under  oath,  and  from  imprisonment  until  after  an  open,  public  examination, 
was  the  only  sure  foundation  of  public  liberty."  Our  conversation  on  these 
subjects  were  peculiarly  interesting  to  me,  and  perhaps  to  them.  I  thus  learned 
much  more  than  I  could  otherwise  have  done  of  the  working  of  this  Govern 
ment,  and  its  various  departments. 

I  copy  from  my  note-book. 

"  Tribunal  of  the  Vicar-General. — The  ostensible  object  is  to  investigate  and 
punish  immorality,  and  deviation  from,  or  neglect  of  religious  discipline.  The 
delinquency  is  first  manifested  to  the  offender  by  his  being  taken  up  at  any 
time,  in  any  place,  or  under  any  circumstances,  even  out  of  his  bed  at  night,  by 
a  soldier,  and  secretly  conveyed  to  prison.  The  whole  proceeding  is  secret. 
There  are  no  witnesses  to  confront  the  accused,  and  a  secret  condemnation  by 
the  Vicar-General  and  his  satellites  is  pretty  sure  to  follow.  All  the  means 
of  attempting  to  prove  innocence  are  frustrated. 

This  court,  as  it  is  called,  was  originally  established  for  the  superintendence 
of  the  clergy,  but  by  usurpation  and  abuse  of  power,  is  now  made  the  instru- 


360  REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON. 

merit  of  revenge,  and  used  for  private  gain  against  any  individual  who  may 
commit  a  faux  pas,  or  eat  meat  on  a  fast  day,  &c.  The  curates  of  the  parishes 
are  the  real  police  officers,  having  immense  power.  They  are  understood  to  be 
the  spies  of  the  Vicar-General.  If  they  are  at  enmity  with  or  prosecute  an  in 
dividual  or  family,  the  only  escape  is  by  death,  or  removal  from  the  parish. 

The  system  of  espionage  (before  recent  reforms)  for  political  offences,  was 
on  an  immense  scale.  The  nobility,  clergy,  middle  classes,  and  lower  orders, 
were  paid  to  report.  The  inquisition  still  exists  (1847)  but  is  insignificant 
compared  with  what  it  once  was.  Torture  is  not  used,  it  has  been  suspended 
by  the  Vicar-General.  It  still,  however,  investigates  questions  of  doctrine,  or 
maxims  declared  by  the  clergy  not  orthodox,  and  punishes  heterodoxy  severely. 
Its  proceedings  are  secret.  The  priests  among  the  highest  order  are  not  gov 
erned  by  that  severe  morality,  which  is  assumed  and  required.  Their  great 
crimes  are  avarice  and  lewdness.  The  judicature  is  said  to  be  corrupt. 

The  Rota  is  the  supreme  tribunal.  It  is  independent  and  incorruptible. 
Its  process  is  long  and  expensive,  but  justice  is  obtained  at  last.  An  instance 
of  this  is  given  in  the  case  of  Torlonia,  the  great  banker,  who  had  taken  posses 
sion  of  the  Csesarini  Sforza  family  estate,  which  he  was  obliged  to  return  to  a 
poor  boy,  whom  he  attempted  to  prove  was  a  bastard.  Personal  influence  has 
no  power  with  this  body,  although  it  has  with  every  other.  The  civil  offices 
are  generally  filled  by  ecclesiastics,  particularly  those  where  emoluments  are 
high,  and  the  work  light. 

The  population  of  the  Roman  States,  was  2,500,000  in  1837,  in  *1848, 
3,000,000 ;  the  increase  is  said  to  be  greater  in  the  Legations  than  in  the 
patrimony  of  St.  Peter.  In  Rome,  the  population  in  1812  was  90,000,  in 
1837,  160,000,  in  1848  said  to  be  180,000.  The  population  in  the  Legations 
increases  faster  than  in  the  patrimony,  and  the  moral  and  physical  powers  of 
the  inhabitants  of  the  former  are  far  above  those  of  the  latter. 

The  whole  extent  is  118,117  square  miles,  the  soil  fruitful,  and  the  climate 
with  a  few  exceptional  places,  healthy  and  delicious.  All  the  elements  for  an 
increase  of  population  and  wealth  exist  in  the  people,  soil  and  climate.  Five 
millions  could  be  supported.  These  advantages  are,  however,  counteracted  by 
bad  government,  a  government  in  which  the  head  is  elected  by  an  exclusive  and 
privileged  class,  ignorant  of  political  economy,  educated  despots,  accustomed  to 
implicit  obedience,  in  a  word,  ecclesiastics,  who  according  to  Clarendon,  "  take 
the  worst  measures  of  public  affairs  of  any  men  who  can  read  and  write." 

In  1837,  the  debt  was  thirty  millions,  the  revenue  six  millions,  the  annual 
deficit  was  one  million.  The  debt  in  1848,  is  not  less  than  fortjr-five  millions. 
The  ecclesiastical  property  is  worth  fifty  millions.  Instead  of  receiving  from 
the  provinces  the  hard  dollars,  it  draws  at  one  and  three  quarter  per  cent,  for 
thirty  days. 

The  revenue  arises  from  the  monopoly  of  tobacco  and  salt,  imposts,  dispen 
sations  for  crimes,  and  marriages,  archbishoprics  and  ecclesiastical  appointments 


REMINISCENCES    OP    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON.  361 

(the  latter  is  very  small),  duties  on  articles  of  consumption  (octroi),  and  laud 
tax.  The  latter  is  not  equal  because  founded  on  an  estimated  value  of  property 
made  one  hundred  years  ago. 

The  octroi  operates  upon  the  product  of  the  labor  of  the  peasantry  or  the 
consumer,  and  by  means  of  weekly  lotteries. 

In  1837,  the  military  force  consisted  of  9,000  Romans,  6,000  Swiss,  4,000 
Austriuns  at  Bologna,  and  2,000  French  at  Ancona.  The  two  latter,  now  (in 
1848)  arc  withdrawn,  and  the  former  increased.  The  civic  guard  is  numerous. 

The  pay  of  the  soldier  four  bajocchi  per  day,  and  meat  or  bread ;  colonel  $74 
per  month,  captain  $33,  lieutenant  $19,  subaltern  $8|. 

Instruction. — The  people  may  be  instructed  by  the  Jesuits,  but  to  a  limited 
extent.  The  schools  and  colleges  are  supplied  with  masters  from  the  clergy, 
except  at  the  Saepierozia,  where  most  of  the  professors  are  secular.  The  higher 
classes  of  people  are  ignorant,  proud,  and  exclusive.  The  middle  classes  intelli 
gent,  industrious,  and  in  good  condition.  The  lower  classes  wicked,  brutal,  re 
vengeful,  and  ignorant,  powerful  and  robust  physically,  requiring  only  a  good 
government  to  give  them  education,  and  encourage  industry,  to  make  them 
happy  and  contented.  There  is  no  country  in  the  old  world  possessing  such  ele 
ments  for  prosperity. 

The  exports. — Grain,  lamb-skins,  silk,  timber,  and  works  of  art.  Imports, 
colonial  produce,  manufactures,  lead,  sometimes  wine  and  oil.  Manufactures^ 
coarse  woolens,  hats,  and  coarse  leather. 

When  there  was  (as  I  have  seen,)  a  slight  fall  of  snow,  the  people  outside 
of  the  walls  come  to  the  city  government  for  bread,  and  receive  it. 

Reformed  and  United  States,  Rome,  Tuscany  and  the  kingdom  of  the  House 
of  Savoy,  nine  millions,  to  wit :  Rome  2,800,000,  Tuscany  1,200,000,  Savoy 
5,000,000.  Unreformed  and  separate  States,  Lombardy,  Venetian  kingdom 
5,000,000,  two  Sicilies,  Parma  and  Modena  9,000,000.  Total,  14,000,000. 
Grand  total  of  Italy,  23,000,000  (according  to  Balbo). 

JAMES  A.  HAMILTON  TO  A  FRIEND  IN  NEW  YORK. 

"  ROME,  February  27,  1848. 

"  DEAR  SIE:  You  will  receive  with  pleasure  and  surprise  this  letter  from  an  old 
friend  and  occasional  correspondent,  written  in  this  remote  and  interesting  city. 

"When  I  turn  my  thoughts  b.ick  from  this  Old  World  in  her  state  of  decrepi 
tude  and  decay,  to  our  happy  land,  so  new  in  its  institutions,  but  so  much  farther 
advanced  towards  true  civilization,  where  the  mental  and  physical  properties  of  man 
are  so  much  more  vigorously  developed  than  in  any  part  of  Europe,  England  with 
all  her  pride  not  excepted,  the  undoubted  result  of  our  free .  institutions,  I  thank 
God  /  am  an  American. 

"  The  grand  idea  first  announced  in  our  Declaration  of  Independence  and  practi 
cally  illustrated  in  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States  "  that  the  only  true  founda 
tion  of  government  is  the  will  of  the  people,  and  its  only  true  aim,  the  greatest 
good  of  the  greatest  number,  has  never  on  this  side  of  the  Atlantic  been  the  object 


362  REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON. 

of  the  faith,  or  the  rule  of  action  of  its  statesmen  or  politicians  when  engaged  in 
forming  or  administering  their  Governments.  On  the  contrary,  it  is  deemed  by 
them  a  dangerous  heresy,  subversive  not  only  of  thrones,  but  of  the  power  and 
influence  of  the  classes  who  consider  themselves  born  with  boots  and  spurs  on,  to 
ride  at  will  the  submissive  people. 

"Nothing  illustrates  more  clearly  or  strangely  the  difference  between  the  classes 
of  the  two  regions  than  the  fact  that,  in  almost  all  the  countries  of  Europe,  the 
object  and  indeed  the  sole  end,  of  all  the  projected  reforms  of  the  social  condition 
of  the  laboring  classes,  (and  they  are  numerous  and  continued)  never  assume  to  do 
more  than  to  enable  them,  by  unceasing  toil,  and  the  utmost  privation,  to  support 
themselves  and  families  without  being  a  burthen  to  the  public.  Further  than  this, 
they  never  hope  that  they  can  aspire.  As  to  education,  except  perhaps  in  Prussia 
and  Scotland,  as  to  a  competency,  as  to  comfort,  as  to  independence,  such  an  idea 
never  enters  their  heads.  How"  different  from  all  this  is  the  condition  of  the  same 
classes  in  our  happy  country  need  not  be  stated. 

"You  have  heard  of  'Merry  England.'  If  ever  she  was  so,  she  is  so  no  more. 
Her  joys  are  all  turned  to  sorrows.  You  have  heard  of  *  the  roast  beef  of  old  Eng 
land,'  there  is  certainly  much  of  that  there,  but  the  masses  not  only  do  not  eat  it, 
but  they  do  not  know  its  taste.  As  to  schools  for  the  people  and  their  children,  the 
fitness  of  having  them  and  the  mode  of  establishing  them  in  England,  Wales  and 
Ireland,  is  much  discussed,  but  no  nearer  adoption  than  it  was  in  the  time  of  Kobin 
Hood.  Indeed,  the  ignorance  of  the  people  in  Wales,  in  letters  and  religion,  as 
appears  from  the  report  of  commissioners  appointed  to  investigate  the  subject,  is 
much  greater  than  can  be  conceived  ;  and,  of  course,  the  morals  of  the  people,  as 
appears  from  the  same  report,  are  at  the  lowest  point  of  degradation — not  higher 
than  the  brutes.  For  the  justness  of  these  remarks,  I  appeal  with  confidence  to 
the  official  reports,  to  the  reviews,  to  the  essays,  to  the  public  discussions,  and  to 
the  laws  touching  the  condition  of  the  labor  of  these  countries. 

"  "Without  meaning  to  boast  of  the  superior  advantages  of  our  political  and  social 
systems,  which  with  humble  submission  to  the  Ruler  of  Nations  we  ought  to  attri 
bute  to  His  peculiar  favor,  I  may  be  allowed  to  say  that  the  political  reforms  of 
this  old  world,  so  numerous  and  so  rapidly  advancing,  are  due  to  our  example. 
'  The  spirit  of  '76  '  is  the  pillar  of  light  by  day  and  of  fire  by  night  to  all  mankind, 
and  without  blasphemy,  I  hope  I  may  be  permitted  to  express  the  conviction,  long 
entertained,  that  the  spirit  of  our  Declaration  of  Independence,  practically  carried 
out  in  our  system  of  government,  is  the  greatest  boon  received  by  mankind  next  to 
the  sacred  revelations  of  the  Almighty  himself.  Be  assured  that  this  is  a  truth 
which  is  established  beyond  all  peradventure,  by  the  history  of  the  world  from  1776 
to  the  present  period. 

"I  am  led  to  these  reflections  by  the  deeply  interesting  political  events  which 
are  passing  at  this  moment  in  Italy.  In  the  course  of  a  few  weeks  three  absolute 
princes,  the  King  of  Savoy,  the  Duke  of  Tuscany  and  the  King  of  the  Sicilies,  have 
laid  down  their  power  at  the  feet  of  their  peoples,  by  committing  the  legislatures 
of  their  kingdoms  to  their  representatives,  and  it  is  rumored  here  that  the  Pope, 
the  most  obstinate  of  all,  is,  notwithstanding  the  opposition  of  his  Cardinals  and  of 
the  Emperor  of  Austria,  about  to  do  the  same.  From  a  variety  of  causes,  but  none 
more  efficient  than  that  opposition,  his  task  is  much  more  difficult  than  was  that  of 
his  neighbors. 


REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON.  363 

"  How  competent  these  people  are  for  the  exercise  of  this  power  I  am  unable  to 
say.  The  experiment  will  be  made  under  very  favorable  circumstances.  It  is  most 
certainly,  a  surety  for  the  future,  that  these  revolutions  have,  with  a  very  unimpor 
tant  exception,  been  bloodless,  but  I  entertain  an  abiding  confidence  that  the  'spirit 
of '76,'  which  proclaimed  freedom  and  happiness  to  all  mankind,  will  work  out  its 
high  mission  here  and  elsewhere,  in  its  appointed  time. 

"  No  part  of  Europe,  not  excepting  Ireland  and  Russia,  has  been  worse  governed, 
nor  shows  more  distinctly,  in  its  religious,  moral,  and  political  degradation,  the 
effects  of  an  iron  despotism,  than  the  Pontifical  States,  the  two  Sicilies  and 
Sardinia. 

"  The  people  of  Tuscany,  from  the  more  liberal  and  enlightened  administration 
of  their  prince,  are  in  all  respects  much  higher  in  the  scale  of  civilization  than  the 
others. 

"This  reform  movement,  so  interesting  to  us  particularly,  and  which  will  make 
every  despot  in  Europe  tremble,  commenced  in  the  Eternal  City. 

';  Under  the  administration  of  the  last  Pope,  Gregory  XVL,  a  miserable  sensualist, 
who  wns  completely  in  the  hands  first  of  his  barber  and  the  barber's  wife,  and  next 
the  brother  of  the  former,  the  government  of  his  dominions  was  as  corrupt  and 
abandoned  as  it  was  possible  to  be;  and  had  become  so  intolerable  even  to  his 
submissive  people,  that  at  his  death,  there  were  such  fearful  evidences  of  revolt, 
the  Conclave  elected,  contrary  to  the  usual  practice  and  the  personal  ambition  of 
its  older  members,  one  of  the  youngest  of  their  number,  a  man  of  known  liberal 
views,  to  fill  his  chair. 

"  The  renowned  Plo  Nono,  or  Pius  IX.  commenced  the  Italian  reforms ;  and  to 
the  popularity  of  his  name  and  character  is  to  be  attributed,  more  than  to  any  other 
circumstance,  not  only  the  popular  impulse,  but  also  the  moderation  of  the  people. 
He  first  established  the  'Civic  Guard,'  and  gave  a  very  qualified  freedom  to  the 
press  ;  and  'without '  as  he  said  in  his  address  to  his  consulta,  'having  parted  with 
a  little  of  his  power,'  he  still  preserves  absolute  dominion  over  the  hearts  and 
minds  of  his  subjects. 

"  The  Lombardo-Venetian  Kingdom,  one  of  the  fairest  portions  of  Italy,  is  a 
province  of  Austria,  and  is  nearly  crushed  by  the  iron  heel  of  the  Croat.  It  pre 
sents  at  this  moment  a  most  interesting  problem ;  the  nobles  and  the  people,  always 
averse  to  the  rule  of  the  strangers,  feeling  deeply  their  wrongs,  instigated  by  the 
example  and  sympathy  of  their  neighbors  and  brothers  having  the  same  language, 
religion,  and  illustrious  recollections,  have  already  manifested  a  determined  spirit 
of  revolt.  On  the  other  hand,  the  Emperor  of  Austria  has  said,  in  a  letter  to  his 
Viceroy,  'I  have  made  all  the  concessions  you  required,  for  my  promises;  I  will 
make  no  more,  and  now  I  rely  upon  the  fidelity  and  courage  of  my  troops.' 

"  He  has  in  this  province  150,000  men,  of  all  arms,  and  is  making  great  exertions 
to  push  on  more.  Under  such  circumstances,  it  is  greatly  to  be  feared  that  in  this 
beautiful  portion  of  'Sunny  Italy'  the  fire  of  liberty  will  be  extinguished  with  the 
blood  of  her  people.  A  contest  seems  almost  inevitable,  which  may,  and  probably 
will,  involve  the  peace  of  Europe. 

"  I  have  examined  with  attention  the  course  of  events  in  all  Middle  and  Southern 
Italy,  and  am  entirely  unable  to  form  an  opinion  as  to  the  probable  course  of  these 
governments.  It  is  quite  clear  that  the  masses,  from  their  ignorance,  their  habitual 
servility,  and  their  blind  confidence  in  their  priesthood,  (who  are,  generally  speak- 


364  REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES  A.  HAMILTON. 

ing,  ignorant  and  demoralized,)  are  not  only  entirely  unfitted  to  govern  themselves, 
but  incapable  of  knowing  what  good  government  means.  Whether  wise  and 
patriotic  spirits  will  arise  to  moderate  and  direct  the  impulsive  character  of  the 
people,  or  whether  all  will  pass  into  a  state  of  the  wildest  anarchy,  it  is  impossible 
to  foresee.  But  I  am  quite  sure  that  the  dominion  of  the  Church  of  Rome  over  the 
minds  and  conduct  of  the  people,  which  has  been  so  absolute,  must  now  come  to  an 
end.  The  hostility  to  the  Jesuits,  so  deep  and  universal  even  in  the  Holy  City,  the 
seat  of  the  power  and  wealth  of  that  society,  will  extend  to  all  the  other  orders  of 
the  priesthood.  The  reason  of  this  fierce  hostility  to  the  former  is  merely  because 
they  have  only  more  grossly  deceived  and  oppressed  the  people  than  the  others, 
and  because  they  have  had  more  power  and  greater  opportunities  to  do  so. 

"  From  a  very  close  and  extended  observation  of  the  people,  in  their  churches 
and  elsewhere,  I  am  quite  satisfied  that  although  very  attentive  to  the  forms  and 
ceremonies  prescribed  and  forced  upon  them  under  pain  of  refusing  absolution  and 
of  the  Vicar-General's  Courts,  they  are  by  no  means  a  devout  or  religious  people. 
On  the  contrary,  the  monstrous  superstition  and  frauds  which  are  put  upon  them 
have  made  many  of  the  clergy  and  most  of  the  thinking  portions  skeptical  to  a  very 
great  decree. 

"I  will  here  refer  to  one  of  the  many  gross  impostures.  In  the  Church  of  St. 
Maria  d'ara  Cceli,  one  of  the  oldest  in  Rome,  which  belonged  first  to  the  Benedictine 
monks  and  now  to  the  Franciscans,  the  altar  is  contrived  into  a  sort  of  Stage 
with  scenes  made  of  painted  canvas,  exhibiting  trees  and  men  as  skillfully  painted 
and  placed  and  effectively  lighted  as  in  our  theatres;  representing  the  wise  men  of 
the  East  worshipping  at  the  manger  of  our  Saviour,  who  is  represented  by  a  wooden 
doll,  gaudily  dressed,  lying  in  a  cradle  of  wood,  elaborately  carved  and  ornamented  ; 
his  mother,  the  Virgin,  attired  in  a  fashionable  French  dress,  deeply  flounced,  lean 
ing  over  him.  The  account  of  this  wooden  doll  which  is  delivered  by  the  Church 
to  the  devout  as  a  tradition,  and  received  by  them,  is,  that  it  was  carved  by  a 
Franciscan  pilgrim  out  of  a  tree  which  grew  on  the  Mount  of  Olives  ;  and  painted 
by  St.  Luke  while  the  pilgrim  was  sleeping  over  his  work.  It  is  believed  to  have  a 
miraculous  power  of  curing  all  diseases,  and  it  is  actually  carried  to  the  bed-side 
of  the  sick,  for  which  a  certain  fee  is  paid  ;  and  this  is  done  so  frequently,  that  the 
Sanctus  Bambino  (holy  baby)  is  said  to  have  a  more  lucrative  practice  than  any 
physician  in  Rome. 

"  But,  to  give  this  imposture  greater  importance  in  the  eyes  of  the  ignorant  and 
superstitious,  they  are  taught  and  required  to  believe,  that  the  Bambino  having 
been  at  one  time  taken  and  kept  away  from  the  church,  returned  on  its  own  feet, 
and  before  it  entered  its  sanctuary,  which  it  did  at  midnight,  to  inform  the  devout 
of  this  joyous  event,  it  set  all  the  bells  of  Rome  to  ringing  a  merry  peal. 

"  I  make  this  statement  of  a  fact,  as  well  known  as  any  other  thing  at  Rome, 
and  which  is  only  one  of  the  very  many  absurdities  which  are  propounded  to  the 
people  as  deserving  their  faith,  in  order  to  show  the  extent  of  the  frauds  which  are 
practised  and  to  which  nothing  but  the  influence  of  knowledge  and  freedom  of  mind 
resulting  from  liberal  institutions  will  ever  put  an  end.  And  reasoning  from  the 
course  of  human  events,  I  venture  to  predict  that  the  people  of  these  kingdoms 
will,  when  they  discard  these  delusions,  throw  off,  with  them,  all  religious  belief 
and  restraints;  and  rushing  into  the  other  extreme  become,  as  the  French  did,  a 
nation  of  infidels." 


REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES   A.  HAMILTON.  365 

I  return  to  my  note-book  of  the  Revolutionary  movements. 

December  27 th,  1847. — A  procession  intended  to  pay  homage  to  the  Pope  on 
Saint  John's  Day,  was  postponed  in  consequence  of  the  rain  until  this  evening, 
when  a  numerous  procession,  with  torches,  went  to  the  Quirinal  Palace  to  re 
ceive  the  blessing  of  the  Pope. 

Angelo  Brunetti,  the  Tribune  of  the  People,  who  was  called  by  them  Ciceru- 
accio  *  (the  fat  boy),  had  been  a  dealer  in  wood ;  and  having  made  a  compe 
tency,  had  retired  from  that  employment.  On  the  morning  of  the  ceremonial 
there  was  presented  by  him  to  the  Pope,  in  writing,  a  list  of  twenty-eight  de 
mands ;  among  others,  that  he  should  banish  the  Jesuits;  and  that  he  should 
establish  commercial  freedom.  During  the  ceremonial,  this  man  held  a  banner 
on  which  was  inscribed  :  "  The  Roman  people  have  many  desires  to  express  to 
their  adored  Sovereign ;  but  they  do  not  supplicate  him,  relying  on  the  inter 
cessions  already  employed  by  their  great  leader."  He  is  the  great  man  of  the 
people ;  has  greater  influence  over  them  than  any  other  person,  and  has  at  times 
restrained  their  violence.  He  and  they  were  (as  wiser  men  declared  to  me)  on 
this  occasion  guilty  of  a  capital  error. 

These  demands  place  the  Pope  in  a  position  of  alternative  that  may  ob 
struct,  if  they  do  not  defeat,  his  proposed  reforms.  He  cannot  banish  the 
Jesuits.  That  would  be  an  act  of  gross  injustice  and  oppression.  They  have 
too  much  power  to  be  thus  dealt  with,  whatever  they  may  deserve.  The  other 
denominations  of  the  Roman  priesthood  would  make  common  cause  on  such 
an  occasion;  although  generally  they  hate  the  Jesuits.  If  the  Pope  re 
fuses  them,  his  hold  upon  the  people,  through  their  confidence  and  affection  for 
him,  will  be  impaired,  because  it  will  be  a  refusal  to  gratify  them  in  an  object 
of  the  deepest  interest  to  them.  .But,  above  all,  the  designing  men,  who  are 
behind — the  wire-workers,  as  they  are  called  in  our  country — will  make  use  of 
this  refusal  in  connection  with  the  "  Letter  to  *  *  *  a  Jesuit,"  and  that 
part  of  his  allocution  of  the  17th  December  last,  in  which  he  refers  to  the 
course  of  the  Diet  of  Switzerland, f  to  impute  to  him,  what  he  is  not  entirely 
free  from,  a  little  Jesuitism. 


*  Garibaldi,  in  a  letter,  gives  the  end  of  this  man.  He  says,  "  I  have  been  most  fortunate 
in  many  circumstances  of  my  life,  but  not  in  all ;  for  instance,  in  1849,  after  I  had  fought  for 
Italian  land  at  Rome  and  San  Martino,  unsuccessfully,  because  of  the  apathy  and  indifference 
of  the  population  in  those  days,  I  embarked  with  a  few  companions  in  thirteen  small  boats, 
my  own  being  the  smallest.  Nine  out  of  these  thirteen  boats  were  taken  by  the  Austrians, 
after  a  furious  cannonade.  A  Roman  exile,  Ciceruaccio,  and  his  two  youthful  sons,  landed 
with  myself  and  my  dying  wife.  I  sought  to  hide  my  precious  burden  from  the  Austrians, 
whose  barbarity  I  well  knew ;  they  were  close  upon  us,  and  we  took  refuge  in  a  field  of  In 
dian  corn.  Though  the  soldiers  surrounded  us  on  every  side,  they  did  not  discover  us;  but 
they  captured  Ciceruaccio,  his  two  sons,  and  seven  companions;  and,  having  ordered  a  party 
of  countrymen  to  dig  nine  graves,  the  Austrians  shot  and  buried  their  prisoners — afterward 
killing  the  younger  son  of  Ciceruaccio,  a  child  of  thirteen,  with  the  butt-ends  of  their  muskets. 
Ugo  Bossi,  and  a  Milanese  named  Sivraght,  were  afterwards  arrested  and  shot  at  Bologna. 
Foreigners  must  never  again  tread  this  garden  of  Italy ;  and  therefore  I  recommend  to  all 
classes  the  use  of  the  rifle." 

f  "In  the  Helvetic  War,"  he  says,  "for  which  truly  fatal  war  we  sorrow  ever  from  the 
depths  of  our  heart,  as  well  considering  the  blood  shed  by  that  nation,  the  slaughter  of 


366  REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON. 

January  1st,  1848. — There  was  to-day  a  strong  popular  movement.  The 
people  went  to  the  Quirinal  Palace,  to  ask  the  Pope's  decision.  The  Governor 
of  the  city  ordered  the  guard  to  be  doubled,  and  they  drove  the  people  from 
the  palace. 

January  2d. — The  Pope,  in  order  to  pacify,  determined  to  make  a  detour, 
and  to  bless  the  people  as  he  went  along.  In  the  Corso,  Prince  Orsini  drove 
up  to  a  house  opposite  to  the  Cafe  Nuova  (where  we  had  a  window).  The 
prince  was  cheered ;  he  made  an  address;  he  was  replied  to.  There  was  a 
banner  displayed  "  Pio  Nono,  the  guest  of  the  people,  if  he  will."  This  was 
distinct  from  any  cortege  of  the  Pope,  and  had  a  significant  relation  to  the 
previous  demands. 

We  afterwards  saw  the  Pope  in  his  carriage.  He  drove  on  a  trot  through 
the  crowded  streets,  blessing  the  people — this  was  evidently  designed,  to  avoid 
any  address.  He  probably  hopes,  by  time  and  certain  influences,  to  divert  a 
serious  issue. 

NOTE. — The  allocution  of  the  Pope,  of  the  17th  December,  1847,  is  a  very 
remarkable  production.  It  shows  that  the  infallibility  of  the  Pope  is  not  con 
sidered  as  so  universally  received  by  his  people  as  not  to  require  the  assistance 
of  defence,  even  against  newspaper  attacks. 

January  5th. — I  addressed  the  following  letter  to  the  Secretary  of  State  of 
the  United  States : 

JAMES  A.  HAMILTON  TO  JAMES  BUCHANAN,  Secretary  of  State. 

"  ROME  (Italy),  January  5,  1848. 

"  SIR:  I  have  the  honor  to  send  to  you,  for  the  use  of  the  Government  and  in 
the  hope  that  they  will  be  translated  and  published,  various  decrees  called  "  Moto 
proprio,"  issued  by  the  Grand  Duke  of  Tuscany,  and  also  by  the  Pope,  by  which 
you  will  be  informed  of  the  extent  of  the  concessions  to  public  opinion  which  have 
been  accorded  by  the  respective  sovereigns. 

"It  is  to  be  remarked  that  the  latter  prince,  wisely  foreseeing  the  course  of  events, 
made  his  concessions  in  a  timely  manner,  and  not  as  the  result  of  intimidation; 
whereas  the  former,  although  influenced  as  he  always  has  been  by  a  liberal  spirit, 
delayed  his  purposes  until  tumultuous  meetings  forced  them  from  him — and  has  thus 
placed  himself  in  a  position  to  be  unable  to  refuse  other  demands  which  it  might 
not  be  wise  to  yield,  or  to  engage  in  a  conflict  with  his  people  with  arms  in  their 
hands. 

"  The  condition  of  public  affairs  in  all  the  Italian  States  is  exceedingly  interest 
ing.  The  people,  ignorant  and  superstitious  beyond  any  others  in  Europe,  except 
perhaps  the  serfs  of  Russia,  brutalized  by  a  long  course  of  despotism  exercised  over 
them,  not  only  by  their  sovereigns  but  by  the  aristocracy  and  the  clergy,  are  wholly 
unfitted  for  self-government.  They  are  very  excitable,  and  consequently  are  in  the 

brothers;  the  atrocious  daily  recurring  and  fatal  discords,  hatreds,  and  dissensions  (which 
usually  punish  nations,  in  consequence  especially  of  civil  war);  as  the  detriment  we  learn 
the  Catholic  religion  has  suffered,  and  fear  it  may  yet  suffer,  in  consequence  of  this  ;  and 
finally,  the  deplorable  acts  of  sacrilege  committed  in  this  first  conflict,  which  our  soul  shrinks 
from  the  narration  of." 


REMINISCENCES  OF  JAMES  A.  HAMILTON.         367 

hands  of  factious  leaders,  who  can  at  any  time  push  them  on  to  acts  of  outrage  and 
a  state  of  anarchy.  This  the  sovereigns  well  understand ;  and  being  understood,  it 
is  to  he  feared  they  will  neither  yield  or  withhold  wisely  and  timely. 

"  The  Pope  hopes  that  the  religious  feelings  of  his  people,  and  their  affection  for 
him  personally,  which  is  certainly  very  great,  will  enable  him  to  control  them.  The 
universal  apprehension  of  Austrian  interference  has  certainly  a  salutary  influence. 

"The  Civic  Guard  (that  is,  an  armed  and  embodied  militia)  has  been  established 
in  Sardinia,  in  Tuscany,  and  in  the  Papal  States. 

"  The  press  is  without  restraint  in  Tuscany.  In  the  Papal  States  it  is  nearly  so. 
In  Sardinia,  it  is  legalized  and  extended,  but  is  under  a  severe  censorship.  The 
Grand  Duke  of  Tuscany  has  promised  a  Council  of  State  and  other  reforms,  as  has 
the  Sardinian  King,  while  the  Pope  by  his  moto  proprio  of  the  14th  October,  1847, 
which  is  called  here  the  Constitution,  has  created  a  Consulta  di  Stato,  now  merely 
advisory,  which  may,  and  will,  ultimately  usurp  the  power  of  legislation,  hitherto 
and  even  yet  exclusively  belonging  to  and  exercised  by  the  sovereign,  and  which,  as 
it  merely  represents  the  sovereign  will  and  pleasure,  is  a  pure  despotism. 

"  Connected  with  these  and  other  very  interesting  views  of  political  affairs  here> 
which  I  forbear  to  dwell  upon,  allow  me  to  express  the  wish,  very  universal  here, 
among  Americans,  English,  and  the  thinking  portion  of  the  Italians,  that  our  Gov 
ernment  should  have  diplomatic  relations  with  all  the  powers  of  the  peninsula,  which 
might  be  in  the  person  of  one  man  accredited  to  Tuscany,  Rome  and  Naples.  "We 
have  a  charge  d'affaires  already  in  Sardinia,  who  is  spoken  of  with  great  respect. 
A  discreet,  well  informed,  Protestant  citizen,  who  could  speak  the  French  language, 
this  being  indispensable  to  the  service,  in  the  manner  I  refer  to,  might,  by  salutary 
counsels,  be  of  important  service  to  the  governments  and  the  peoples. 

"  I  beg  leave  to  say  that  in  making  these  suggestions  I  have  no  view  to  such  an 
employment,  which  I  neither  expect  nor  desire.     I  could  not  enter  upon  it. 
"I  have  the  honor  to  be,  with  great  respect,  yours,  &c." 

JRome,  January  8th,  1848. — The  following  paper  was  prepared  by  James  A. 
Hamilton,  at  the  request  of  a  gentleman  of  rank  in  the  government  of  the  Sov 
ereign  Pontiff,  with  the  understanding  that  it  should  be  conveyed  by  him  to 
the  Pope.  The  gentleman  himself  concurred  in  the  views  herein  expressed. 

"  Common  report  says  that  the  people,  or  a  part  of  them,  have  prepared  and 
sent  to  the  Pope,  a  series  of  demands,  twenty-eight  in  number,  some  deserving  of 
consideration,  and  others  not.  Among  these  demands  was  one  for  the  suppression 
of  the  Society  of  Jesus,  and  another  for  the  abolition  of  lotteries.  The  question 
submitted  is,  how  ought  the  Sovereign  Pontiff  to  treat  these  demands. 

u  It  is  said  that  this  pnper  was,  in  the  course  of  transmission,  diverted  before  it 
reached  the  eye  of  the  Sovereign  Pontiff,  and  that  this  was  done  to  relieve  him  from 
embarrassment. 

u  With  great  submission  to  those  who  ought  to  understand  the  subject  much  bet 
ter  than  the  author  of  these  reflections  can  be  supposed  to  do,  he  states  unhesitat 
ingly  that  the  arrestation  of  the  paper  was  unwise,  and  a  grievous  fault  against  the 
sovereign  and  his  people. 

"  It  is  their  right  and  duty  to  express  in  decorous  language,  their  grievances  and 
wants,  and  it  is  his  duty  to  receive  these  complaints  and  petitions,  and  give  due  heed 


308  REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON. 

to  both.  Such  a  mutual  course  will  preserve  authority  on  the  one  part,  and  confi 
dence  and  affection  on  the  other,  and  thus  prevent  outbreaks.  Let  it  bs  understood 
by  the  people  that  their  petitions  cannot  reach  the  holy  and  sovereign  eye  or  ear,  or 
that  they  are  not  to  be  considered  by  him  as  worthy  of  attention,  and  there  will 
inevitably  follow  the  destruction  of  that  affection  and  mutual  confidence  upon  which 
the  peace  of  the  present  system  and  the  progress  of  salutary  reforms  depend. 
Here  was  the  fault  to  both  parties.  The  folly  was,  in  temporizing  with  measures 
upon  an  occasion  which  required  action  and  decision. 

"  The  course  taken  was  that  one  of  all  others  which  the  enemy  to  the  Pontiff 
and  the  people  would  have  taken  ;  and  to  it  is,  probably,  to  be  in  part  attributed 
that  suspicion  of  a  want  of  confidence  which  seemed  to  have  been  felt  by  the  people 
about  the  first  day  of  the  year,  and  which  had  like  to  have  produced  a  crisis.  The 
question  is,  however,  not  answered.  There  appears  to  me  to  be  no  difficulty  attend 
ing  the  affair.  On  the  contrary,  it  was  one  which  could  have  been  turned  most 
manifestly  to  the  advantage  of  his  Holiness. 

"His  Consulta  di  Stato  I  understand  to  be  an  advisory  body,  which  is  supposed 
to  represent  the  feelings,  and  to  guard  the  interests  of  the  whole  country.  They 
are  the  representatives  of  the  people.  The  course  to  have  been  pursued  in  this  (and 
on  all  like  occasions)  was,  for  the  Holy  Father  to  send  this  petition  of  the  people  to 
the  people's  representatives  for  their  advice  in  relation  to  their  requirements  or 
grievances,  accompanied  by  a  message,  in  which  occasion  should  have  been  taken  by 
the  sovereign  to  express  his  wish  that  his  people,  collectively  or  individually,  high 
or  low,  should  address  to  him  their  petitions;  and  that  he  desired  rather  to  invite 
them  to  do  so,  than  to  repress  such  a  spirit ;  making  some  allusion  to  its  advantages. 
and  with  strong  professions  of  his  disposition  to  do  full  justice  to  all  that  should  be 
so  done  decorously  and  considerately ;  also,  reiterating  his  determination  to  promote 
all  such  reforms  as  were  consistent  with  the  stability  of  the  throne,  the  sacredness 
of  the  Church,  and  the  welfare  of  all  classes  of  the  people. 

"  I  would  have  advised  that  in  this  message  he  should  have  adverted  to  the  de 
mand  for  the  exile  of  a  certain  class  of  his  subjects  as  inadmissible ;  because,  if 
granted,  it  would  violate  that  sacred  right  of  all  his  subjects  from  the  highest  to  the 
most  abject,  to  perfect  security  in  their  lives,  liberty,  property,  and  the  enjoyment 
of  their  happy  country,  its  wise  institutions  and  sacred  religion,  unless  deprived 
thereof  for  some  offence  against  the  laws,  by  a  due  course  of  trial  and  conviction. 

"The  assertion  of  this  maxim,  upon  which,  certainly,  is  founded  the  whole  civil 
and  social  system,  would  have  been  so  gratifying  to  the  people,  as  the  sheet  anchor 
of  their  hopes,  and  its  reasonableness  as  applied  to  the  order  referred  to,  as  well  as 
to  any  other  or  to  any  individual,  would  be  so  clear,  that  they  would  have  been  sat 
isfied. 

"  These  demands  would  thus  be  left  to  be  disposed  of  by  the  Council  of 
State,  who  would  report  thereon  in  due  time,  or  not  at  all,  as  they  should  think 
proper  or  necessary  ;  and  thus,  instead  of  impairing  the  confidence  and  affection  of 
the  people  towards  the  sovereign,  it  would  have  been  increased,  and  all  responsi 
bility  would  be  thrown  upon  the  representative  and  advisory  body. 

"  The  adversaries  to  reform  may  be  presumed  to  endeavor  to  push  the  people  to 
make  demands  which  cannot  be  granted,  in  the  hope  of  destroying  the  existing  rela 
tions  between  the  sovereign  and  the  people,  and  then  to  excite  them  to  excesses. 


REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON.  359 

The  following  paper  was  prepared  by  an  English  gentleman  for  my  use,  when 
I  was  in  Rome,  in  1848.  He  had  been  living  a  long  time  in  Rome,  spoke  the 
Italian  language  with  as  great  facility  and  accuracy  as  his  own,  and  his  charac 
ter  and  opportunities  were  such  as  to  entitle  what  he  has  written  to  entire  con 
fidence. 

POSITION  OF  ITALY  AND  KOME  IN  PARTICULAR. 

"  Sinco  the  Pope,  Pius  IX.,  was  elected  to  the  chair,  he  has  shown  an  evident 
and  sincere  disposition  to  establish  liberal  institutions  in  the  Roman  states.  In  at 
tempting  to  do  this,  he  has  met  with  numerous  obstacles  by  a  strong  and  powerful 
party  called  Austro-Jesuitico,  which  has  opposed  him  and  the  people  step  by  step. 
Notwithstanding  this,  such  have  been  the  good  intentions  of  His  Holiness  and  the 
moderate  but  persevering  conduct  of  the  liberal  party,  that  they  have  succeeded  in 
establishing  a  Council  of  State,  not  a  deliberative  but  a  consultative  body,  composed 
of  twenty-two  members  from  the  provinces,  all,  except  one,  laymen,  and  they  are 
doing  their  work  well.  They  have  also  established  a  Municipality  composed  of  one 
hundred  members,  all  laymen  except  two,  which  is  also  working  well;  public 
schools  in  every  town,  and,  finally,  a  civic  guard  of  one  hundred  and  forty  thousand 
men,  of  which  sixty  thousand  are  now  armed  and  disciplined. 

"  The  finances  were  found  in  a  dreadful  state,  with  an  annual  deficit  of  nearly 
two  millions  of  dollars.  Bribery,  corruption,  and  despotism  was  the  order  of  the 
day  during  the  reign  of  Gregory  XVI.,  and  this  system  was  supported  by  Austria, 
the  sacred  College,  and  the  Jesuits.  The  determination  of  the  people  to  do  away 
with  these  abuses  that  had  produced  decrepitude  in  the  government,  is  now  by  de 
grees  being  done  away  with,  and  the  sympathy  of  the  British  government,  com 
municated  by  the  British  authority  in  Rome,  confirmed  and  supported  by  Lord 
Minto,  prevented  the  intervention  of  Austria,  and  thus  give  time  to  Italy  to  adopt 
means  of  defence,  and  make  progress  in  reforms  and  improvements.  Thus,  as  Pied 
mont  has  become  liberal,  so  have  Tuscany  and  the  Roman  states.  If  time  is  given  them, 
they  can  in  six  months,  or  a  year  at  most,  bring  into  the  field  an  army  of  150,000 
men.  As  the  Pope,  however,  is  pacific,  and  England  equally  so,  it  is  to  be  hoped 
that  Austria  will  do  no  more  than  take  care  of  its  own  dominions  in  Lombardy, 
where  great  discontent  exists.  As  for  Naples,  it  is  on  the  eve  of  a  revolution  which 
hitherto  has  bsen  kept  down  by  the  bayonets  of  50,600  Swiss  auxiliaries.  The 
King  does  not  appear  disposed  to  save  his  country  by  timely  concessions.  Italy, 
therefore,  is  a  sfeate  requiring  all  the  attention  of  the  United  States  and  other  coun 
tries  who  have  or  may  have  trade  with  it." 

The  following  reflections  by  James  A.  Hamilton  were  hastily  prepared  in 
Home,  and  copied  and  delivered  to  a  person  said  to  be  a  leader  of  the  people, 
who  engaged  to  have  them  translated  into  Italian,  printed,  and  circulated. 

REFLECTIONS  BY  A  CITIZEN  OP  THE  UNITED  STATES  IN  ROME  UPON  THE  PO 
LITICAL  CONDITION  OF  ITALY. 

"The  beneficent  purposes  of  the  Sovereign  Pontiff,  the  permanency  of  reforms, 
their  extension,  the  welfare  of  the  people,  the  security  of  the  Church  and  of  the 
aristocracy  depend, 


370  REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON. 

"  First,   Upon  the  truth  and  sincerity  of  the  government ; 

"  Second,   Upon  the  firmness  and  moderation  of  the  people. 

"  That  revolutions  never  go  backward,  has  become  a  maxim  which  no  states 
man  can  disregard.  The  history  of  the  last  half  century,  more  pregnant  with  po 
litical  lessons  to  prince  and  people  than  any  other  era  of  the  world,  proves  incon- 
testably  that  revolutions  by  people  not  prepared  by  previous  culture  in  the  art  of 
self-government  have  been  disastrous  to  the  social,  religious,  and  political  system. 

"  The  course  of  this  country  was  from  the  worst  of  crimes  to  the  most  cruel 
despotism  in  the  first  revolution.  The  second,  after  the  people  by  the  severest  les 
sons  had  learned  moderation,  was  easier  and  better.  France,  Spain,  the  South 
American  provinces  stand  in  this  category.  The  United  States,  whose  people  for 
more  than  a  century  had  been  learning  and  practicing  self-government  and  the 
representative  system,  were  greatly  benefited  by  their  revolution,  and  while  its 
results  afford  a  bright  and  alluring  I'ght  to  the  nations  of  the  world,  those  of  the 
others  are  a  beacon  which  wisdom  cannot  disregard. 

"Revolutions  have  heretofore  been  always  attended  by  war,  and  in  all  cases  but 
that  of  England  and  the  United  States,  with  the  total  disruption  of  the  social  and 
and  political  systems.  The  experiment  now,  in  its  course  in  the  United  Italian  states, 
is  of  a  revolution  without  force  by  gradual  and  timely  reforms  of  the  political  sys 
tems,  guided  by  wisdom  and  firmness  on  the  part  of  the  governments,  and  confi 
dence  and  affection  to  the  sovereigns  on  the  part  of  the  people.  The  experiment  is 
one  truly  worthy  of  a  Christian  chieftain,  and  which  the  good  and  the  wi^e  of  all 
the  world  look  upon  with  admiration,  and  join  devoutly  in  prayer  to  the  author  of 
all  good  for  its  continuance,  and  that  it  may  end  in  securing  the  greatest  good  to  the 
greatest  numbers,  the  throne,  the  Church,  and  the  people. 

These  general  considerations  lead  me  almost  necessarily  to  the  contemplation  of 
the  actual  state  of  things  here,  and  to  such  practical  suggestions  as  must  occur  to 
one  at  all  conversant  with  free  institutions. 

"  It  is  so  manifest  as  to  be  incapable  of  denial  or  concealment,  that  the  high  dig 
nitaries  of  the  Church  have  hitherto,  with  perhaps  hardly  a  single  exception,  been 
opposed  to  the  course  of  the  Sovereign  Pontiff,  and  that,  if  they  could,  they  would 
recall  all  that  has  been  done.  Indeed,  it  is  feared  that  they  entertain  the  design, 
and  have  formed  their  plans  to  do  so,  even  by  force  of  arms.  His  Holiness,  conse 
quently,  stands  almost  alono  amidst  his  accustomed  advisers,  an  alien  to  their  sym 
pathies,  excluded  from  their  confidence  and  entirely  wanting  their  cooperation,  if  not 
exposed  to  their  secret  and  malignant  opposition.  On  the  other  hand,  he  enjoys  to 
a  degree  not  before  known  the  affection  and  confidence  of  the  people,  the  men  of 
letters,  of  literary  professions,  of  the  fine  arts,  and  a  portion  of  the  aristocracy.  He 
has  made  the  press  free,  he  has  put  arms  into  the  hands  of  the  people,  he  has  called 
about  him  a  consultative  body  to  be  chosen  from  all  the  legations  as  the  represen 
tatives  of  the  people. 

"  Under  this  state  of  things  the  question  arises,  What  can  he  do ;  or,  what  could 
those  who  are  opposed  to  him  do,  if  they  had  the  power ;  and,  what  ought  the 
people  to  do  ?  For  him  the  answer  is,  "  go  on."  To  those  who  are  opposed  to  him 
we  say,  "  to  go  back  were  worse  than  to  go  on."  A  retrograde  step  would  destroy 
the  only  safeguard  of  the  whole  system — the  submission  and  moderation  of  the  peo 
ple — who,  being  in  possession  of  the  two  great  engines  of  popular  power,  the  press 
and  the  sword,  could  not  be  restrained  or  put  down  but  by  civil  war,  with  all  its 


REMINISCENCES  OF  JAMES  A.  HAMILTON.         371 

train  of  horrors.  The  answer  of  the  people  is,  We  will  hope — we  will  wait — we 
will  love  and  confide  in  our  Holy  Father,  but  we  are  determined  to  achieve  a  mod 
erate  and  temperate  system  of  civil  liberty — a  system  which  will  secure  : 

First,  Freedom  of  thought  and  its  expression  upon  all  subjects.  This  is  a 
natural  right  of  the  human  mind. 

Second,  The  right  of  peaceably  assembling,  and  in  respectful  language  stating  to 
the  government  our  grievances  and  their  wants.  This  is  a  right  and  a  duty  which  is 
taught  by  our  religion,  practiced  by  its  holy  teachers,  and  required  of  them  as  a 
duty  by  Him  to  whom  the  obedience  of  all  is  most  eminently  due.  It  is  as  essen 
tial  to  the  governing  as  to  the  governed.  "Without  it,  the  wants  and  grievances  of 
the  latter  cannot  be  known  to  the  former,  and  therefore  cannot  be  accorded  or  re 
dressed  ;  and,  as  a  correlative,  the  government  is  bound  to  receive  and  give  heed  to 
these  statements  and  petitions. 

"  Third,  That  no  man  shall  be  deprived  of  his  life,  liberty,  or  property,  except 
by  due  course  of  law.  This  is  the  corner-stone  of  the  whole  civil  and  social  system. 
Without  it,  there  can  be  no  personal  or  civil  liberty.  It  secures  the  rights  of  all.  When 
acknowledged  and  ingrafted  as  a  part  of  the  Constitution,  it  follows  that  no  man 
can  be  arrested,  tried,  or  punished,  except  for  alleged  crime  or  offence  against  the 
known  and  established  laws  of  the  land ;  that  no  arrest  shall  be  made  (except 
when  the  offender  shall  be  taken  Jlagrante  delictu,  or,  as  the  English  had  it,  "  upon 
hue  and  cry,"  as  a  felon  or  pickpocket  in  the  public  way,  upon  pursuit,  or  when 
he  shall  be  in  the  act  of  breaking  the  public  peace  as  in  a  fight  or  brawl),  except 
under  a  warrant  founded  upon  a  complaint  or  charge  made  in  writing,  under  oath, 
by  the  accuser,  which  warrant  shall  be  served  by  the  known  officers  of  the  police 
in  an  open  and  public  manner ;  that  the  accused  shall,  upon  arrest,  be  taken  before 
the  magistrate  who  issued  the  warrant  for  examination,  and,  upon  probable  cause  of 
guilt,  be  imprisoned  for  trial,  which  imprisonment  shall  be  of  a  no  more  stringent 
character  than  is  necessary  for  his  appearance  for  trial,  inasmuch  as  every  man  is 
presumed  innocent  until  after  his  trial  and  conviction  by  due  course  of  law ;  and 
finally,  that  his  trial  shall  be  open  and  public,  and  that  the  witnesses  against  and 
for  him  shall  be  confronted  by  him,  and  examined  in  his  presence  in  open  court,  he 
having  the  right  of  legal  counsel  to  aid  and  assist  him  in  his  defence. 

This  great  theory  being  established,  no  man  can  be  banished,  or  put  to  death,  or 
incarcerated  by  way  of  punishment,  until  he  shall  have  been  openly  convicted  of 
some  known  offence  against  the  laws,  to  be  ascertained  by  the  courts,  and  pro 
nounced  by  their  adjudication  and  sentence.  Nor  can  his  property  be  taken  from 
him  and  appropriated  to  the  purposes  of  the  State,  except  for  an  offence,  or  given  to 
another,  except  according  to  some  known  and  established  law  enacted  and  pro 
nounced  prior  to  the  time  of  the  offence,  nor  can  the  trial  proceed  except  according 
to  justice  ;  nor  can  private  property  be  taken  for  public  purposes  in  any  other  way 
than  by  a  system  of  equal  taxation,  or  for  public  improvements  except  upon  a  just 
compensation  to  be  paid  to  its  owners. 

Fourth,  That  the  Consulta  di  Stato  shall  be  an  integral  part  of  the  law-making 
power  of  the  States. 

These  are  demands  which  the  people  ought  to  make,  and  being  granted,  they 
ought  to  be  satisfied,  until  by  time  and  their  own  advancement  the  true  principles 
of  civil  liberty  shall  be  understood  by  them,  and  then  a  limited  monarchy  with  a 
representative  legislature,  and  a  due  infusion  of  the  Democratic  elements,  so  neces- 


372  REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON. 

sary  to  preserve  the  liberties  of  the  people  against  the  unceasing  and  universally 
successful  encroachments  of  aristocracy  and  wealth,  might  be  established. 

On  the  17th  of  January,  we  left  Rome  for  Naples,  where  we  arrived  on  the 
18th,  and  took  our  lodgings  at  the  Hotel  "  Great  Britain,"  on  the  Via  Reale. 
On  the  20th,  the  Viceroy  of  Egypt,  Ibraham  Pasha,  with  Arabic  attendants,  ar 
rived.  All  our  intercourse  was  through  the  interpreter,  who  was  very  expert. 
We  learned  that  his  highness  came  to  Naples  to  recover  his  health.  We  were 
invited  to  dine  with  him  the  next  day,  24th  January.  The  suite  of  the  Pasha 
was  large,  say,  ten  persons — his  two  interpreters,  his  mufti,  his  physician  and 
his  wife,  (who  was  the  only  lady)  and  others.  The  Pasha  sat  at  the  head  of 
the  table.  I  was  placed  on  his  right,  and  one  of  the  Effendis  on  my  right,  my 
two  friends  on  the  Pasha's  left,  and  another  Effendi  on  their  left.  The  con 
versation  was  principally  with  me.  He  addressed  me  in  Arabic,  which  was 
immediately  interpreted  to  me  in  English  ;  and  I  looking  the  Pasha  in  the  face, 
replied  to  him  in  English,  which  was  immediately  rendered  to  him  in  Arabic. 
He  seemed  anxious  to  know  as  much  about  the  United  States  as  I  could  in 
form  him — the  extent  of  the  population,  the  condition  of  the  people,  the  pro 
ductions,  the  army,  and  the  navy.  He  at  length  said  he  had  heard  in  England 
that  the  union  of  the  States  would  not  continue  long.  I  replied,  "  there  was 
no  foundation  for  such  a  statement,  that  the  wish  was  father  to  the  thought." 
When  this  was  interpreted  to  him,  he  clapped  his  hands  together,  and  laughed 
out.  He  was  evidently  gratified  to  hear  what  I  had  said,  and  declared  that  u  he 
believed  it  was  the  exact  truth."  His  inquiries  were  so  searching  that  I  feared 
he  might  run  me  aground.  I  then  turned  the  conversation  to  the  Nile.  The 
dinner  continued  for  a  long  time.  He  ate  very  sparingly,  and  drank  nothing 
but  water.  After  dinner,  a  card-table  was  drawn  out,  and  we  were  invited  to 
play  whist.  My  two  friends  sat  down  to  play  with  the  Pasha  and  one  of  the 
Effendis.  As  I  did  not  know  the  game,  I  talked  with  the  other  Effendi,  who 
was  intelligent  and  well  instructed.  These  two  brothers  had  been  educated  in 
Paris.  I  learned  that  the  Pasha  could  neither  read  nor  write,  further  than  to 
sign  his  name.  They  assured  me  that  he  had  commanded  his  father's  armies 
with  great  success,  and  would  have  taken  Constantinople  if  the  English  had  not 
interfered  and  protected  the  Sultan. 

I  saw  him  frequently  at  his  rooms.  We  walked  together  in  the  Yia  Reale. 
He  was  invited  to  a  ball  at  the  palace,  and  obtained  invitations  for  my  daughter 
and  myself.  We  went  with  him.  He  was  dressed  in  his  military  costume, 
which  was  rich.  He  walked  about  the  room  with  my  daughter  on  his  arm ;  he 
was,  of  course,  an  object  of  much  attention.  He  had  a  box  at  the  opera,  pro 
vided  by  the  King  of  Naples,  where  we  were  invited  to  go  with  him. 

A  few  days  after  my  arrival  at  Naples,  a  gentleman  called  at  the  hotel  and 
sent  up  his  card  4C  for  Col.  Hamilton,  lately  from  Rome."  I  directed  the  ser 
vant  to  show  him  up.  He  entered,  and  said,  "  I  must  beg  the  favor  of  a  pri- 


REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON.  *  373 

vate  interview  with  you."  I  took  him  into  the  adjoining  bed-room.  He  then 
said,  "  I  have  called  upon  you  on  behalf  of  a  Committee  of  Liberals  who  direct 
ed  me  to  say  they  have  been  advised  by  their  friends  in  Rome  of  the  interest 
you  took  in  the  cause  of  the  people  there,  and  of  the  various  services  you  have 
rendered  them.  Thev  sent  a  messenger  among  other  things  to  inform  us  of 
your  departure  for  this  city,  in  the  hope  that  you  will  give  us  here  the  advan 
tage  of  your  advice  in  the  measures  we  are  now  taking  to  overturn  this  govern 
ment.  The  Committee  are  now  in  session,  and  they  desired  me  to  ask  the 
favor  of  you  to  accompany  me  to  their  place  of  meeting."  I  replied  that  I 
sympathized  in  the  movements  of  the  people  of  every  country  (as  all  Americans 
did)  in  their  efforts  to  overturn  the  oppressive  government  to  which  they  were 
subjected,  and  by  which  they  were  so  sorely  oppressed.  That  it  was  one  thing 
to  talk  with  gentlemen  who  called  upon  me  in  relation  to  public  measures  and 
modes  of  reform,  and  another  thing  to  join  a  body  of  men  who  were  combined 
together  to  overturn  their  government.  "  The  inclination  of  my  mind  is  to  de 
cline  your  invitation — however,  I  will  take  time  to  think  of  it."  He  then  said, 
"  Will  you  give  us  an  answer  to-morrow,  and  for  that  purpose  meet  a  gentleman 
at  the  hotel  *  *  *  *  *,  in  the  main  street,  at  any  hour  most  convenient  to  you  ?" 
I  said,  "  I  will,  at  ten  o'clock  in  the  morning."  He  then  drew  from  his  pocket- 
book  a  small  piece  of  paper  in  the  form  of  a  heart,  cut  it  in  half,  and  said, 
"please  to  take  one  half  of  this,  and  the  gentleman  who  will  meet  you  there 
will  bring  with  him  and  produce  as  his  authorization  the  other  half  which  I 
now  take  with  me."  This  gentleman  then  told  me  that  there  was  a  combina 
tion  of  men  of  intelligence  and  character  throughout  the  continent  of  Europe, 
whose  purpose  it  was  to  bring  about  changes  of  government  by  revolutions. 
That  the  students  of  the  various  universities,  Pavia,  Heidelberg,  Vienna,  and 
elsewhere  were  the  prime  movers ;  that  they  had  been  engaged  on  this  subject 
for  a  long  time ;  that  they  never  made  any  communications  to  each  other  in 
writing,  but  always  sent  one  of  their  members  in  whose  intelligence  and  discre 
tion  they  had  entire  confidence.  He  then  rose  to  take  leave  saying,  to-morrow 
at  the  hotel  at  ten  o'clock.'' 

After  full  and  anxious  deliberation,  I  decided  not  to  join  the  combination. 
I  was  in  Naples,  having  received  the  vise  of  the  King's  Minister  in  Rome,  and 
was  now  living  there  under  the  protection  of  his  Majesty.  It  did  not  become 
me  to  join  in  a  conspiracy  to  overturn  his  government.  Again,  I  had  two 
ladies,  my  aunt  and  daughter,  under  my  protection,  and  should  I  be  arrested 
and  imprisoned,  or  otherwise  removed  from  them,  it  would  be  disastrous  to 
them.  I  therefore  decided  not  to  join  the  committee.  I  wrote  a  letter  which 
I  carried  with  me,  declining  the  invitation  on  the  grounds  above  mentioned. 

I  went  to  the  hotel  at  the  appointed  hour,  called  for  a  cup  of  coffee  and  a 
newspaper,  and  had  been  sitting  but  a  few  minutes,  when  an  Italian  gentle 
man  came  in  who  went  up  to  the  bar,  got  a  segar,  lighted  it,  and  then  moved 
round  the  room  indifferently.  At  length,  coming  near  where  I  was,  he  took  out 


374  '   REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON. 

his  pocket-book,  and  from  that  took  a  piece  of  white  paper.  I  did  the  same. 
He  approached  the  table  at  which  I  sat,  and  producing  our  credentials,  we  un 
derstood  each  other.  He  stated  that  he  and  his  friends  hoped  I  had  revised  my 
first  impressions,  and  that  I  would  go  with  him  to  their  place  of  meeting,  which 
was  in  the  neighborhood.  I  repeated  my  determination,  read  the  letter  I  had 
written,  and  delivered  it  to  him,  saying  at  the  same  time,  "  if  he,  or  any  of  his 
friends  would  call  upon  me,  I  would  be  most  happy  to  give  them  any  advice  or 
assistance  in  my  power."  He  then  said,  "  Col.  Hamilton,  I  do  not  think  you 
have  made  a  wrong  decision — under  the  same  circumstances  I  would  decide  as 
you  have  ;  now  let  me  say  to  you,  in  confidence,  that  if  you  will  be  here  the  day 
after  to-morrow,  you  will  see  the  rising  of  the  people — we  are  all  ready  to 
strike  a  decisive  blow."  I  shook  hands  with  him,  wished  him  and  his  enterprise 
complete  success,  and  told  him  I  would  be  a  deeply  interested,  and  a  most 
anxious  witness  of  their  movements.  He  said  we  have  reason  to  believe  the 
King  will  yield  without  striking  a  blow. 

On  the  day  appointed,  I  went  about  the  city  before  the  hour.  The  military 
were  under  arms,  the  cannon  were  so  placed  as  to  sweep  the  streets  the  people 
were  to  pass  through  to  the  palace ;  the  post-office  and  other  public  offices  were 
closed  and  guarded  with  cannon  which  were  shotted.  I  examined  them.  The 
people  in  the  main  streets  were  closing  their  shops.  I  went  to  the  hotel,  and 
hired  a  window  with  a  balcony  where  I  placed  myself. 

At  about  noon,  a  military  officer  of  rank,  attended  by  a  few  cavalry,  rode 
from  the  palace  past  the  hotel  toward  the  outer  part  of  the  city,  where  the 
lazaroni  and  multitudes  of  people  were  assembled.  At  length,  the  people  en 
masse  came  down  the  street  on  their  way  to  the  palace,  shouting  and  waving 
small  colors — the  leaders  on  horseback  (I  recognized  one  of  the  gentlemen  I 
had  conferred  with,  who  saluted  me).  This  procession  was  close  and  very  long. 
I  saw  no  guns  or  other  arms,  and  believed  then  the  government  arms  would 
make  great  slaughter  and  ultimately  prevail. 

The  master  of  the  house  came  to  the  window  where  I  stood,  and  urged  me 
to  come  in  as  a  shot  might  reach  me.  I  remained  where  I  was  until  about  four 
o'clock  in  the  afternoon,  when  a  proclamation  was  issued  and  circulated  in  print. 
I  got  a  copy.  The  people  were  informed  by  it  that  the  King  would  grant  their 
requests,  and  give  them  a  constitution  in  ten  days.  I  returned  home,  ate  my 
dinner,  went  to  see  the  Viceroy,  and  related  to  him  what  I  had  seen.  He 
was  indignant  at  the  pusillanimity  of  the  government. 

The  next  day,  there  was  a  grand  procession  through  the  same  and  other 
streets — there  was  a  large  number  of  carriages,  all  having  small  flags  of  differ 
ent  colored  ribbons,  following:  a  band  of  music. 

O 

I  was  struck  by  this  fact.  The  day  before,  when  there  was  great  danger, 
those  who  went  through  the  streets  to  the  palace,  with  a  very  few  exceptions,  were 
the  lazaroni  and  the  laboring  classes.  The  next  day,  the  gentlemen,  shopmen, 
and  merchants  joined  the  people  in  their  manifestations  of  success. 


11EMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES  A.  HAMILTON.  375 

In  the  evening  of  the  second  day,  I  went  to  the  theatre  with  the  Viceroy, 
where  there  was  much  patriotic  feeling  manifested  by  all  classes. 

The  Jesuits  in  great  numbers  were  driven  out  of  the  kingdom.  That  was 
the  first  demand  ;  and  it  was  immediately  conceded  and  carried  out,  notwith 
standing  the  Queen,  under  the  influence  of  her  confessor,  a  Jesuit,  resisted  for 
a  long  time.  The  prisons  were  also  unbarred  and  the  State  prisoners  per 
mitted  to  go  at  large. 

February  3d. — Commodore  F.  Engle,  commanding  the  Princeton,  off  Mes 
sina,  writes  that  the  revolution  commenced  there  on  the  29th  January. 
The  town  was  bombarded  from  the  citadel,  from  St.  Sebastian,  and  from 
a  steamer,  for  an  hour  and  a  half,  commencing  at  half  past  five  in  the  afternoon, 

with  shells,  shot,  and  grape.     The  soldiers  fired  the  first  shot.     General — 

promised  Engle  and  Captain  Codington,  that  he  would  give  strangers  time  to 
get  out  with  their  property.  This  he  did  not  do.  On  the  31st  January,  a  con 
ference  was  held  on  board  H.  M.  Frigate  Thetis.  The  people,  elated  with  suc 
cess,  require  a  government  of  their  own. 

February  Wth.  Lord  Minto  sailed  to-day  for  Sicily.  It  is  understood  that 
he  goes  there  to  induce  the  people,  who,  after  several  hard  fights  against  a  dis 
ciplined  army  in  possession  of  all  the  citadels  and  strong  places,  fairly  achieved 
their  independence  to  come  under  the  yoke  of  their  despot  with  the  Constitution, 
he  has  promised,  and  it  is  said  prepared,  and  in  which  his  Lordship  has  had  a 

hand.     When  he  was  told  by  Mr.  D ,  an  American,  that  to-day  (February 

7th)  the  King  was  to  swear  to  the  Constitution,  he  replied,  "  I  think  not,  it  is 
not  sufficiently  matured."  He  arrived  here  on  Saturday,  and  on  Sunday  held 
a  long  conference  with  the  King. 

Here  it  is  believed  he  goes  on  this  mission  without  instructions,  for  want  of 
time ;  and  that  he  consequently  acts  upon  his  own  responsibility.  Should  he 
induce  those  people  to  come  in  under  illusory  expectations,  or  even  under  a 
Constitution  of  which  the  guarantees  of  substantial  freedom  do  not  form  a  part, 
his  act  is  unworthy  of  an  Englishman  and  of  his  high  trust. 

The  revolt  in  Sicily  is  a  mean,  and  there  is  the  opportunity,  of  securing  to 
this  country  a  well-balanced  and  secured  constitutional  government  which 
would  not  only  free  them  from  the  despotism  by  which  they  have  been  ground 
down  ;  but  it  would  be  of  service  to  the  party  of  temperate  reform  throughout 
Italy  and  England.  We  must  await  the  result. 

February  15th.  Called  on  the  Viceroy  Ibraham  Pasha,  to  take  leave.  He 
expressed  great  regret  at  parting  with  me,  and  said,  "  If  I  live,  I  shall  succeed 
my  father  as  King  of  Egypt.  I  wish  you  to  promise  me  that,  in  that  event, 
you  will  come  to  Alexandria,  not  only  to  make  me  a  visit,  but  to  be  my  guest. 
He  shook  my  hand  and  embraced  me  with  much  warmth.  Although  unlettered^ 
he  has  acquired  extensive  knowledge  of  various  countries,  and  has  great  good 
sense  and  good  purposes. 

February  15th.  Left  Naples  for  Milan  and  Venice,  and  thence   to  Vienna. 


376  REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON. 

March  llth.  Arrived  at  Vienna  in  the  evening,  went  to  the  hotel  "  Golden 
Lamb  "  outside  of  the  walls  of  the  city.  Driving  through  the  suburbs,  a  com 
pany  of  infantry  were  practicing  with  their  muskets  how  to  use  the  bayonet. 

March  12th.  Went  to  the  palace  where  I  saw  the  Emperor  Ferdinand 
returning  from  church  with  his  suite.  He  looked  idiotic.  Not  long  after  this, 
in  fact,  he  showed  unmistakable  symptoms  of  insanity.  After  the  revolution 
he  abdicated,  and  went  to  Home  where  one  day,  at  dinner,  he  washed  his  face 
in  his  soup  plate. 

I  quote  from  my  note-book : 

Vienna  Revolution,  March  13/7*.  I  crossed  the  Prater,  and  went  into  the  city 
through  the  gate  which  leads  into  the  main  street  and  to  the  Cathedral,  at  about 
twelve  o'clock.  Many  people  were  anxiously  looking  and  running  about.  The 
mercers  were  shutting  up  their  shops.  I  went  into  some  that  were  open, 
talked  with  the  people  there  and  with  others  in  the  street.  The  cry  was, 
"  Revolution."  The  students  had  gone  to  the  palace  to  demand  reforms.  The 
dragoons  and  infantry  were  passing  to  and  fro,  and  the  people,  men  and  women, 
were  rapidly  passing  through  the  streets  in  great  alarm.  I  met  a  gentleman 
who,  hearing  my  inquiries  in  French  and  English,  stopped  and  told  me  "the 
military  having  been  drawn  up  in  front  of  the  palace,  had  loaded  their  muskets 
in  the  presence  of  the  people  assembled  there  to  ask  for  reforms.  That  this 
was  intended  to  intimidate  the  people.  It  really  excited  them  as  an  open 
expression  of  hostility  on  the  part  of  the  government." 

I  went  to  iny  bankers  to  get  money,  in  order  to  meet  all  contingencies. 
He  told  me  that  as  the  council  were  to  assemble  to-day,  the  students  had  gone 
in  a  body  to  Prince  Metternich  to  demand  reforms,  such  as  the  freedom  of  the 
press,  civic  guard,  &c.,  to  which  he  had  given  no  answer.  Returning  home,  I 
found  the  soldiers  drawn  up  in  line  in  front  of  their  barracks.  I  heard  an 
officer  charge  the  troops  to  allow  none  but  the  military  to  go  into  the  city, 
but  to  let  the  people  go  out.  Carriages  were  turned  off  to  go  to  another  gate. 
I  went  to  my  hotel,  and  having  put  my  money  away,  went  out  again  in  order 
to  go  into  the  city.  Having  been  refused  entrance  at  the  gate  near  the  Golden 
Lamb  Hotel,  I  went  to  another  which  was  closed  ;  but  upon  application  to  the 
officer  to  allow  me  to  pass,  being  a  traveller,  he  sent  a  soldier  with  me  to  order 
the  gate  to  be  opened  which  was  done  and  immediately  closed.  I  walked  to 
different  parts  of  the  city,  and  again  returned  home ;  but  hearing  some  noise, 
I  went  into  the  city  again  and  passing  up  the  same  street  to  the  Hcff  (Place), 
I  found  that  the  people  were  endeavoring  with  pieces  of  timber  to  break 
through  the  door  of  a  house  called  the  Palace  of  Justice.  I  got  on  the  top  of 
a  stone  railing  about  a  fountain  in  the  centre  of  the  Hoff,  where  I  could  see  all 
that  was  going  on.  A  man  next  me  who  could  speak  English  recognized  me 
as  an  American.  A  young  man  climbed  up  a  pillar  to  the  balcony  over  the 
door,  on  which  was  placed  a  statue  of  Justice,  with  scales  hanging  from  her 
hand.  He  broke  the  scales  off,  came  down,  harangued  the  people,  marching 


REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON.  377 

round  the  Hoff,  then  threw  the  scales  on  the  ground,  stamped  upon  them,  and 
said  in  a  very  loud  voice,  "  A  Mockery  of  Justice."  This  excited  much  animation 
and  loud  cheers.  At  length  the  door  was  forced.  The  leader  was  a  very  large 
man,  in  his  shirt-sleeves.  He  and  the  others  went  into  the  house.  At  this 
moment,  a  platoon  of  soldiers  came  into  the  Hoff  opposite  to  the  Palace  of  Justice. 
As  soon  as  the  cry  was  uttered  u  Soldiers !  "  the  people  in  the  house  rushed  out. 
The  soldiers  advanced  to  the  door,  one  of  them  seized  the  leader  who  shook 
him  off  with  ease,  and  another  soldier  plunged  his  bayonet  in  his  body.  The 
wounded  man  leaped  from  the  ground,  fell  on  his  back,  and  was  pierced  to 
death.  A  shot  was  fired  into  the  crowd  which  wounded  a  man  who  wus  near 
where  I  stood.  This  man,  lying  on  the  ground  bleeding,  I  proposed  to  my 
neighbor  to  go  to  him  to  see  what  we  could  do  for  him  ;  he  said,  "  No  !  don't 
do  so,  they  will  shoot  you."  I  determined  that  I  was  exposed  to  great  danger, 
and  looking  at  my  watch,  found  it  was  time  to  go  to  dinner,  which  I  did. 

Having  related  to  two  American  gentlemen  who  dined  with  me  what  I 
had  heard  and  seen,  at  about  nine  o'clock  the  same  evening,  there  being  much 
noise  in  the  city  and  a  fine  moon-light  night,  I  proposed  to  go  into  the  city 
again,  which  I  did,  accompanied  by  one  of  the  gentlemen.  "We  found  the  city 
illuminated.  This  was  done  by  the  people  because  they  feared  the  police  would 
cut  off  the  gas.  We  passed  the  house  that  had  been  assailed  in  the  afternoon. 
The  soldiers  were  there  on  guard.  Attracted  by  a  great  noise,  we  went  to  a 
street  about  five  hundred  yards  from  the  first  place,  and  there  found  the  people 
engaged  with  much  greater  animation  in  endeavoring  to  break  into  the  police 
head-quarters.  This  was  continued  in  despite  of  the  military,  who  from  time 
to  time  fired  shots,  by  which  three  persons  were  killed.  The  assault  was  not 
withstanding  continued.  We  left  this  place  to  find  the  arsenal ;  which  it  was 
said  the  students  had  gone  to  break  open,  in  order  to  get  arms.  On  our  way 
we  heard  a  crier  announcing,  "  Prince  Metternich  lias  abdicated !  "  To  this 
the  people  cried,  "That  is  not  enough."  The  Prince  had  gone  off  secretly  in 
the  morning. 

Seeking  the  arsenal,  we  met  a  procession  of  the  students,  with  white  badges 
on  their  hats  and  arms,  in  files  of  two,  going  up  to  a  table  where  three  magis 
trates  were  sitting,  to  sign  their  names  to  a  paper  which  was  to  enroll  a  civic 
guard.  They  were  to  receive  arms  from  the  Government;  that  they  might 
preserve  the  peace  and  protect  the  people  of  the  city — thus  was  the  work  ended 
for  the  day.  Metternich  had  resigned,  and  the  Emperor  had  promised  reform. 

I  went  the  next  day  to  the  Hoff,  and  to  the  place  where  the  man  was  shot, 
within  ten  yards  of  where  I  stood.  There  was  a  pool  of  blood  on  the  flagging, 
and  below  it  was  written,  "  This  is  due  to  Metternich." 

The-  gate  of  the  city  where  the  duties  were  collected  was  torn  down,  as  were 
the  gates  of  Metternich's  villa — the  former  was  burned.  A  police  officer  who 
fired,  or  threatened  to  fire,  upon  the  people,  was  taken  up  by  the  mob,  thrown 
into  the  flames  and  burned  to  death.  At  another  place  in  the  suburbs,  the 


378  REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES  A.  HAMILTON. 

people  killed  two  priests,  said  to  be  Jesuits.  On  the  16th  and  17th,  the  riots 
continued  in  the  suburbs,  where  the  manufactories  were  attacked  and  fired. 
Six  hundred  of  these  people  were  made  prisoners  in  one  night  by  the  new  civic 
guard. 

The  Hungarians  came  to  the  city  in  military  array,  and  encamped  outside 
the  walls  near  our  hotel.  It  was  understood  that  they  were  advised  of  the  day 
when  the  people  would  rise ;  and  that  they  carne  to  the  city  to  assist  them. 
The  promised  submission  of  the  Government  rendered  this  unnecessary.  A 
Concordat  has  just  been  concluded  between  the  Pope  and  Austria.  Hilde- 
brand,  or  Pope  Innocent,  could  hardly  have  asked  more  than  is  thus  granted 
to  Pio  Nono,  who  is  in  part  supported  by  Austrian  money. 

The  folly  of  the  offerings  made  to  Papal  authority  by  the  first  Emperor, 
the  "  Placidium  Regiurn,"  which  gave  to  the  Austrian  Emperors  a  coordinate 
authority ;  such  as  has  always  been  enforced  by  the  French  sovereigns,  and  all 
but  the  weak  English  sovereigns,  is  forever  abolished.  First,  The  bishops 
throughout  the  Austrian  States  will  now  be  invested  with  rights,  which,  sup 
ported  by  the  civil  power,  will  bring  every  citizen  completely  under  ecclesias 
tical  rule.  The  bishops  may  combine  separately,  or  as  a  body,  with  the  Pope, 
the  clergy,  and  the  people.  They  may  divide  livings,  publish  spiritual  rescripts, 
and  prohibit  dangerous  books.  They  are  to  watch  over  religious  instruction  in 
all  public  and  private  schools  (so  that  no  parent  will  be  able  to  prevent  constant 
interference  with  the  education  of  his  child).  No  one  may  teach  theology  or 
canonical  law  without  their  permission.  The  decrees  of  the  Council  of  Trent 
are  to  be  received.  Clerical  matters  will  be  removed  from  civil  control :  even 
small  causes  will  be  judged  by  the  clergy,  except  so  far  as  they  involve 
questions  of  property.  One  article  has  greatly  disturbed  the  priesthood :  the 
bishops  are  to  have  full  right  to  punish  the  clergy  who  may  offend  against  the 
discipline  of  the  Church.  The  bishops  will  give  their  account  on  every  present 
ation  of  new  prelates  to  the  Papal  chair.  No  s..le  of  Church  property  can  take 
place  without  the  consent  of  the  Pope.  New  monasteries  may  at  any  time  be 
established  by  the  bishops.  Finally,  all  matters  not  especially  referred  to  in 
the  Concordat,  are  to  be  decided  according  to  the  doctrines  of  the  Church. 

This  Concordat  proves  how  much  power  there  is  where  we  only  see  atrophy 
and  decay.  How  real  are  the  dangers  where  we  only  see  the  shadows  of  the 
past. 

Left  Vienna  March  16th,  for  Dresden,  by  Ratisbon  and  Gorlitz.  The  whole 
of  the  Western  Continent  was  shaken,  as  with  an  earthquake.  I  seemed  to  be 
swept  along  by  a  revolutionary  tornado. 

On  my  way  to  Gorlitz,  I  met  Mr.  Hopp,  a  missionary  from  the  English 
society  who  had  been  established  at  Crakow,  whence  he  was  driven  after 
Austria  took  possession  of  that  city;  no  religion  being  tolerated  there  as  in 
Austria,  except  the  Roman  Catholic.  He  stated  that  the  education  of  all 
classes  and  ages  was  committed  to  the  priests  of  that  Church ;  that  Protestants 


REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON.  379 

could  not  bo  christened,  married,  or  buried,  without  first  obtaining  a  certificate 
from  a  Catholic  priest,  for  which  they  were  compelled  to  pay  a  considerable 
fee.  The  mass  of  the  people  belong  to  the  soil ;  they  are  very  ignorant  and 
much  oppressed.  The  crop  of  potatoes  had  failed,  and  there  was  much  distress 
among  the  peasantry.  This  gentleman  spoke  English  tolerably,  and  seemed  to 
be  well  informed.  He  said  the  Rouge  movement  had  failed  because  the 
Christians  of  all  classes  could  not  tolerate  its  heresies.  He  denied  the  Apos 
tolic  succession,  the  divinity  of  Christ,  and  the  Trinity;  in  short,  he  was  a 
Unitarian. 

March  ISlh. — Arrived  at  Dresden.  Here  we  learned  that  at  Prague  the 
people  had  demanded  a  change  of  the  Governor.  He  replied  that  he  would 
send  their  demands  to  the  Emperor,  and  asked  them  to  wait  a  few  days  for  his 
answer;  when,  if  it  was  not  satisfactory,  he  would  resign. 

Dresden. — The  people  four  days  ago  made  a  movement.  They  went  to  an 
old  ex-Miiiister,  who  lives  at  *  *  *  *  ;  presented  their  demands  to  him,  to  be 
by  him  presented  to  the  King.  He  said  he  entirely  agreed  with  them,  that  he 
could  not  write  to  the  King,  as  he  was  not  a  Minister,  but  would  address  a  let 
ter  to  one  who  would  show  it  to  the  King.  This  was  done,  and  the  King  dis 
missed  his  ministers,  putting  in  their  places  four  men  of  the  popular  party,  and 
by  a  proclamation  promised  all  they  asked,  so  that  all  revolutionary  proceed 
ings  are  believed  to  be  finished  here. 

March  IQth. — Met  Mr.  Forbes,  English  Minister  (Saxony)  and  Sir  Robert 
Keith  Arbuthnot  at  Mrs.  Costar's.  They  made  anxious  inquiries  as  to  the  re 
volutionary  movements  I  had  witnessed.  On  the  20th  dined  with  Sir  Robert. 
Frederick  Augustus  V.,  King  of  Saxony,  is  unambitious  and  virtuous,  but  not 
wise.  He  yielded  upon  the  first  hostilities  (under  the  advice  of  a  Minister 
who  was  devoted  to  Prussia)  to  ail  the  demands  of  his  people.  A  free  Consti 
tutional  Monarchy  is  to  be  established.  The  population  is  1,750,000 ;  debt, 
twenty-two  millions  thalers ;  revenue,  five  millions  seven  hundred  thousand 
thalers;  the  army,  sixteen  thousand  men.  The  people  own  the  land. 

I  learned  here  that  Frederick  William  IV.,  King  of  Prussia,  at  first  abso 
lutely  refused  to  make  concessions ;  that  there  was  a  severe  conflict  in  the 
streets  of  Berlin,  in  which  about  one  hundred  citizens  were  slaughtered.  The 
soldiers  remained  faithful.  It  was  here  represented  to  me  by  one  of  the  ex- 
Ministers  of  Prussia  who  had  fled,  that  they  might  have  put  the  people  down, 
but  that  the  King,  to  save  the  blood  of  his  people,  had  yielded  every  thing, 
without  knowing  what  he  did.  This  glorious  result  will  probably  give  to  Ger 
many  a  popular  Constitution  and  a  consolidated  federal  government.  The 
probability  is,  that  there  will  be  a  Confederation  of  the  States  of  Germany  with 
a  Diet  of  two  Houses,  one  elected  by,  and  the  representatives  of,  the  people. 
Austria  will  be  broken  up  ;  she  must  become  a  power  of  lower  rank.  Hungary, 
Gallicia,  Ravenna,  and  Lombardy  will  go  off  from  her. 

Mr.  Forbes,  the  English  Minister,  told  me  with  much  exultation  that  tho 


380  REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES  A.   HAMILTON. 

King  of  Hanover  had  refused  concessions,  and  that  he  would  hold  out  like  a  man 
(he  was  an  English  prince).  He  did  refuse  at  first,  but  did  not  hold  out,  fear 
ing  the  consequences  :  he,  like  the  rest,  has  yielded — a  free  press,  civic  guard, 
trial  by  jury,  and  a  popular  representation  5  in  short,  all  that  was  required, 
and,  in  doing  so,  has  acted  like  a  man  of  sense.  He  went  to  his  Diet,  and  de 
clared  he  would  grant  all  they  required  ;  and  that  he  had  taken  this  course 
without  consulting  his  ministers.  They  were  dismissed,  and  his  former  men 
restored. 

The  King  of  Bavaria,  anticipating  the  necessity  for  a  change,  yielded  al 
most  without  a  demand.  He  had  been  admonished,  by  the  tumults  against 
Lola  Monies,  of  the  power  of  the  people,  and  probably  by  his  promptitude 
secured  his  throne.  His  connection  with  that  woman  who  had  entire  control 
over  him  was  highly  offensive  to  his  people. 

March  25^,  Amsterdam. — The  elder  Mr.  Cromrnlier  called  upon  me.  In 
the  course  of  our  conversation,  he  mentioned  that  the  recoinage  which  is  in 
progress  costs  the  government,  owing  to  the  much-used  coin  and  the  sweating 
process  by  a  certain  class  of  men,  eight  or  ten  millions  of  guilders.  The  de 
basement  of  the  old  coin  resulted  from  the  fact  that  the  different  States  of  the 
Kingdom  at  one  time  possessed  the  power  of  making  their  own  coin  ;  and  that 
one  of  them  *  *  *  *  ?  when  called  upon  to  pay  ffty-tivo  millions,  paid  in  a  coin 
which  was  really  worth  only  fifty  millions,  and  insisted,  in  spite  of  all  remon 
strance,  that  it  should  pass  for  fifty-two.  Remembering  well  the  remarks  made 
to  me  here  at  a  company  of  bankers,  in  1842,  on  the  subject  of  the  repudiation 
by  some  of  our  States,  I  remarked,  "  that  was  as  bad  as  repudiation." 

The  bankers  of  Holland,  England,  and  France  have  made  a  great  outcry 
against  the  repudiation  of  some  of  the  States  of  the  United  States  (and  very 
deservedly),  and  yet  the  history  of  these  Kingdoms  shows  that,  under  a  far  less 
necessity,  they  have  taken  measures  which  were  as  gross  a  violation  of  public 
faith  as  repudiation,  even  of  Mississippi. 

England,  from  1797  until  1825,  paid  the  interest  on  her  public  debt  in  Bank 
of  England  notes,  which  were  not  convertible,  aid  which  were  actually  depre 
ciated  25  per  cent.  The  foreign  holders  of  her  debt  were  so  paid,  as  well  as 
her  own  subjects  ;  that  is  to  say,  she  paid  4  per  cent,  by  only  paying  3  per  cent. 

Holland  has  a  debt  now  on  which  she  pays  no  interest  whatever;  this  is, 
in  fact,  repudiation. 

France  repudiated  her  debt  during  the  revolution  of  1793. 

There  are  three  millions  six  hundred  thousand  people  in  Holland.  Food  is 
dear ;  beef  sells  in  market  for  about  two  francs  a  pound,  and  to  grind  a  bushel 
of  Indian  corn  would  cost  its  value  here. 

In  1833,  the  total  of  cultivated  land  in  Holland,  exclusive  of  Limburg  and 
Luxemburg,  was  5,300,000  acres,  and  two  millions  of  uncultivated.  There  arc 
nine  thousand  windmills  in  Holland,  used  for  draining  laud.  The  water  is  in 
some  places  lifted  twenty  to  twenty-five  feet. 


REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON.  381 

In  North  Holland,  there  are  eighty  poulders,  comprising  upward  of  150,000 
acres.  All  the  water  is  pumped  into  the  Schermer  Boizein.  A  poulder  is  a 
tract  of  laud  generally  below  the  low  water  level  of  the  adjoining  sea  or  river 
surrounded  by  a  dyke,  and  only  kept  dry  by  artificial  pumping. 

In  1230,  one  hundred  thousand  people  perished  in  Friesland  by  the  over 
flowing  of  the  Zuyder  Sea.  The  foundation  of  a  large  dyke  is  from  120  to 
150  feet  wide.  It  is  usually  cased  with  stone  from  Norway.  Of  that  at  West 
Capelle,  in  the  island  of  Watcheren,  it  is  said  if  it  had  been  originally  of  solid 
copper  the  expense  would  have  been  less  than  to  keep  it  in  repair. 

Haarlem  Sea. — The  work  of  draining  this  sea  was  begun  in  1840,  by  mak 
ing  a  ring  canal.  Three  monster  engines  are  to  be  erected  at  different  points 
which  will  lay  the  lake  dry  in  fourteen  months  by  incessant  pumping,  at  a  cost 
of,  for  machinery  and  labor,  of  £140,000  or  about  $700,000.  The  expense 
of  making  the  dykes  and  engines  after  the  water  is  drawn  out  to  keep  it 
dry,  will  be  £5,000  per  annum.  The  land  to  be  made  dry  for  cultivation  is  from 
50,000  to  70,000  acres.  The  cost  at  the  lowest  estimate  will  be  three  pounds 
sterling  an  acre,  or  $15.  The  best  land  in  the  United  States  can  be  purchased 
for  one  and  a  quarter  dollars  an  acre.  If  the  area  is  seventy  square  miles, 
there  will  be  42,800  acres  added  to  the  arable  land.  These  three  engines  are 
to  draw  out  one  thousand  millions  of  tons  of  water,  and  to  do  the  work  of  one 
hundred  and  fourteen  high  wind-mills.  One  of  these  engines  has  been  erected 
and  tried  (1848)  at  the  south  extremity  of  the  lake  near  Ley  den.  The  annual 
draining  is  calculated  at  fifty-four  millions  of  tons. 

EdiiiburgTi  Review,  October  1857,  p.  438. — "  Let  Holland  depend  upon  Eng 
land  and  Belgium  for  the  coal  which  is  to  dry  her  poulders.  Let  Norway,  and 
Paissia,  and  Belgium,  and  the  United  States  of  America  depend  upon  the  English 
markets  for  the  sale  of  their  timber,  hemp,  flax,  and  cotton ;  let  England  depend 
upon  Russia.  Germany,  and  America  for  her  deficient  corn,  and  upon  the  world  at 
large  for  the  outlets  to  her  manufactories.'1 

This  is  the  most  selfish  and  audacious  proposition  that  could  be  made.  It 
would  have  been  as  well  to  have  said,  let  all  the  world  engage  in  raising  for  us 
the  raw  material  (of  course,  to  be  purchased  at  our  own  price),  and  be  depend 
ent  upon  us  for  their  manufactures,  to  be  purchased  at  our  price. 

Ask  her  statesmen  what  is  to  be  for  a  series  of  years,  "her  deficient  corn  " 
and  they  will  say,  not  a  bushel.  But  suppose  they  say  one  million  of  quarters, 
what  proportion  of  that  could  the  United  States  furnish  in  competition  with  Rus 
sia,  Germany,  the  Black  Sea?  These  are  fine  sounding  theories,  and  if  Eng 
land  can  deceive  these  nations  with  them,  let  her  do  so. 

EXTRACT  FROM  MY  NOTE-BOOK. 

Antwerp.  Police  in  Holland.  1848. — In  no  country  in  which  we  have  been> 
is  there  such  an  annoying  strictness  to  travellers  as  here.  I  was  called  upon  at 
the  hotel  to  make  a  declaration  in  writing  of  my  age,  birth-place,  place  of  resi 
dence,  whence  I  had  come,  whither  I  was  going,  whom  I  knew,  why  I  had  come, 


382  REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES  A.  HAMILTON. 

where  I  staid,  what  documents  I  had,  and  after  this  I  was  told  I  must  present 
my  passport  in  person  to  the  police  head-quarters,  which  I  did. 

Paris. — Arrived  April  3d,  1848,  in  the  evening,  Hotel  Maurice.  The  fol 
lowing  are  incidents  of  the  revolution,  related  to  me  by  a  gentleman  who  was 
an  eye-witness.  He  was  living  on  the  Boulevard  near  Port  St.  Martin,  he 
wished  to  put  his  letters  in  the  post-office,  but  could  not  get  any  body  to  take 
them,  and  went  early  in  the  morning  himself;  returning,  he  went  to  the  Palace 
which  had  been  taken  possession  of  by  the  people  the  afternoon  before,  at  five 
o'clock.  He  passed  through  all  the  rooms  except  the  private  apartments,  at 
the  entrance  to  which  a  sentinel  in  a  blouse  was  placed,  who  told  him  he  could 
not  enter.  None  could  go  in  unless  they  were  armed.  "  Well,"  he  said,  "  lend 
me  your  gun  for  the  occasion,  and  I  will  give  you  five  francs."  The  sentinel 
agreed,  he  shouldered  the  musket,  and  went  through  all  the  apartments  where 
were  the  clothes  of  the  family  as  they  had  left  them  in  their  flight.  In  the  cel 
lar,  there  was  a  large  store  of  poultry,  which  the  guards  ordered  the  cooks, 
whom  they  would  not  allow  to  go  out,  to  dress  for  them,  and  he  found  them 
busily  engaged  in  doing  so.  The  soldiers  told  the  cooks,  "  you  are  paid  by  the 
people,  and  you  must  work  for  the  people/' 

I  saw  under  the  window  of  my  room,  a  Colonel  of  the  lancers  pressing  upon 
the  people.  One  of  the  latter  took  up  the  hind  leg  of  the  horse  which  threw 
the  horse  down  with  his  rider,  who  lost  his  sword  and  was  thus  disarmed,  the 
horse  was  then  mounted  by  a  woman,  who  broke  the  sword,  and  cheered  on  the 
people.  Before  my  roon-.s,  a  barricade  was  built  by  the  people  of  the  trees 
which  were  cut  down  from  the  side-walks,  with  iron  railings  and  stones  from 
the  streets.  It  was  done  quietly.  The  only  words  heard  were,  now  and  then  a 
joke,  and,  "  make  haste  !  "  "  make  haste."  The  people  broke  open  the  gunsmiths' 
shops  for  arms.  The  door  of  one  was  so  fastened  that  they  could  not  force  it ; 
they  took  an  omnibus  of  which  they  made  a  battering  ram,  which  at  the  second 
blow  forced  the  casing  and  all  away.  They  went  also  to  the  bakers,  not  to  get 
bread,  but  to  get  fire  wood  for  arms,  which  I  saw  used  most  effectually  at  one 
of  the  military  casernes.  The  people  who  had  been  taken  were  held  as  prison 
ers.  The  mob  demanded  their  release.  It  was  refused.  They  pressed  on.  the 
soldiers  fired  upon  them,  but  after  they  discharged  their  muskets,  the  people 
fell  on  the  soldiers,  beating  them  with  the  wood,  took  their  arms,  and  discharg 
ed  the  prisoners. 

At  the  Tuileries  was  this  placard  in  the  window  in  French,  "  A  chamber  to 
let."  All  the  royal  carriages  were  taken,  put  in  a  line,  and  burned.  He  then 
saw  the  carriage  which  was  lined  with  boiler  iron,  and  handled  it ;  there  is  no 
doubt  it  was  so  arranged  in  order  to  protect  the  King  Louis  Philippe  from  mus 
ket  ball?. 

He  saw  the  people  carrying  the  throne  taken  from  the  Tuileries  in  proces 
sion,  amid  gibes  and  jests,  to  the  Boulevard  where  they  burned  it.  Then,  they 
went  to  the  Chamber  of  Deputies,  where  there  was  a  discussion  as  to  who 


REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON.  383 

should  be  regent,  involving  the  rights  of  the  throne.  The  mob  who  entered 
said,  "  It  is  unnecessary  to  discuss  the  rights  of  the  throne,  we  have  decided  all 
that,  having  thrown  the  throne  out  of  the  window,  and  burned  it,"  and  thus 
the  sitting  of  the  deputies  was  ended. 

"When  Louis  Philippe  came  out  of  the  Tuileries,  the  officer  in  command  of 
the  escort  cried  out,  "  Let  the  unfortunate  one  pass."  The  people  replied, 
"  Yes,  we  are  not  murderers,  let  him  pass,  let  him  go,  the  sooner  the  better, 
his  term  is  ended.  We  do  not  desire  his  services  any  longer."  Guizot  got  over 
a  wall  and  escaped  in  the  dress  of  a  footman.  It  was  said  that  of  the  King's 
family  no  one  manifested  more  firmness  and  courage  than  Madame  Adelaide. 
One  of  the  King's  sons  fled,  leaving  his  wife  to  find  her  way  out  of  the  city  on 

foot.     met  her,  and  took  her  to  Rouen,   whence  she  went  safely  to 

England. 

I  met  at  a  private  house  a  young  nobleman  ;  this  was  after  the  blouses  had 
the  control  of  the  city,  and  before  the  government  of  Lamartine  brought  back 
the  army.  He  told  me  he  and  all  others  recollecting  the  scenes  of  1793,  escaped 
the  best  way  they  could.  He  got  up  a  chimney. 

At  the  Palais  Royal  I  saw  a  body  of  armed  blouses  go  into  the  restau 
rant  ;  they  brought  out  the  cooks,  insisting  that  they  should  not  cook  for  the 
aristocrats.  I  spoke  to  the  leader,  saying,  "  I  am  an  American  (which  on  sev 
eral  occasions  gave  me  a  willing  ear)  ;  we  in  the  United  States  believe  that  the 
liberty  of  the  people  secures  to  every  man  the  right  to  work  for  whom  he 
pleases." 

Daring  the  revolution,  the  names  of  the  streets  were  changed  so  as  to  ex 
press  popular  ideas. 

Frequently  you  meet  processions  of  the  blouses  carrying  a  tree  (or  part  of 
one)  attended  by  a  priest  and  music.  After  planting  the  tree  of  liberty,  the 
priest  would  bless  it,  and  the  people  would  dance  around  it,  and  celebrate  the 
act  by  loud  cries  of  "  Liberty  and  equality." 

The  railroads  were  interrupted.  An  American  lady  left  Paris  to  go  to 
England,  but  was  compelled  to  return  and  remain,  almost  without  funds. 

The  Banks  suspended  specie  payments,  and  their  notes  were  very  much 
depreciated.  Bills  drawn  on  London  were  paid  in  gold,  which  was  brought  to 
Paris  by  special  messengers,  and  delivered  to  the  drawer. 

It  was  at  one  time  reported  that  the  city  would  be  sacked,  and  that  the  first 
attack  would  be  made  upon  the  hotels  and  the  strangers  who  were  there.  Mr. 
Rush,  the  American  Minister,  was  called  upon  by  Captain  B  *  *  *  who  had 
been  an  officer  in  the  American  army.  He  came  on  behalf  of  the  Provisional 
Government  to  know  whether  he,  as  Minister,  in  the  name  of  his  government 
would  recognize  the  Provisional  Government.  His  reply  was,  "  Certainly,  if 
they  ask  me  to  do  so."  The  captain  would  report  that  answer.  It  was  con 
sidered  by  him  as  of  vast  importance,  particularly  in  the  preservation  of  order, 
that  it  should  be  recognized  by  the  United  States. 


384  EEMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES  A.   HAMILTON. 

Captain  B  *  *  *  returned  saying,  "  It  did  not  become  the  Government 
to  request  its  recognition."  Mr.  Rush  replied  that  he  would  communicate  his 
recognition  in  writing;  his  course  was  decided  by  the  practice  of  his  Govern 
ment  to  recognize  the  de  facto  Government.  His  communication  was  framed, 
as  he  stated  to  me,  upon  what  had  been  done  during  the  administration  of  Gen 
eral  Washington.  This  was  an  event  of  marked  importance.  It  was  gratifying 
to  the  people  ;  and  tended  to  induce  order  as  well  as  to  give  stability.  Shortly 
afterward,  the  army  which  had  been  withdrawn  from  the  city  to  avoid  a  col 
lision,  was  brought  back  attended  by  a  jubilation. 

In  the  month  of  May  following,  Mr.  Hush  having  received  a  commission 
from  his  Government  as  Minister  to  the  Republic  of  France,  communicated 
this  event  to  the  Provisional  Government  at  the  Hotel  de  Ville,  and  made  a 
proper  address. 

Measures  were  taken  by  the  Provisional  Government  to  form  a  Constitution, 
by  ordering  an  election  of  delegates  to  a  Convention  by  the  people  in  their  re 
spective  districts.  In  anticipation  of  this  election,  various  meetings  were  held  in 
Paris,  some  of  which  I  attended.  The  speeches  were  amusing;  many  of  them 
quite  absurd.  The  Constitution  of  the  United  States  was  proposed  as  a  model. 
The  most  efficient  objection  to  this  was,  that  "  the  French  people  must  have 
something  new  ;  it  did  not  become  them  to  adopt  that  or  any  other  existing 
form  of  government."  Another  and  most  conclusive  objection  was  that  "  it 
established  slavery  in  all  the  States." 

I  was  called  upon  by  George  W.  Lafayette  (the  son  of  General  Lafayette), 
with  two  other  French  gentlemen,  introduced  by  Mr.  C.,  a  resident  of  Paris. 
The  object  of  this  visit  was  to  request  me  to  prepare  a  form  of  Constitution 
for  France  by  remodelling  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States,  so  as  to  adapt 
it  to  the  condition  of  the  people  of  France.  In  reply  I  expressed  an  unaf 
fected  conviction  that  I  had  not  the  knowledge  or  ability  for  such  a  work :  this 
would  not  do.  They  urged  me  most  earnestly  to  make  the  attempt,  to  which 
I  reluctantly  consented.  I  called  upon  Mr.  Rush  to  obtain  a  copy  of  the  Con 
stitution  of  the  United  States,  and  of  the  Federalist,  if  ho  had  one.  He  sent 
me  both,  with  a  note  asking  me  to  take  great  care  of  the  Federalist,  as  it  was 
a  copy  given  to  him  by  Mr.  Jefferson,  with  the  appropriation  of  the  authorship 
of  the  various  members  by  Mr.  Madison. 

Earnestly  desiring  to  render  any  service  in  my  power  to  the  son  of  the 
illustrious  General  Lafayette,  and  also  to  promote  the  welfare  of  the  people  of 
France,  I  endeavored  to  form  a  Constitution  for  France,  by  such  alterations  of 
the  Constitution  of  the  United  States  as  I  believed  would  be  judicious. 

Having  sent  to  Lafayette  the  draft  Constitution,  I  prepared  the  following 
four  resolutions  : 

"  Resolved,  ~\.st,  That  the  only  Constitution  of  Government  which  this  Assembly 
can  establish,  is  a  Representative  Republican  Government,  based  upon  the  only  true 
foundation  of  all  governments,  the  will  of  the  people. 


REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON.  385 

"Resolved,  2d,  That  the  legislative  power  of  France  shall  be  vested  in  a  Nation 
al  Legislature,  to  consist  of  two  chambers,  a  Senate  and  House  of  Representatives. 

"  Resolved,  3d.  That  the  executive  power  of  France  shall  be  vested  in  a  Chief 
President,  to  be  elected  by  the  people  for  a  fixed  term,  and  whose  salary  shall  be 
determined  by  law,  and  shall  not  be  increased  or  diminished  during  his  term  of 
office. 

"  Resolved,  4th.  That  the  judiciary  of  France  shall  consist  of  a  Supreme  Court 
and  such  other  inferior  Courts  as  may  be  established  by  law,  and  that  the  judges 
thereof  be  appointed  for  life,  or  during  good  behavior,  to  receive  a  salary  to  be  de 
termined  by  law,  not  to  be  diminished  during  their  term  of  office." 

JAMES  A.  HAMILTON  TO  Moxs.  GEOIIGE  W.  LAFAYETTE. 

"  PARIS,  April  25,  1848. 

"  DEAR  SIR  :  I  sent  to  you  through  our  friend  Mr.  C.  the  draft  of  the  adaptation 
of  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States  to  the  actual  condition  of  France.  If  it 
will  be  of  service  to  you  in  your  high  duties  use  it,  if  not,  destroy  it.  It  is  the  offer 
ing  of  my  devotion  to  Republican  institutions,  and  my  desire  at  all  times  and  under 
nil  circumstances  to  devote  myself  to  the  service  of  my  race ;  whose  progress  in 
knowledge  and  increased  happiness,  wisdom  and  virtue,  is  inevitable.  The  extension 
of  the  Christian  religion,  and  the  principles  of  social,  political  and  religious  liberty 
will  (be  assured,)  do  their  work;  and  it  is  upon  these  that  I  always  place  my  hopes, 
however  untoward  the  actual  circumstances  may  be,  that  the  greatest  good  of  the 
greatest  number  will  be  the  sole  aim  and  end  of  all  governments. 

"  It  is  at  the  same  time  eminently  the  duty  of  every  one,  however  humble  his 
sphere,  to  aid  in  promoting  the  success  of  this  great  work,  and  in  that  spirit  I  com 
mend  this  pnper  to  your  hands. 

"  I  have  drawn  np  a  series  of  resolutions  (which  I  now  enclose)  snch  as  I  would 
propose  to  the  Convention  were  I  a  member  of  that  body.  My  purpose  would  be  to 
confine  that  assembly  to  the  discussion  of  great  principles,  stripped  of  all  details, 
upon  which  they  ought  to  decide  before  another  step  is  taken.  If  a  majority  should 
decide  to  have  a  single  executive  and  a  legislature  of  two  chambers,  with  an  inde 
pendent  judiciary,  a  form  of  government  founded  upon  the  popular  will  will  be 
established,  whatever  may  be  its  details,  which  will  be  permanent,  and  by  future 
changes  may  be  made  more  perfect.  If,  on  the  other  hand,  a  plural  executive,  a 
single  chamber  and  an  elective  temporary  judiciary  should  be  decided  upon,  the 
future  of  France  will  be  very  doubtful.  This,  I  believe,  is  the  language  of  experi 
ence,  which  is  the  best  oracle  of  truth. 

"The  advantage  of  placing  these  great  leading  and  decisive  principles  before 
your  Convention  distinctly  and  without  details,  is  that  the  discussion  will  thus  be, 
in  a  measure,  limited;  that  clear  ideas  will  be  presented  to  the  minds  of  the  mem 
bers  upon  which  they  can  decide  without  being  perplexed  with  the  fruits  of  ingen 
ious  sophism  to  which  details  give  scope,  and  above  all,  should  you  be  enabled  by 
an  early  arid  decisive  vote  to  induce  their  adoption,  you  would  shut  out  a  thousand 
projects ;  for  it  may  be  truly  said,  that  at  this  moment  France  is  a  great  laboratory 
of  constitutions,  where  the  fertility  of  ideas  for  which  your  countrymen  are  so  re 
markable,  will  produce  some  wise  but  a  great  many  absurd  projects,  all  claiming  to 
have  an  equal  right  to  consideration.  And  it  is  to  be  remarked  that  the  longer  the 
25 


386  11EMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON. 

discussion  is  delayed,  the  more  numerous  will  be  these  projects  and  the  greater  dan 
ger  will  there  be  of  the  members  becoming  divided  into  factions,  and  of  being  sub 
jected  to  improper  influences.  That  assembly,  although  it  may  be  made  wiser  by 
discussion,  will  never  be  as  pure  and  patriotic  as  at  the  first  moment  it  assembles. 
"Without  giving  the  reasons  for  this  opinion  I  invite  your  attention  to  it,  and  hope 
your  course  will  be  influenced  by  the  conviction  of  its  truth. 

"Your  chance  of  forming  a  wise  constitution,  or  one  at  all,  is  much  impaired  by 
the  fact  that  the  National  Assembly  is  to  be  not  only  a  convention  for  forming  a 
Constitution,  but  a  general  legislative  body  for  the  State.  I  say  it  is  to  be,  because  in 
looking  at  the  '  decree '  of  the  Provisional  Government  under  which  the  election 
was  made,  it  seems  not  to  have  been  so  intended,  and  in  our  country  would  most 
certainly  not  be  so  considered.  On  the  contrary,  having  been  elected  under  that 
'  decree  '  we  should  consider  the  people  as  having  chosen  this  body  as  their  repre 
sentative  for  the  sole  purpose  of  making  and  ordaining  a  Constitution,  and  that  the 
power  of  legislation,  if  assumed,  would  be  a  gross  usurpation. 

"The  words  of  the  decree  of  the  26th  March,  1848,  are  'pour  eleve  les  represen- 
tauts  du  peuple  &  1'assemblee  national,  qui  doit  decreter  la  constitution."1 

"A  further  view  of  this  subject  presents  itself  to  my  mind,  which  I  will  briefly 
state.  The  Provisional  Government  constituted  by  the  people  of  Paris,  and  adopted 
by  the  people  of  France,  is  the  existing  valid  Government ;  and  there  is  no  other  : 
and  as  there  is  no  period  to  which  its  existence  is  limited,  there  exists  no  power  or 
means  of  superseding  or  destroying  it  but  one,  that  indicated  by  this  arrete,  and  that 
is  by  the  promulgation  of  a  Constitution  by  a  National  Assembly.  "When  that  Con 
stitution  is  put  into  action,  the  existing  Government  ceases  to  exist,  but  not  until 
then. 

"The  National  Assembly  having  been  elected  to  make  a  Government  for,  is  not 
the  Government  of,  France,  and  justly  considered,  would  have  no  power  to  consider 
itself  such;  nor  can  the  Provisional  Government  so  constitute  it;  nor  can  the  mem 
bers  of  the  Provisional  Government,  by  giving  up  their  powers,  destroy  that  Govern 
ment.  It  can  only  cease  to  exist  by  the  will  of  the  people  expressed  through  their 
representatives  in  the  manner  pointed  out  by  the  decreance  of  a  Constitution.  This 
is  most  certainly  the  view  we  should  take  of  this  subject.  However,  inasmuch  as 
it  seems  to  be  understood  that  you  are  to  legislate  upon  all  subjects  to  which  an 
ordinary  legislature  can  give  its  attention,  we  must  take  the  thing  as  it  is,  but  at  the 
same  time,  watch  it  closely;  recollecting  that  the  enjoyment  of  power  like  the  appe 
tite  of  jealousy,  '  grows  by  what  it  feeds  on,'  and  that  the  longer  that  assembly  shall 
enjoy  the  exercises  of  the  executive  and  legislative  functions  of  Government  (which 
they  must  possess  as  soon  as  the  Provisional  Government  lays  down  its  power,  as  it 
intends  to  do),  although  legitimately  and  constitutionally  speaking,  it  has  no  power 
to  do  so  ;  for  a  government  formed  by  the  people  can  only  be  changed  or  destroyed 
by  the  people.  This  necessarily  results  from,  the  great  principle,  that  '  the  only  true 
foundation  of  all  Governments  is  the  popular  will,'  the  more  difficult  will  it  be  for 
them  to  part  with  it,  and  the  greater  probability  will  there  be  that  ambitious  men 
will  use  its  patronage  to  corrupt  its  members,  and  thus  through  their  influence  will 
the  members  be  divided  into  parties  and  factions — as  you  soon  must  be — to  secure  to 
themselves  the  whole  power  and  Government  of  the  country.  When  this  shall  be 
so,  the  same  men  will  have  no  difficulty  in  defeating  any  project  of  Government 
which  may  be  presented  to  the  Assembly,  however  wise  and  liberal  it  may  be.  With 


REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON.  387 

all  my  confidence  in  the  wise  choice  the  people  have  made,  these  views  press  upon 
my  attention  with  melancholy  forebodings. 

"I  wish  a  majority  of  that  body  could  be  persuaded  of  the  grave  consequences 
not  to  France,  not  to  Europe  alone,  but  to  the  human  race,  which  attend  upon  their 
course.  Let  them  be  assured  that  the  fate  of  Republican  institutions  in  Europe, 
for  at  least  this  generation,  is  in  their  hands  ;  that  if  men  ever  had  a  great  motive 
for  moderation,  wisdom,  and  patriotism,  they  have  it ;  and  if  they  should  be  found 
unworthy  of  the  great  mission,  endless  disgrace  will  follow  them,  and  the  interests 
and  progress  of  the  human  family  will  be  retarded  for  ages.  It  is  quite  impossible 
to  express  the  responsibility  of  this  great  Assembly  to  France  and  to  the  world. 
As  a  Republican  and  as  a  man,  I  hope  for,  and  will  rejoice  in  a  successful  issue  to 
your  labors.  I  kno\v  what  your  course  will  be,  and  thank  you  for  it  in  advance. 
"With  great  respect  and  regard,  your  friend,  &c. 

"JAMES  A.  HAMILTON." 

I  was  requested  by  a  French  gentleman  whom  I  had  known  in  the  United 
States,  to  prepare  for  a  member  of  the  Provisional  Government  a  plan  of  fin 
ance  for  France,  which  I  did,  and  communicated  to  him  the  following  "Hints:" 

HINTS  OF  A  PLAN  WHICH  MAY  RELIEVE  THE  POLITICAL,  SOCIAL, 
AND  FISCAL  DIFFICULTIES  OF  FRANCE. 

"  First.  Authorize  the  Bank  of  France  to  issue  notes  of  the  denomination  of 
twenty  francs. 

"Second.  The  Provisional  Government  to  issue  Treasury  Notes  of  20,  50,  and 
100  francs,  payable  to  bearer,  without  interest. 

"  Third.  To  issue  Treasury  Notes  of  the  denomination  of  500  francs  and  up 
wards,  bearing  interest  at  six  or  seven  or  eight  $  per  annum.  The  first  rate  would  be 
sufficient. 

"  Fourth.  All  the  Treasury  Notes  to  be  secured  by  a  sacred  and  inviolate  pledge, 
1st,  of  all  the  public  property  of  France  moveable  and  immovable ;  and  2nd,  of 
all  the  individual  property.  The  first  to  be  sold  as  maybe  required  to  meet  the 
payment  of  these  notes ;  and  when  that  shall  be  exhausted,  then  the  private  proper 
ty  to  be  reached  by  taxation,  and  applied  to  the  payment  of  these  notes. 

"  Fifth.  The  Treasury  Notes  to  be  a  legal  tender,  to  be  received  in  payment  of 
all  taxes,  duties  excises  and  imposts,  with  the  right  to  the  holders  to  exchange 
them  at  par  for  public  stock,  (at  any  time  within  one  year)  to  bear  the  like  rate  of 
interest  and  not  reimbursable  in  less  than  twenty  years. 

"Note. — The  great  necessity  of  France  is  confidence  and  circulation. 

"  The  first  is  growing  and  will  be  restored  as  soon  as  the  Provisional  Government 
shall  by  its  energetic  measures  already  commenced,  prove  that  it  exercises  a  solid 
power  large  enough  to  preserve  public  order. 

"  To  give  employment  to  the  people,  let  the  Government  engage  with  the  master 
manufacturers  and  artisans,  if  they  will  go  on  with  their  works,  to  pay  them  any  lose 
which  may  accrue  to  them  by  their  operatives,  conducted  under  the  direction  of  their 
masters,  and  under  the  superintendence  of  the  Government  Agents  ;  settlements  to 
be  made  monthly,  and  advances  to  be  made  in  Treasury  notes  if  necessary,  to  pay 
the  operatives.  No  support  to  be  given  to  able-bodied  workmen  after  the  first  day 
of  May  next,  from  the  public  treasury. 


388  REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON. 

"  These  measures  will  certainly  tend  to  give  confidence  in  the  preservation  of 
public  order. 

"  The  circulation  which  was  formerly  essentially  in  silver  will  be  supplied  by 
these  notes,  and  in  a  very  short  time,  those  who  have  hoarded  the  precious  metals 
will  be  rejoiced  to  reproduce  and  invest  them  in  the  Treasury  Notes  bearing  so  high 
a  rate  of  interest  and  so  abundantly  secured. 

k-  Every  man  of  property  will  see  that  his  interest  is  engaged  in  supporting  the 
public  credit,  and  reviving  private  confidence,  when  he  knows  that  his  individual 
property  is  bound  for,  and  will  be  applied  to  the  payment  of  the  debts  of  the  Gov 
ernment;  which  will  be  increased  or  diminished  by  the  promptitude  or  delay  of 
the  time  at  which  such  public  or  private  confidence  shall  be  restored. 

"  It  is  as  clearly  the  right  as  it  is  the  duty  of  the  Provisional  Government  to 
pledge,  nay  to  apply  all  the  property  of  the  country  to  the  payment  of  its  debts. 
Every  citizen  has  expressly  or  impliedly  pledged  his  life,  and  fortune,  and  honor  to 
his  country.  J.  A.  HAMILTON. 

PAEIS,  April  7,  1848. 

The  following  letter  was  written  by  a  gentleman  who  had  been  elected  a 
member  of  the  Convention  to  form  a  Constitution  for  France,  and  who  asked 
to  see  what  I  had  proposed.  It  was  sent  to  him.  It  is  not  inserted  here, 
because  it  is  not  esteemed  worthy  of  consideration. 

"DEAR  SIR:  I  had  not  a  moment  yesterday  to  write  a  few  words,  as  I  should 
have  wished,  in  sending  you  back  your  project,  you  had  the  goodness  to  send  me 
with  your  note  of  the  18th.  I  am  happy  to  see  the  good  feelings  you  express  for  my 
native  land,  and  grateful  for  those  you  testify  towards  me. 

"  So  far  as  a  very  hasty  perusal  could  enable  me  to  judge,  I  am  convinced  you 
have  judiciously  selected  from  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States  what  could 
best  be  adapted  to  France. 

JAMES  A.  HAMILTON  TO  SENOR  GAETANO  DE   CASTILLEA. 

"HOTEL  MEURICE,  PARIS,  April  7,  1848. 

"  DEAR  SIR  :  Recurring,  as  I  always  do,  to  the  pleasure  derived  from  your  ac 
quaintance  at  Milan,  I  beg,  in  this  form,  to  renew  it ;  and,  in  doing  so,  to  congratulate 
you  upon  the  heroic  resistance  you  have  made  to  the  oppressors  of  your  beautiful 
country.  The  moderation  of  all  the  peoples  who  have  risen,  and  who  have  to 
assert  the  rights  of  humanity,  has  proved  that  they  are  worthy  of  liberty.  And  I 
rejoice  to  say,  nowhere  has  that  been  more  conspicuous  or  praiseworthy  than  at 
Milan  ;  where  the  duration  and  severity  of  the  conflict  with  the  unexampled  tyranny 
to  which  they  had  been  subject  would  most  naturally  have  excited  a  resentment, 
difficult  if  not  impossible  to  be  restrained. 

"  "What  your  future  is  to  be,  no  one,  I  presume,  can  conjecture.  I  fear  the  people 
of  no  part  of  Italy  are  as  yet  ready  for  Republican  institutions.  The  first  and  best 
step  to  that  condition  of  self-government  would  perhaps  be  a  limited  Constitutional 
Monarchy. 

u  I  ought  not  to  intrude  my  opinions,  which  at  best  would  not  be  deserving  of  much 
consideration;  but  allow  me  to  suggest  that  in  the  Federalist,  a  work  published  in 


REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON.  389 

1788,  in  the  United  States,  will  be  found  more  wisdom  and  a  better  examination  of 
the  history  of  governments  and  their  true  principles  than  in  any  work  I  know.  If 
it  were  translated  and  published  in  a  form  most  accessible  to  the  people,  a  great 
public  benefit  would  be  conferred.  It  is  our  text  book,  and  has  been  denominated 
by  ;  Blackwood's  '  the  '  Bible  of  Republican?.' 

"I  remain,  sincerely  your  friend,  and  obedient  servant,  &c." 
"Should  you  reply,  address  your  letter  to  me  under  cover  to  Messrs.  Baring 
Bros.  &  Co.,  London." 

Left  Paris  for  England,  27th  April,  1848.  Anticipating  a  popular  outbreak 
in  London,  the  Government  removed  the  Queen  from  London  to  the  Isle  of 
Wight,  and  placed  there  a  military  force  of  5,000  men  to  protect  her  Majesty. 
At  the  Marlborough  Police-office,  the  Duke  of  Norfolk  with  several  other  noble 
men  and  vast  numbers  of  citizens  were  enrolled  as  special  constables  to  overawe 
the  Chartists,  who  at  one  time  assembled  in  great  numbers  in  the  suburbs  of  the 
city  with  the  intention  of  presenting  their  petition  to  Parliament. 

The  Duke  of  Wellington  did  not  intend  to  use  his  military  powers  as  had 
been  done  elsewhere  without  success  in  the  streets  behind  barricades.  But  he 
despatched  numerous  letters  to  the  householders  in  streets  where  the  insur 
gents  were  to  pass  on  the  way  to  the  Parliament  House,  asking  the  favor  to 
give  him  permission  to  place  a  few  friends  in  the  upper  stories  of  their  houses  j 
the  soldiers  thus  placed  being  without  the  reach  of  the  people,  while  they 
could  be  firing  down  upon  them  mercilessly.  This  clever  stratagem  was  suc 
cessful.  The  petitioners  dispersed,  to  avoid  such  an  unequal  conflict. 

GEORGE  SUMNER  TO  JAMES  A.  HAMILTON. 

"PABIS,  June  1,  1848. 

"  MY  DEAR  SIR  :  Your  letter  of  the  27th  from  Edinburgh  reached  me  yesterday. 
I  have  only  a  moment  now  before  the  closing  of  the  mail  which  takes  the  American 
letters,  and  I  employ  that  to  thank  you.  Everything  is  going  on  w^ell  in  Paris. 
The  affair  of  the  15th  was  fortunate  in  this  sense,  that  it  cleared  the  political  atmos 
phere  of  many  dangerous  elements,  and  that  it  shewed  that  a  few  crazy  or  factious 
fanatics  are  nothing  against  an  Assembly  which,  although  composed  of  feeble  men, 
reposes  upon  universal  suffrage.  I  say  feeble  men,  and  yet  it  is  perhaps  a  hasty 
judgment,  for  no  questions  of  vital  importance  have,  as  yet,  come  before  them,  and 
among  the  large  number  who  have  given  a  negative  proof  of  intelligence,  by  holding 
their  tongues,  there  may  be  other  Mirabeaus  who  bide  their  time.  You  will  have 
seen  the  division  into  Bureaux  and  Committees.  It  is  in  these  Committees  that  the 
real  work  is  going  on,  and  will  continue  for  about  two  weeks  more.  That  of  the 
Constitution  will  then  bring  in  their  report  and  the  game  begins. 

"I  have  been  much  in  communication  with  various  members  of  this  committee, 
but  it  has  been  in  vain  that  I  have  sought  to  get  a  sight  of  your  Constitutional 
project.  I  regret  this,  for  I  believe  it  was  your  desire  that  the  work  should  be  put 
in  such  a  way  as  to  be  made  most  useful. 

"  The  old  dynastic  opposition,  B.  D.  and  II.  and  M.,  are  playing  a  dangerous  and 


390  REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON. 

a  most  unpatriotic  part;  treating  Lamartine  as  if  he  were  the  provisional  Minister, 
forced  to  use  discordant  elements  to  procure  peace,  as  if  he  were  the  regular  agent 
of  a  strong  power,  disposing  of  all  resources  financial  and  military.  This  is  the 
saddest  sign  which  I  observe  in  the  horizon.  If  Thiers  be  elected  President,  he 
will,  we  fear,  lead  off  his  old  friends,  and  Thiers'  only  idea  is  to  follow  in  the  foot 
steps  of  his  illustrious  predecessor,  Napoleon.  '  La  France,'  he  said  to  me,  just  after 
the  Revolution,  Trance  is  essentially  monarchical  and  military.' 

"  The  news  from  Naples,  from  Italy  generally,  and  from  Austria,  complicates 
very  materially  the  position  of  affairs.  The  junction  of  the  Regent's  forces  with 
Eadetzky  gives  the  latter  50,000  men  well  supplied  and  having  excellent  cavalry, 
while  Charles  Albert,  with  no  greater  force,  has  scarcely  any  cavalry.  "We  may  now 
expect,  daily,  a  pitched  battle ;  the  most  scientific  which  the  world  has  witnessed 
for  more  than  thirty  years.  Ferdinand  of  Austria  at  Innspriick  is  quite  a  different  man 
from  Ferdinand  at  Vienna.  The  stumbling  block  of  all  things  will  be  Pan-Sclavism, 
the  great  organization  of  the  Sclavonic  Nations.  Italian  unity  is  clear,  and  so 
would  be  German  unity,  were  it  not  for  the  Sclavonic  element  which  is  destined  to 
have  a  great  part  in  the  future  history  of  the  world. 

"  Believe  me,  sir,  with  much  regard,  yours  faithfully. 

'•P.  S.  There  is  no  doubt  the  slaughter  at  Naples  was  done  by  the  advice  of 
the  British  Minister.  England  and  Austria  are  doing  all  in  their  power  to  provoke 
France ;  and  when  the  war  begins,  where  will  it  stop  ?  The  English  people  are 
opposed  to  war.  But  what  hand  have  they  in  their  Government?  and  what  hand 
have  their  members  of  Parliament  or  even  a  portion  of  their  Government  in  their 
foreign  affairs  ? " 

GEORGE  SUMNER  TO  JAMES  A.  HAMILTON. 

"PAEIS,  September  28,  1848. 

"  MY  DEAR  SIR  :  I  owe  you  many  apologies  for  this  long  delay  in  answering 
your  interesting  letter  of  27th  June.  Since  that  date  many  events  have  transpired, 
but  none  which  are  not  in  harmony  with  the  observations  in  which  we  mutually 
concurred  in  April  last.  On  the  22d  March,  while  urging  a  reduction  of  our  duties 
on  certain  articles  of  French  manufacture  which  employ  many  men  in  Paris,  I 
mentioned  in  a  letter  to  a  M.  0.  that  within  three  months  the  number  of  workmen 
in  the  Ateliers  Nationaux  would  be  so  great,  and  the  means  of  supporting  them 
would  be  so  nearly  exhausted,  that  a  death-struggle  must  ensue  between  them  and 
the  Assembly.  The  movement  came  almost  at  the  hour  which  I  had  predicted,  and 
although  there  is  but  poor  satisfaction  in  having  been  the  prophet  of  evil,  I  may 
honestly  say  that'  of  every  serious  difficulty  which  has  occurred,  I  had  given  warn 
ing  to  some  member  of  the  Provisional  Government.  The  optimism  of  Lamartine, 
however,  more  than  anything  else  inspired  me  with  anxiety  for  the  future. 

"  You  saw  in  London  the  manoeuvres  of  the  exiles.  When  you  were  there  they 
had  full  confidence  in  their  speedy  return — a  confidence  which  just  now  is  materially 
diminished.  Their  game  has  been  discovered,  and  they  can  no  longer  kill  off  by 
calumniating  every  useful  man.  Lamartine  they  submerged  for  a  time,  but  he  has 
corns  to  the  surface,  and  will  maintain  his  level.  lie  has  a  brilliant  and  useful 
career  before  him.  His  genius  will  always  secure  him  eminence,  and  had  he  talent 


REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON.  391 

as  well  as  genius  he  would  be  the  man  of  our  age.  Cavaignac  is  now  exposed  to  the 
same  attacks  that  poured  upon  Lamartine,  and  singularly  enough,  the  Legitimist  Pres?, 
which  has  always  cried  out  against  the  tyranny  exercised  hy  Paris  over  the  prov- 
vinces,  is  now  abusing  C.  for  maintaining  martial  law  in  Paris,  and  thus  checking 
that  tyranny.  You  must  bear  in  mind  that  it  is  in  on]y  one  of  the  36,000  communes 
which  form  France  that  martial  law  prevails,  and  that  in  that  commune  it  exists 
as  a  measure  of  local  police  by  the  order  of  the  National  Assembly,  representing  the 
whole  people. 

"  The  English  papers  amuse  themselves  by  styling  Cavaignac  the  Dictator.  He 
is  only  the  servant  of  the  Assembly,  revocable  at  any  moment. 

"  In  addition  to  the  part  taken  by  the  Legitimists  in  the  affairs  of  June,  of  which 
I  have  myself  primary  evidence,  and  which  during  the  past  week  has  been  proved  in 
the  trial  of  the  insurgents,  a  conspiracy  was  organized  by  them  which  was  to  come 
off  on  the  25th  August  last.  This  fell  through,  and  they  seem  now  for  a  certain 
time  to  have  adjourned  their  efforts.  Let  the  worst  come.  Let  the  Republic  be 
overturned, — it  will,  at  least,  have  given  to  France  three  things  which  contain  the 
germs  of  all  progress,  and  which  cannot  be  revoked :  1st.  Cheap  postage  (the  uni 
form  rate  is  four  sous) ;  2d.  Common  schools  (Carnot's  admirable  project  has  be 
come  a  law)  ;  3d.  Relief  to  the  poor.  There  is  also  universal  suffrage,  and  although 
this  has  its  inconveniences  in  a  country  that  has  received  no  political  or  moral  educa 
tion,  yet  the  total  neglect  of  their  duty  to  instruct  the  lower  classes  on  the  part  of 
those  who  held  the  reins  during  Louis  Philippe's  time,  has  induced  many  to  believe 
that  instruction  in  Franco  will  become  popular  and  general  only  when  suffrage  is 
universal.  The  difficulties  of  the  transition  are  part  of  those  expiations  which  inva 
riably  follow  neglected  duties. 

"  I  find  I  am  near  upon  the  hour  of  post,  but  I  will  not  closo  without  a  word  upon 
Italy  and  Rome.  The  death  of  poor  Mr.  Martin  leaves  there  a  blank  at  an  important 
moment.  The  idea  of  a  federal  Italy  is  gaining  every  day  more  strength,  and  I  can 
see  no  other  rational  solution  of  the  Italian  problem.  Gioberti  is  now  making  ar 
rangements  for  a  parliament  (to  be  held  on  the  20th  October),  similar  to  that  which 
gave  birth  to  the  National  Assembly  of  Frankfort,  and  it  is  not  improbable  that  in 
three  months  we  shall  see  a  federal  Congress  sitting  in  Rome.  This  is  the  hope  of 
Mamiani  (the  former  Prime  Minister  of  the  Pope),  with  whom  I  had  some  corre 
spondence,  and  to  whom  it  was  my  good  fortune  to  be  able  to  render  some  slight 
service  during  his  years  of  exile. 

"  I  have  reason  to  believe  that  Rossi,  whose  nomination  by  the  Pope  to  a  new 
ministry  has  just  reached  us,  will  labor  to  the  same  end.  x\lthough  I  knew  him  for 
merly  when  Doge  de  la  faculte  de  Droit  of  Paris;  I  have  had  no  correspondence 
with  him  since  his  return  to  Rome.  I  do  not  doubt,  however,  the  information  I 
have  received  of  his  proposed  course.  Under  the  actual  circumstances  the  presence 
of  an  American  Minister  (charge  d'  affaires)  at  Rome  is  exceedingly  important,  for 
the  moral  influence  of  our  country  may  be  sustained  and  augmented,  and,  further, 
as  the  general  revision  of  customs'  tariffs  will  be  one  of  the  first  measures  in  which 
the  new  Congress  will  act,  our  material  interests  may  be  advanced. 

"  You  will  readily  recognize  the  importance  of  a  speedy  nomination  to  this  post. 
Perhaps  you  may  impress  it  upon  the  President.  It  is  to  be  hoped  it  may  be  filled 
by  some  one  whose  knowledge  of  Italian  language,  history,  character  and  commer- 


392  REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON. 

cial  relations  -with  America  will  enable  him  to  take  at  once  the  position  which  cir 
cumstances  and  the  dignity  of  our  country  designate  for  him. 

"  I  beg  you  to  excuse  the  haste  in  which  I  write,  to  present  my  respectful  com 
pliments  to  Mrs.  Schuyler  and  Miss  Hamilton,  and  to  believe  me,  my  dear  sir,  with 
sincere  respect,  your  very  faithful  servant,  &c. 

"P.  S.— The  Chambers  party  have  carried  the  day.  Read  the  '  Debats'  of  to« 
day ;  you  will  see  in  the  leader  an  excellent  summary  of  the  debate.  The  '  Debats ' 
resigns  itself  platonically." 


CHAPTER    XI. 

FROM  1850  TO  1859. 

Neutrality  of  the  Isthmus  of  Panama — The  Panama  Railroad — Communications  to 
President  Taylor  and  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury — The  yacht  America — 
Particulars  of  her  contests  and  victories — Letters  from  J.  A.  Hamilton  to 
Samuel  Rogers — Interesting  letters  from  Hon.  Edward  Everett — His  oration  on 
Washington — Mr.  Everett's  political  views — Hamilton  Fish  on  the  Whig  party 
and  the  Know  Nothings — Suggestions  to  Lewis  Cass — Letter  from  Lewis  Cass 
— Call  for  a  public  meeting  to  arrest  Disunion — Plan  to  assist  in  bringing  the 
breaclstuffs  from  the  interior  to  the  seaboard — E.  IT.  Pendleton  on  Irving's  Life 
of  Washington — Letter  from  Gov.  King  on  financial  affairs — Fifth  voyage  to 
Europe — Letter  to  F.  P.  Blair — Hints  upon  political  affairs — The  President's 
power  of  appointment  and  removal — Letter  from  Daniel  Webster  on  the  politi 
cal  situation. 

JAMES  A.  HAMILTON  TO  PRESIDENT  TAYLOR. 

"1849. 

"  Ix  the  Treaty  negotiated  by  the  late  administration  between  the  United  States 
and  New  Grenada,  guaranteeing  the  neutrality  of  the  Isthmus  of  Panama,  we  for 
the  first  time  departed  from  that  sound  maxim  of  public  policy  which  counsels  us  to 
steer  clear  of  entangling  alliances  with  any  portion  of  the  foreign  world;  and  thus 
until  we  shall  have  induced  the  other  maritime  nations  of  the  world  to  unite  in  the 
same  guarantee,  the  policy  of  this  country  as  to  peace  or  war  is  no  longer  in  its  own 
hands.  It  is  consequently  the  dictate  of  wisdom  as  well  as  the  prompting  of  our 
highest  interests  to  use  all  the  means  within  our  power  without  dela}T,  to  negotiate 
with  those  powers  reciprocal  guarantee  treaties. 

"  The  Panama  Railroad  Company  having  pushed  forward  its  enterprise  of  build 
ing  a  road  as  far  as  it  can  at  present  by  making  a  contract  for  the  construction  of  a 
road  over  the  most  inaccessible  portion  of  the  Isthmus,  that  is  to  say  between  Pana 
ma  on  the  Pacific  and  Gorgona  on  the  Chagres  River,  to  be  completed  within  two 
years,  have  in  contemplation  to  ask  the  Government  of  the  United  States  to  initiate 
such  negotiations.  Under  these  circumstances  and  as  a  motive  to  induce  the  other 
maritime  powers  to  enter  into  such  stipulations,  this  Company  ought  to  authorize 
the  Government  of  the  United  States  to  engage  that  no  greater  rates  of  fare  or 
freight  shall  be  charged  upon  the  people  or  goods  of  other  nations  than  they  charge 
upon  those  of  the  United  States,  and  to  enter  into  all  other  engagements  which  may 
reasonably  be  required  to  make  this  route,  although  the  property  of  individuals,  the 
great  highway  of  all,  and  equal  to  all  the  nations  of  the  world  who  will  enter  into 
like  treaties.  Without  such  a  stipulation  other  nations  will  object  to  assuming  such 
serious  obligations,  which  may  have  the  effect  of  securing  a  project  which  may  be 
said  to  be  purely  American.  On  the  other  hand  the  United  States  Government, 


394  REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON. 

authorized  by  the  Company  to  enter  into  such  stipulations  on  its  behalf,  will  be 
enabled  not  only  to  provide  equal  and  common  benefits  to  all  who  may  assume 
equal  and  common  responsibilities,  but  may  settle  an  exciting  question  in  regard  to 
another  route  in  the  same  way. 

"  At  the  same  time  the  writer  of  tin's  communication  desires,  with  great  respect, 
to  submit  to  the  President  that  this  negotiation  will  afford  a  most  happy  opportu 
nity  to  make  an  effort  to  induce  all  those  nations  to  enter  into  a  stipulation  '  that 
the  vessels  being  the  property  of  individuals  with  their  cargoes  not  contraband  of 
war  proceeding  to  or  from  the  terminus  of  this  rotid  on  the  Pacific  and  on  the  Atlan 
tic  side  of  the  Isthmus,  shall  not  be  subject  to  capture  or  sequestration  in  the  event 
of  war  between  any  of  the  parties.' 

"  It  has  been  well  and  truly  said,  that  '  the  usages  of  war  still  savor  too  much 
of  the  ferocious  maxims  of  the  times  when  war  was  the  chief  occupation  of  man.' 
Happily,  however,  the  practice  of  latter  times  has  left  several  of  those  maxims  little 
more  than  points  of  obsolete  doctrines.  They  still  retain  their  rank  in  theory ;  but 
usage  has  introduced  so  many  qualifications  as  nearly  to  destroy  their  operation. 

"If  we  allow  these  just  and  humane  views  to  be  our  guide  in  considering  this 
suggestion,  it  will  be  found  not  so  startling  as  when  first  presented.  Let  the  United 
States,  and  particularly  the  Whig  administration  of  General  Taylor,  have  the  honor 
of  making  the  first  serious  and  practical  effort  to  mitigate  in  so  essential  a  degree 
the  ferocious  maxims  of  war.  Let  us  have  the  merit — while  dreaming  philosophers 
in  peace  Congresses  are  endeavoring  to  do  what  never  can  be  done  until  the  whole 
nature  of  man  shall  be  changed — of  inducing  nations,  by  their  interest,  to  take  the 
first  step  in  a  direction  which  will  more  than  any  other,  diminish  the  horrors  of  war 
by  making  war  a  condition  of  injuries  to  nationalities,  and  exempting  individual 
property  from  its  ravages. 

"  The  object,  and  the  only  object  of  the  guarantee  we  have  assumed  and  which 
we  invite  others  to  assume,  is  to  place  the  commerce  of  the  Isthmus  or  of  any  other 
national  communication  between  the  two  great  oceans  of  the  world,  in  a  condition 
of  security  from  the  consequences  of  war.  Any  stipulation,  however,  which  merely 
secures  the  peaceful  occupation  of  the  territory  without  embracing  the  commerce  to 
which  it  is  devoted,  will  be  wholly  unavailing.  To  guarantee  the  neutrality  of  the 
territory  so  appropriated  to  the  common  and  equal  use  and  benefit  of  all  mankind, 
almost  necessarily  implies  the  guarantee  of  the  commerce  of  its  respective  ports.  As 
pioperty  is  a  fiction  without  its  beneficial  use,  so  would  the  neutrality  of  the  great 
highway  be  a  fiction  without  the  neutrality  of  the  commerce  which  is  to  pass  over ; 
and  above  all,  that  which  is  to  pass  to  and  from  it.  Beside  the  arguments  which 
might  be  urged  from  considerations  of  humanity  and  of  the  advantages  resulting 
from  the  mitigation  of  the  rigor  of  the  ancient  maxims  of  war  in  which  the  United 
States  are  every  way  interested,  much  might  be  said  to  prove  the  propriety  of  such 
a  guarantee  in  this  particular  case. 

"  Should  you  be  so  fortunate  as  to  induce  other  nations  to  enter  into  such  stip 
ulations,  it  would  be  to  your  everlasting  honor  and  to  that  of  the  country,  that  you 
had  initiated  a  system  which  must  necessarily  lead  to  the  prohibition  of  privateer 
ing  and  ultimately  to  exclude  all  individual  property,  not  contraband  of  war,  from 
visitation,  detention,  or  capture:  and  whether  successful  or  not  at  the  first  attempt, 
be  assured  this  honorable  effort,  so  congenial  with  the  spirit  of  the  age,  will  be 
received  with  acclamation,  and  once  set  on  foot,  it  must  ultimately  be  successful. 


REMINISCENCES    OE    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON.  395 

"As  it  is  proper,  reasonable,  and  humane,  its  novelty  should  not  make  it  ob 
jectionable  to  the  administration  of  the  Government  of  the  United  States,  whose 
true  destiny  is  to  send  forth  new  and  shining  lights  to  guide  the  nations  of  the  earth 
to  great  and  beneficent  principles  and  practices." 

JAATES  A.  HAMILTON,  TO  THE  SECRETARY  OF  THE  TREASURY. 

"DOBBS  FERRY  P.O.,  April  8,  1850. 

"  SIR:  Without  having  the  honor  of  your  personal  acquaintance,  I  take  the  liberty 
(a  very  great  one  I  admit)  to  address  this  letter  to  you  as  chairman  of  the  Commit 
tee  of  Ways  and  Means. 

"There  was  brought  to  the  port  of  New  York,  by  the  last  two  steamers  from 
Chagres,  not  less  it  is  said  by  the  best  informed,  than  $3,000,000  in  gold  dust ;  which 
will  be  taken  to  the  mint  in  Philadelphia,  there  to  remain  for  from  six  to  eight 
weeks,  useless  to  its  owners  and  dead  as  regards  the  capital  of  the  country.  To 
remedy  this  evil — not  an  unimportant  one  to  a  country  whose  capital  is  so  very  in- 
fldeqnate  to  the  development  of  its  vast  resources  as  is  ours — I  most  respectfully  sub 
mit  that  it  would  be  just  and  proper,  both  as  it  respects  the  owners  of  this  gold  and 
thtf  business  of  the  country,  and  without  the  slightest  danger  of  public  loss  or  injury, 
if  the  director  of  the  mint  should  be  authorized  by  law,  upon  receiving  the  precious 
metals  on  deposit,  to  deliver  to  the  depositors  certificates  of  deposit,  to  be  prepared 
in  such  form  and  denominations  not  less  than  say  $50  or  $100;  and  under  such 
regulations  as  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  might  direct ;  such  certificates  to  be 
without  interest,  but  receivable  for  public  dues. 

"By  such  an  arrangement  the  mint  might  be  relieved  from  its  present  almost 
intolerable  pressure,  the  owners  will  receive  an  available  representative  of  their 
gold,  thus  having  its  immediate  use,  and  the  capital  of  the  country  will  be  enlarged. 
These  certificates  being  taken  for  public  dues,  will  be  received  by  the  banks  and 
issued  to  their  dealers  when  required  by  them  to  pay  duties,  and  thus  returned  to 
the  mint,  and  the  director  as  a  sub-treasurer  would  hold  the  amount  of  coin  the  cer 
tificates  so  returned  represent,  to  the  credit  of  the  Government. 

"  Tins  would  be  a  first  step  to  render  the  independent  treasury  system  a  most 
convenient  agent  to  the  Government,  and  so  far  a  diminished  evil  to  the  people. 

"  Our  people  have  the  qualities  necessary  to  develop  the  vast  resources  of  our 
country ;  they  want  the  assistance  of  capital,  which  is  now  as  deficient  in  com 
parison  with  its  necessity,  as  it  was  at  the  organization  of  our  Government. 

"  This  great  want  can  only  be  supplied  by  allowing  the  precious  metals  to  be,  .is 
far  as  the  agency  of  the  Government  is  concerned  and  its  security  is  not  involved, 
the  foundation  of  credit. 

"  Pardon  me  for  addressing  this  letter  to  you,  and  particularly  for  presuming  to 
present  to  you  these  obvious  truths. 

"  I  have  the  honor  to  be,  with  great  respect, 

"  Your  obedient  servant,  &c." 

YACHT  AMEKICA— 1851.    MY  FOURTH  VOYAGE  TO  EUROPE. 

The  New  York  Yacht  Club  having  been  invited  by  the  Royal  Yacht 
Squadron,  Earl  Wilton,  Commodore,  to  send  a  yacht  to  Cowes,  England,  in 


396  REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON. 

order  to  test  the  relative  merits  of  the  different  models  of  the  old  and  new 
world  without  restriction  as  to  rig  or  otherwise,  the  New  York  Club  selected 
the  yacht  "America"  although  she  was  not  as  fast  a  sailer  as  the  " Maria" 

The  owners  of  that  vessel,  Commodore  John  C.  Stevens,  his  brother  Ed 
win  Stevens,  and  George  L.  Schuyler,  three  of  the  five  owners,  decided  to  go 
with  her.  The  last  gentleman  being  compelled  to  change  his  purpose,  I  went 
in  his  place. 

The  yacht,  under  the  command  of  Captain  Brown,  a  distinguished  pilot  of 
New  York  harbor,  with  a  mate  and  eleven  seamen,  left  New  York  for  Havre 
en  the  twenty-first  day  of  June,  and  arrived  there  on  the  twelfth  of  July.  The 
Commodore  and  his  friends  sailed  in  the  steamer  Humboldt,  and  arrived  at 
Havre  a  fortnight  before  the  yacht.  At  Havre,  the  America  was  overhauled, 
and  rigged  with  her  accustomed  sails,  which  were  carried  along  with  her. 
Much  of  our  time,  waiting  for  the  yacht,  was  passed  in  Paris. 

Such  was  the  want  of  confidence  of  our  countrymen  in  our  success,  that  I  was 
earnestly  urged  by  Mr.  William  C.  Rives,  the  American  Minister,  and  Mr.  Sears, 
of  Boston,  not  to  take  the  vessel  over,  as  we  were  sure  to  be  defeated.  My 
friend,  Mr.  H.  Greeley,  who  had  been  at  the  Exhibition  in  London,  meeting  me 
in  Paris,  was  most  urgent  against  our  going.  He  went  so  far  as  to  say  :  "  The  eyes 
of  the  world  are  on  you  ;  you  will  be  beaten,  and  the  country  will  be  abused,  as  it 
has  been  in  connection  with  the  Exhibition."  I  replied,  "  We  are  in  for  it,  and 
must  go."  He  replied,  "  Well,  if  you  do  go,  and  are  beaten,  you  had  better 
not  return  to  your  country."  This  awakened  me  to  the  deep  and  extended  in 
terest  our  enterprise  had  excited,  and  the  responsibility  we  had  assumed.  It 
did  not,  however,  induce  us  to  hesitate.  I  remembered  that  our  packet-ships 
had  outrun  theirs,  and  why  should  not  this  schooner,  built  upon  the  best  model  ? 

In  Paris  we  took  means  to  obtain  the  best  wines  and  all  other  luxuries  to 
enable  us  to  entertain  our  guests  in  the  most  sumptuous  manner. 

The  Commodore  and  his  brother  sailed  from  Havre  to  Cowes  in  the  America; 
the  writer  and  his  wife  crossed  in  the  Bumloldt,  landed  at  Cowes,  and  there 
went  into  lodgings.  The  America  arrived  the  following  evening,  and  came  to 
anchor  below  the  town,  where  the  cutter  Laverock  was  also  at  anchor.  In  the 
morning,  with  a  light  breeze,  the  America  got  under  way  to  come  up  to  her 
proper  anchorage  off  Cowes.  The  Laverock  did  the  same,  and  was  beaten 
handily.  I  mention  this  because  it  had  a  most  important  bearing  upon  subse 
quent  events.  The  Laverock  being  a  cutter,  although  of  less  tonnage  than  the 
America,  was  ranked  by  the  Club  as  a  match  for  a  schooner  not  larger  than  the 
America.  She  having  been  so  much  beaten  in  so  short  a  distance,  induced  an 
estimate  of  the  America's  sailing  qualities,  which  much  impaired  the  confidence 
of  the  Club  in  the  superiority  of  their  yachts. 

We  were  elected  honorary  members  of  the  Club,  invited  to  the  houses  of 
several  of  its  members,  and  treated  in  the  handsomest  manner,  by  the  gentlemen 
of  the  Club.  A  dinner  was  given  to  us  by  the  Club,  at  which  I  was  called 
upon  to  respond  to  a  toast.  Among  other  civil  things,  I  took  occasion,  referring 


REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES  A.   HAMILTON.  397 

to  the  beneficence  of  the  people,  to  state  that  I  had  seen  in  the  Thames  a  ves 
sel  on  the  side  of  which  was  written,  "  A  Hospital  for  Seamen  of  all  Nations," 
and  to  the  Smithson  bequest  of  a  very  large  sum  of  money  to  the  Government 
of  the  United  States  to  establish  an  institution  for  "the  diffusion  of  knowledge 
among  men."  I  mention  this  from  the  extraordinary  fact  that  among  the  dis 
tinguished  nobles  and  gentlemen  at  the  table  not  one  knew  anything  about  that 
bequest. 

After  waiting  a  reasonable  time  for  a  proposal  for  a  race  from  the  Royal 
Yacht  Squadron,  which,  as  we  had  been  invited  by  them,  we  believed  they  were 
bound  to  make  to  us,  Commodore  Stevens  on  the  2d  of  August  made  the  fol 
lowing  communication  to  Earl  Wilton,  the  Commodore  of  the  Royal  Yacht 
Squadron  : 

"  The  New  York  Yacht  Club,  in  order  to  test  the  relative  merits  of  the  different 
models  of  the  schooners  of  the  old  and  the  new  world,  propose  through  Commo 
dore  Stevens,  to  the  Koyal  Yacht  Squadron,  to  run  the  yacht  America  against  any 
number  of  schooners  belonging  to  any  of  the  Yacht  Squadrons  of  the  Kingdom,  to 
be  selected  by  the  Commodore  of  the  Royal  Yacht  Squadron,  the  course  to  be  over 
some  part  of  the  English  Channel  outside  the  Isle  of  Wight,  with  at  least  a  six-knot 
breeze.  This  trial  of  speed  to  be  made  at  an  early  day  to  be  selected  by  the  Com 
modore  of  the  Royal  Yacht  Squadron.  And  if  on  that  day  there  shall  not  be  at 
least  a  six-knot  breeze,  then,  on  the  first  day  thereafter  that  such  a  breeze  shall  blow. 
"  On  behalf  of  the  New  York  Yacht  Club, 

(Signed),        JOHN  0.  STEVENS,  Commodore." 
"  COWES,  August  2, 1S51. 

The  above  was  enclosed  in  the  following  not:,  addressed  and  sent  to  Lord 
Wilton,  Commodore. 

"  Commodore  Stevens  presents  his  respects  to  Lord  Wilton,  and  begs  to  present 
for  his  consideration  the  enclosed  proposition. 
"  YACHT  AMEEICA,  August  2,  1851." 

To  this  challenge  the  following  answer  was  received  : 

"  The  Commodore  of  the  Royal  Yacht  Squadron  has  the  honor  to  acknowledge 
the  receipt  of  a  proposition  from  the  New  York  Yacht  Club,  to  run  the  yacht 
America  against  any  number  of  schooners  belonging  to  any  of  the  Yacht  Clubs  of 
the  Kingdom  upon  certain  conditions.  He  wrill  take  the  earliest  opportunity  to 
acquaint  the  proprietors  of  schooners  throughout  the  kingdom  of  the  proposed  trial, 
but  as  there  are  a  great  many  Yacht  Clubs  in  Great  Britain  and  Ireland,  some  little 
time  must  necessarily  elapse  before  answers  can  be  received.  The  members  gen 
erally  of  the  Royal  Yacht  Squadron  are  greatly  interested  in  testing  the  relative 
merits  of  the  different  models  of  the  old  and  new  world  without  restriction  as  to  rig 
or  otherwise,  and  with  this  view  have  offered  a  cup,  to  be  sailed  for  by  vessels  of  all 
rigs  and  nations  on  the  13th  instant.  It  would  be  a  subject  to  them  of  the  highest 


398         REMINISCENCES  OF  JAMES  A.  HAMILTON. 

gratification  to  hear  that  the  America  had  entered   as  a  competitor   on   the   occa 
sion. 

"  (Signed),  WILTOX,  Commodore  of  the  R.  Y.  Squadron. 

':  ROYAL  YACHT  SQUADRON  HOUSE,  August  8,  1851." 

To  this  communication,  Commodore  Stevens  made  the  following  reply : 

"YACHT  AMEKICA,  August  9,  1851. 

"My  LORD  :  I  had  the  honor  yesterday  to  receive  your  communication  of  the 
8th  inst.,  in  which  you  inform  me  in  reply  to  the  proposition  of  the  New  York 
Yacht  Club  to  run  the  America  against  any  schooners  belonging  to  any  of  the  Yacht 
Clubs  of  this  Kingdom,  that  you  will  take  the  earliest  opportunity  to  acquaint  the 
proprietors  of  such  schooners  of  the  proposed  trial,  and  in  which  you  invite  me  to 
enter  the  America  as  a  competitor  for  the  cup  to  be  sailed  for  at  the  regatta  on  the 
13th  inst.  I  beg  leave  in  reply  to  say  that  as  the  period  of  my  visit  is  necessarily 
limited,  and  as  much  time  may  be  consumed  awaiting  to  receive  answers  from  the 
proprietors  of  schooners  (without  intending  to  withdraw  that  proposition),  and 
although  it  is  my  intention  to  enter  for  the  cup,  provided  I  am  allowed  to  sail 
the  America  in  such  manner  as  her  rig  requires :  yet  as  the  issue  of  a  regatta  is 
not  always  the  test  of  the  merits  of  the  vessels  engaged  in  if,  I  now  propose  to  ran 
the  yacht  America  against  any  cutter,  schooner,  or  vessel  of  any  other  rig  of  the 
Royal  Yacht  Squadron,  relinquishing  any  advantage  which  your  rules  admit  is  clue  to 
a  schooner  from  a  cutter,  but  claiming  the  the  right  to  sail  the  America  in  such  man 
ner,  by  such  booming  out,  as  her  raking  masts  require  ;  the  course  to  be  in  the 
English  Channel  with  not  less  than  a  six-knot  breeze  ;  the  race  to  come  off  on  some 
day  before  the  17th  instant ;  the  distance  to  be  not  less  than  twenty  nor  over  seventy 
miles  out  and  back,  and  in  such  a  direction  as  to  test  the  qualities  of  the  vessels 
before  and  by  the  wind. 

"  Although  it  would  be  most  agreeable  to  me  that  this  race  should  be  for  a  cup 
of  limited  value,  yet  if  it  is  preferred,  I  am  willing  to  stake  upon  the  issue  any  sum 
not  to  exceed  ten  thousand  guineas. 

"  I  have  the  honor  to  be,  your  Lordship's  obedient  servant, 

"  JOHN  C.  STEVENS." 

"  P.  S.  As  I  have  offered  to  enter  the  America  for  the  prize  to  be  given  by  the 
Royal  Yacht  Club  on  the  13th  instant,  it  is  desirable  that  I  should  receive  an  answer 
before  that  day." 

The  following  note  was  addressed  by  Commodore  Stevens  on  the  16th  Au 
gust,  to  John  Bates,  Esq.,  Royal  Navy  : 

"  DEAR  SIR  :  Will  you  do  me  the  favor  to  enter  the  America  for  the  Royal  Yacht 
Squadron  Regatta  to  come  off  on  the  22d  inst.  The  fact  that  this  vessel  is  owned 
by  more  than  jone  person  is  so  well  known,  as  to  render  it  almost  unnecessary  to 
state  it ;  yet  I  do  so  when  she  is  entered,  to  avoid  the  possibility  of  seeming  to 
contravene  the  rules  of  the  Royal  Yacht  Squadron. 

"  Allow  me  further  to  say,  in  reference  toothers  who  may  be  disposed  to  be  com 


REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES   A.  HAMILTON.  399 

petitors,  that  should  there  be  little  or  no  wind  on  that  day,  this  vessel  will  probably 
not  sail. 

u  "With  respect,  your  obedient  servant, 

(Signed,)     u  Jonx  0.  STEVENS." 

The  following  note  was  addressed  by  the  writer  to  Lord  Desart: 

"  CLUB  HOUSE,  Co  WES,  YACHT  AMERICA,  ) 
August  15,  1851,  10  o'clock  A.  M.      j" 

"My  LOUD:  I  have  communicated  to  Commodore  Stevens  your  wish  that  lie 
should  make  a  friendly  trial  with  the  Armenia  and  Constance  to-day.  I  am  author 
ized  by  Commodore  Stevens  to  say,  he  will  be  most  happy  to  make  such  a  trial  with 
these  01*  any  other  vessels  of  the  Eoyal  Yacht  Squadron,  whenever  his  proposal  of 
the  9th  iust.  may  be  accepted  or  rejected. 

"  I  have  the  honor  to  be,  your  Lordship's  obedient  servant, 

"  JAMES  A.  HAMILTON." 

After  these  efforts  on  our  part  to  get  up  a  match  without  success,  the 
famous  engineer,  Mr.  Stevenson,  owner  of  the  Titama,  to  afford  the  American 
Yacht  an  opportunity  to  sail,  as  Commodore  Stevens  had  proposed,  agreed  to 
enter  the  Titam'a,  without,  however,  any  hope  of  success.  He  sent  the  following 
through  Commodore  Wilton : 

"  In  reply  to  the  proposition  made  by  Commodore  Stevens,  Mr.  Stevenson  agrees 
to  sail  his  schooner  yacht  Titania  against  the  New  York  yacht  America,  for  the 
sum  of  £100  each.  The  course  to  be  around  a  steamer  stationed  about  twenty  miles 
oil',  and  back  to  the  Nab  light  vessel,  the  goal  of  decision." 

This  proposition  was  communicated  in  a  note  by  Lord  Wilton,  together 
with  the  following  directions  : 

"  The  two  yachts  will  take  their  stations  on  each  side  of  the  Xarifa,  (Wilton's 
yacht)  at  the  Nab-light  at  10  o'clock.  The  first  gun  .will  be  fired  from  the  X.  and 
the  blue  Peter  hauled  five  minutes  before  starting.  When  the  second  gun  is  fired 
and  the  .blue  Peter  hauled  down,  the  vessels  will  start.  The  steamer  will  be  sta 
tioned  about  twenty  miles  South  East  of  the  Nab-light;  which  the  yachts  will 
round,  upon  either  tack.  The  steamer  will  hoist  a  blue  ensign  when  she  is  at  her 
station.  The  goal  of  decision  will  be  the  Nab-light  bearing  S.  W. 

(Signed,)  "WILTOX,  COMMODORE." 

On  the  24th  August,  Mr.  Woodhouse  proposed  to  make  a  match  with  his 
yacht,  the  Gondola,  to  come  off  in  October,  from  Cowes  round  the  Eddystone 
light-house  and  back  to  Cowes,  for  £100  or  £200,  to  which  Commodore  Stevens 
gave  the  following  reply  : 

';  YACHT  AMEEICA,  August  26. 

"Sin:  I  regret  extremely  that  it  is  not  in  my  power  to  oblige  you,  as  I  propose 
to  leave  Cowes  immediately  after  the  match  with  the  Titania  is  decided.  To  afford 
you,  however,  an  opportunity  to  try  the  speed  of  the  Gondola,  I  propose  (the  Royal 


400  REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON. 

Yacht  Squadron  consenting)  that  you  make  the  trial  at  sea  on  the  same  day,  and  at 
the  same  time,  and  on  the  same  course  with  the  Titania  and  the  America.  As  a 
further  inducement  to  you  to  make  this  trial,  I  will  wager  £1,000  against  £200,  the 
America  heats  the  Gondola''1 

This  match  with  the  Titania  came  off  after  she  had  time  to  go  on  the 
ways,  to  be  cleaned  and  fitted  up  in  the  best  manner.  Mr.  Woodhouse,  with 
the  Gondola,  did  not  appear. 

Going  out  before  the  wind,  the  America  took  the  lead  a  short  distance  and 
held  it  all  the  way  out,  although  she  broke  the  gaff  of  her  fore-sail,  which  was 
taken  in  and  spliced,  by  which  she  of  course  lost  sometime.  She  passed  round 
the  steamer  ahead  of  her  competitor,  and  took  the  lead  beating  back.  The 
wind  freshened  to  a  wholesale  breeze,  and  the  Titania  was  left  behind  a  distance 
which  our  pilot  estimated  at  seven  miles. 

The  Regatta  race  for  the  Cup  on  the  22d  August. — The  morning  was  bright, 
the  wind  very  light.  Sixteen  vessels  started  at  the  signal  given,  10  o'clock 
A.  M.  Commodore  Stevens  invited  Mr.  Lyon  to  accompany  us,  and  gave  orders 
not  to  hoist  our  sails  until  all  the  others  were  under  way.  When  the  order  to 
hoist  was  given  by  the  captain,  it  was  obeyed  with  a  will,  and  the  Yankee 
vessel  seeming  to  be  excited  by  the  responsibility  of  her  position,  rushed  to  the 
lead  in  beautiful  style.  The  wind  dropped  off  near  Hyde.  The  Volante,  a 
cutter  of  forty-five  tons,  passed  the  America.  An  hour  after  the  breeze  fresh 
ened,  and  the  America  passed  the  Volante,  "  and  then  spared  her  a  jib."  After 
we  got  round  The  Needles  the  wind  died  away,  and  we  were  alarmed  by  the 
appearance  of  a  small  vessel  (the  Fairy},  so  light  as  to  be  pressed  upon  us  by 
the  gentle  puffs  which  could  hardly  move  the  America  of  170  tons.  Our  only 
fear  as  to  the  issue  of  the  race  was,  that  some  light  vessel  like  the  Volante  with 
a  liprbt  puff  of  air  might  keep  close  to  us,  and  with  the  tide  might  pass  us. 

The  America  arrived  at  Cowes  at  half  past  8  r.  M.,  and  was  received  with 
the  most  gratifying  cheers.  Yankee  Doodle  was  played  by  the  band. 

After  the  regatta,  Col.  Phipps  informed  Commodore  Stevens  by  a  note,  that 
if  the  America  would  fall  down  to  opposite  Osborne  House,  her  Majesty  would 
visit  the  America,  to  which  in  the  absence  of  the  Commodore,  I  replied,  that  the 
yacht  would  be  at  anchor  opposite  Osborne  House  at  four  o'clock  p.  M.  After 
getting  all  things  in  order  this  was  done.  Lord  Alfred  Paget,  who  was  one  of 
the  Queen's  attendants,  then  off  duty,  went  down  with  us.  Her  Majesty  and 
the  Prince  Consort,  with  four  gentlemen  and  two  ladies  (Lady  Desart  and  Miss 
Bing)  came  off  with  her  barge,  sailed  round  the  vessel,  and  came  to  at  the  port 
gangway ;  where  she  and  her  husband  were  received  by  the  Commodore  and 
conducted  to  the  quarter-deck — the  attendants,  ladies  and  gentlemen,  remaining 
forward  of  the  main  rigging,  the  two  ladies  on  one  side,  and  the  gentlemen  on 
the  other.  Lord  Alfred  presented  us  by  name,  and  we  had  an  agreeable  chat, 
her  Majesty  congratulating  us  on  our  success  at  the  regatta.  To  our  surprise, 


REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES  A.  HAMILTON.  '401 

and  that  of  all  present,  the  reserve  and  those  forms  generally  observed  in  the 
presence  of  majesty  were  entirely  done  away.  When  I  remarked  upon  this  at 
the  Club,  the  explanation  given,  was,  that  as  we  were  her  hosts,  of  course,  we 
were  put  upon  an  equality  with  her  Majesty.  After  awhile,  she  expressed  a 
wish  to  go  below.  The  Commodore  took  her  Majesty's  hand  to  help  her  to 
the  cockpit,  and  then  took  her  through  the  vessel,  as  I  did  the  Prince.  Her 
Majesty  was  particularly  struck  with  the  arrangement  of  the  ballast,  which  was 
peculiar,  and  asked  to  see  the  accommodations  for  the  crew.  The  whole  thing 
went  off  well.  I  took  an  opportunity  to  go  to  speak  to  Lady  Desart,  whom  I  had . 
seen  before  on  board  the  yacht  at  Cowes,  and  asked  her  and  Miss  Bing  to  come 
aft.  She  said  "  Oh  !  no,  that  would  not  do,  this  is  our  place." 

The  America  was  sold  to  the  Hon.  Captain  John  de  Blanquicre,  for  £5,000 
and  £100  was  received  on  the  Titania  race.  Our  expenses  amounted  to  about 
£750. 

Orders  were  given  to  the  officers  of  the  customs  to  allow  our  vessel  to  enter, 
and  all  we  had  on  board  to  be  landed  without  any  of  the  usual  observances. 
This  civility  was  most  grateful  because  it  was  entirely  gratuitous,  and  freed  us 
from  much  trouble.  I  have  great  pleasure  in  referring  to  the  courtesy  with 
which  we  were  treated  by  all  persons  with  whom  we  met,  and  the  spirit  with 
which  they  accepted  their  defeat.  Nothing  could  be  more  manly  or  in  a  better 
spirit.  Their  expressions  of  congratulation  to  us  were  in  the  most  remarkable 
spirit ;  so  much  was  this  so,  that  I  remarked  to  a  lady,  "  Your  friends  do  not 
seem  to  feel  any  mortification  or  even  dissatisfaction  at  their  defeat."  "  Oh  !" 
said  she,  "  if  you  could  hear  what  I  do,  you  would  know  that  they  feel  it  most 
deeply."  Lord  Wilton,  after  the  Titania  race,  addressed  the  following  note  to 
me,  dated  Cowes,  Friday. 

"DEAR MR.  HAMILTON:  I  must  congratulate  you  upon  the  success  of  the  Amer 
ica  yesterday,  which  was  complete.  I  em-lose  you  the  stakes,  that  were  deposited 
with  me  before  the  race.  My  address  in  London  is  7  Grosvenor  Square.  I  must 
now  bid  you  farewell,  as  I  leave  this  station  for  London  to-day;  but  I  hope  the 
period  will  not  be  far  distant  when  I  shall  have  the  pleasure  of  seeing  you  again.  I 
beg  that  you  will  kindly  convey  my  adieus  to  the  Commodore  and  his  brother. 
And  I  am  always,  Yours  very  truly, 

"  WILTON." 

Of  course  our  success  in  racing,  and  particularly  around  the  Isle  of  Wight, 
would  so  much  depend  upon  the  skill  and  fidelity  of  our  pilot  as  to  make  that 
a  subject  of  deep  interest.  Our  excellent  Consul  at  Southampton  engaged 
Mr,  Underwood  as  a  pilot  for  us  ;  who  went  on  board  the  America  on  her  ar 
rival,  and  whose  whole  conduct  was  entirely  satisfactory.  We  had  intimations 
from  various  sources  on  that  subject. 

The  gallant  Admiral  of  Portsmouth  addressed  a  letter  to  Commodore 
Stevens,  offering,  if  we  were  not  satisfied  with  the  one  we  had,  to  send  us  a 
26 


402  REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON. 

pilot  who  was  Dot  only  most  skilful,  well  acquainted  with  all  the  waters  in  the 
neighborhood,  but  for  whose  fidelity  he  would  be  responsible.  This  kind  offer 
was  promptly  declined,  on  the  ground  that  Commodore  Stevens  had  entire  con 
fidence  in  the  knowledge,  skill,  and  fidelity,  of  our  pilot  Mr.  Underwood. 

The  Courier  and  Enquirer,  of  New  York,  in  giving  an  account  of  the  com 
plimentary  dinner  to  the  owners  of  the  America,  among  other  errors,  rep 
resented  me  as  having  said  "  the  offer  by  the  Admiral  of  Portsmouth  Station 
of  a  pilot,  was  as  frankly  accepted  as  it  was  honorably  made."  This  was  cor 
rected  in  the  paper  at  my  request. 

There  was  at  one  time  a  very  general  impression  among  the  lower  orders  of 
the  people  about  the  docks  at  Cowes,  that  the  America  had  a  propeller  which 
was  artfully  concealed  ;  and  our  crew  amused  themselves  by  saying  to  the  boat 
men,  who  came  alongside  with  visitors  (there  were  thousands,  as  people  of  all 
classes  were  permitted  to  examine  the  vessel) :  "  In  the  stern-sheets,  under  the 
gangway,  there  is  a  grating  which  the  Commodore  does  not  allow  any  person  to 
open."  And,  indeed,  this  opinion  was  entertained  by  persons  not  of  the  lower 
class  alone.  A  sporting  clergyman  said  to  a  gentleman,  who  repeated  it  to 
me  :  "I  would  not  wager  a  guinea  against  the  Yankee  craft;  but  I  will  give  a 
hundred  to  see  her  bottom." 

The  old  Marquis  of  Anglesea  went  out  with  his  yacht,  the  Pearl  (one 
of  the  best  sailers  of  the  squadron),  taking  with  him  Mr.  Steers,  one  of  the 
America's  crew,  the  brother  of  Mr.  George  Steers,  the  builder,  to  sail  about  the 
harbor.  The  America  went  after  her  under  a  mainsail  and  jib  only,  and  passed 
her  without  difficulty.  The  master  of  the  Pearl  said,  "  Your  lordship  knows 
that  no  vessel  with  sails  alone  could  do  that."  When  the  America  went  slowly, 
he  said,  <l  Now  it  is  stopped ; "  and  when  she  went  on,  "  Now  it  is  going."  These 
remarks  of  the  master  were  not  unheeded  by  the  Marquis,  and  Steers  said  no 
thing  to  contradict  them — he  enjoying  the  jokes.  When  the  vessels  came  to 
anchor,  the  Marquis's  boat  was  manned ;  he  came  aboard  the  America ;  and 
after  a  salutation  he  went  to  the  stern,  leaned  over  so  far  that  the  Commodore 
took  hold  of  his  leg  to  prevent  him  from  going  over — he  was  looking  most 
eagerly  for  the  propeller. 

The  America  having  touched  bottom  when  at  anchor  on  one  occasion,  her 
false  keel  came  off.  She  went  directly  to  Portsmouth,  to  go  on  the  ways  to 
have  it  replaced.  The  day  was  wet,  but  notwithstanding  hundreds  went  to 
Portsmouth  to  see  her  on  the  ways.  Thus  alone  was  that  illusion  (which  was 
gladly  indulged  because  it  was  soothing  to  wounded  feelings)  destroyed. 

From  Cowes  we  went  to  London;  remained  there  a  few  days,  and  from 
thence  to  Liverpool  to  sail  for  America.  Awaiting  the  day  of  departure  I 
made  a  visit  to  Sir  Arthur  Aston,  to  whom  I  had  a  letter  of  introduction  from 
Washington  Irving  and  another  from  my  son ;  Sir  Arthur  having  been  Eng 
lish  Minister  at  Madrid  when  Irving  was  American  Minister,  and  my  son  Alex 
ander,  Secretary  of  Legation, 


REMINISCENCES    OP    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON.  403 

The  estate  of  this  gentleman,  a  few  miles  distant  from  Liverpool,  was  of 
considerable  extent,  highly  cultivated ;  having  been  in  his  family  from  a  very 
remote  period.  He  was  a  bachelor,  well  instructed ;  had  an  extensive  library, 
and  much  literary  taste.  I  here  learned  how  draining  was  extended.  Seeing 
twigs  stuck  in  fields  in  various  places,  I  asked  the  purpose.  He  said,  after  it 
rained  copiously  the  water  would  remain  in  these  places ;  and  they  were  con 
sequently  to  be  drained. 

Having  in  my  course  through  parts  of  England,  in  August,  seen  the  farmers 
engaged  in  haymaking  raking  up  their  hay  by  hand,  I  expressed  to  Sir  Arthur 
my  surprise  that  they  did  not  use  the  horse-rake  so  generally  used  in  the  United 
States;  by  which  a  boy,  with  a  horse,  could  rake  more  hay  in  windrows  in  half 
a  day  than  ten  men  could  in  a  day.  He  had  never  heard  of  such  an  imple 
ment  I  described  it  to  him,  and  the  manner  of  working  it ;  first,  in  throwing 
the  cured  hay  in  windrows,  and  then  into  masses  to  be  forked  into  cocks ;  and 
consequently  the  immense  saving  of  labor ;  and  how  particularly  useful  it  would 
be  in  securing  the  hay  rapidly,  after  it  was  cured,  in  the  wet  climate  of  Eng 
land.  He  seemed  so  deeply  interested  in  the  subject,  that  I  promised,  imme 
diately  on  my  return  to  the  United  States,  to  send  him  one.  The  cost  to  me 
would  be  insignificant,  say  $5,  and  to  him  nothing  but  the  freight  and  duties; 
and  this  was  understood  between  us.  After  my  return  to  Liverpool  he  came 
there  to  see  me,  and  he  thanked  me  for  my  kind  purposes  in  regard  to  the  hay- 
rake  ;  but  requested  me  not  to  send  it,  as  it  would,  by  turning  so  many  men 
out  of  work,  create  much  excitement. 

During  this  very  interesting  excursion  I  met  with  very  many  gentlemen  of 
the  squadron  and  out  of  it,  for  whose  kindness  and  attention  I  have  always 
been  grateful.  In  their  deep  disappointment,  and  I  may  say  mortification,  at 
being  beaten,  they  never  manifested  the  slightest  indication  of  displeasure ;  on 
the  contrary,  they  were  the  first  to  congratulate  us  on  our  successes. 

JAMES  A.  HAMILTON  TO  SAMUEL  ROGERS. 

"DouBS  FEBEY  P.  O.,  1ST.  Y.,  January  20,  1852. 

"  MY  DEAR  FRIEND  :  When  I  had  last  the  pleasure  of  seeing  you,  I  promised  to 
send  you  a  copy  of  the  "Works  of  Hamilton  "  (my  father)  ;  the  last  of  the  seven 
volumes  has  at  length  been  published,  and  I  rejoice  that  I  am  thus  enabled  to  keep 
my  word  to  you ;  and  in  the  belief  that  I  shall  from  time  to  time  be  brought  back 
to  your  recollection  as  one  of  your  most  affectionate  friends. 

*'  The  work  is  so  extended,  and  in  fact  touches  upon  subjects  so  obsolete,  that 
you  cannot  be  expected  to  go  through  it,  and  therefore,  I  beg  to  direct  your  atten 
tion  particularly  to  the  letters  written  during  Washington's  Administration,  to  wit, 
from  1789  to  1797. 

"My  father's  participation  in  the  organization  of  the  Government,  and  in  fixing 
its  domestic  and  foreign  policy,  which  I  believe  after  all,  has  had  more  to  do  with 
the  prosperity  of  the  country  than  the  Constitution  itself,  is  the  best  monument  to 
his  fame. 


404  REMINISCENCES    OP   JAMES    A.  HAMILTON. 

"  In  1842,  when  I  had  the  honor  to  receive  the  most  marked  and  gratifying 
attention  from  you  and  Lord  Brougham,  he  manifested  some  interest  in  these  worts. 
If  his  health  and  occupation  should  permit  him  to  read, — and  ahove  all  to  write  a 
review  which  no  man  could  do  better  than  he,  it  would  afford  me  the  most  sincere 
pleasure,  particularly  because  it  would  be  the  surest  means  of  bringing  this  illustrious 
man  to  the  notice  of  Europe. 

"  These  books  will  be  sent  to  your  address,  by  the  packet  ship  Yorlctown  to  sail 
from  New  York  for  London,  on  the  29th  inst.,  and  may  be  expected  to  arrive  be 
tween  the  24th  and  last  day  of  February  next. 

"  They  will  be  accompanied  by  a  letter  which  the  Captain  will  deliver  at  your 
house ;  he  will  be  instructed  by  his  owners  to  give  your  agent  every  facility  in  land 
ing  the  books ;  they  will  of  course  be  subject  to  no  charge  except  those  of  your 
custom  duties,  which  I  cannot  provide  for  here. 

"  I  remain,  my  dear  sir,  your  sincere  friend." 

JAMES  A.  HAMILTON  TO  MR.  SAMUEL  ROGERS. 

"  April  23,  1852. 

"  Your  letter  of  the  20th  ultimo  was  most  grateful  to  me  ;  you  had  received  the 
Hamilton  works,  and  were  in  good  health. 

"  To  permit  you  to  send  to  each  of  my  five  children  a  set  of  your  works  is  almost 
an  abuse  of  your  kind  feelings  toward  me  and  them ;  but  I  am  compelled  to  yield 
to  their  ardent  wishes  to  receive  from  you  such  a  distinguished  mark  of  your  con 
sideration  ;  and  therefore,  give  you  their  names  in  the  order  of  their  births. 

"ELIZA  HAMILTON  SCHUYLER  "  wife  of  the  gentleman,  Mr.  G.  L.  S.  who  was  with 
me  at  your  house  in  1842  ;  FANNY  BOWDOIN;  ALEXANDER  HAMILTON,  JUNIOR;  MARY 
M.  HAMILTON;  ANGELICA  HAMILTON." 

"A  box  addressed  to  'ALEXANDER  HAMILTON,  JUNIOR,  Counsellor  at  Law, 
.Jauncey  Court,  Wall  St.,  N.  F.'  put  on  board  of  a  packet-ship  for  New  York, 
(they  are  found  at  St.  Catherine's  Dock,  London)  will  reach  me. 

"I  sorely  regret  that  Lord  Brougham  cannot  review  my  father's  works.  Do  me 
'the  favor  to  present  my  respects  to  his  Lordship  ;  with  my  thanks  for  his  kind  ex 
pressions. 

"I  will  take  an  early  opportunity  to  give  you  my  views  on  the  subject  at  large, 
in  order  to  account  for  my  solicitude  that  they  should  receive  a  handsome  notice 
in  your  country.  My  confidence  in  the  wisdom  of  your  statesmen,  and  the  stability 
of  your  Government  is  so  entire  that  no  change  of  Ministry  gives  me  any  alarm — 
Esto  perpetua" 

V<A    HON.  EDWARD  EVERETT  TO  JAMES  A.  HAMILTON. 

"BOSTON,  November  10, 1855. 

"  DEAR  SIR  :  I  have  received  your  obliging  letter  of  the  Tth.  With  reference  to  the 
political  views  of  which  Mr.  Choate's  speech  is  so  able  an  exposition,  I  would  say,  that 
:the  conservative  whig  party  of  this  State  was  a  good  deal  weakened  by  the  territorial 
legislation  of  1850.  Mr.  Webster's  great  speech  of  the  7th  of  March  of  that  year 
did  not  meet  with  an  unanimous  reponse; — though,  upon  the  whole,  there  was  a 
;  general  acquiescence.  The  insensibility  shown  by  the  South  to  the  importance  of 


REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON.  405 

Mr.  Webster's  services  on  that  occasion,  (which  I  well  know  was  duly  estimated  by 
you),  and  his  disappearance  from  the  stage  contributed  still  further  to  weaken  us. 
The  repeal  of  the  Missouri  Compromise  in  1854,  was  the  coup  de  grace  to  the  Whig 
organization  in  Massachusetts. 

"  A  reaction  has  commenced,  with  what  final  result  will  depend  on  what  is  done 
at  Washington  this  winter.  The  'Republican'  movement  is  regarded  here  simply 
as  a  device  to  intensify  and  combine  the  entire  anti-slavery  feeling  of  the  North  in 
support  of  Mr.  Seward,  as  a  candidate  for  the  Presidency.  For  this  year  it  has 
wholly  failed.  It  will  fail  next  year,  unless  the  Administration  and  the  South  play 
Mr.  Seward's  game  for  him,  better  than  he  can  play  it  for  himself. 

"I  am  much  indebted  to  you  for  your  kind  suggestion  relative  to  the  repetition 
of  my  address  on  the  character  of  Washington.  I  do  not  like  the  appearance  of  the 
frequent  repetition  of  an  address  of  this  kind,  but  I  have  been  obliged  to  yield  to 
the  urgency  of  the  applications  made  to  me.  I  was  requested  last  week  by  the 
Mercantile  Library  Association  of  New  York  to  deliver  the  address  there,  and  I 
have  agreed  to  do  so.  The  place  is  to  be  the  Academy  of  Music,  and  the  day  prob 
ably  the  3d  of  March, — a  good  while  to  look  ahead  in  this  changing  world,  but  it 
was  necessary  to  name  a  day,  with  a  view  to  securing  the  hall.  I  suggested  that  it 
might  be  more  for  the  advantage  of  the  Association  to  make  a  separate  affair  of  it, 
(as  it  is  to  be  done  here),  and  not  have  my  address  form  one  of  the  regular  course 
of  lectures.  This  suggestion  has  been  readily  assented  to.  I  shall  endeavor  to 
prevent  being  reported  either  here  or  elsewhere  ;  but  the  gentlemen  of  the  press  are 
not  very  much  disposed  to  waive  their  right  of  property  in  the  product  of  their 
neighbours'  brain?. 

"I  hope  to  be  able,  in  glancing  at  some  of  Washington's  friends  and  co-operators, 
to  assign  to  your  honored  father  his  proper  place, — which  I  conceive  to  have  been 
the  first.  It  will  not  be  in  my  power,  of  course,  to  devote  much  space  to  any  but 
the  principal  personage,  to  whom  the  day  (22d  February)  is  consecrated ;  but  I  shall 
do  my  best.  I  shall  be  truly  grateful  to  you  for  the  communication  which  you 
kindly  promise.  In  the  present  state  of  my  family,  I  fear  it  will  not  be  possible  for 
me  to  leave  home  at  present.  My  daughter  has  lately  left  me,  and  the  entire  charge 
of  my  family  devolves  on  me.  I  hope  it  may  not  be  too  much  trouble  to  you  to  put 
in  writing  the  anecdotes  to  which  you  refer. 

"  The  young  men  here  at  whose  request  my  address  is  to  be  delivered,  intend  to 
appropriate  the  proceeds  to  the  decoration  of  their  new  hall.  With  this  view, 
measures  have  been  taken  to  procure  a  fine  copy,  as  large  as  the  original,  of  Stuart's 
admirable  full  length  portrait  of  Washington  at  Newport,  which  I  first  saw  last 
summer,  in  the  agreeable  company-  of  Mr.  Bancroft,  your  daughter  and  niece. 
Besides  this,  they  will  procure  heads  of  some  of  Washington's  contemporaries, — 
military  and  civil,  your  father  of  course  among  them.  We  have  in  Boston  his 
portrait  by  Col.  Trumbull,  formerlv  belonging  to  Col.  Perkins,  a  devoted  friend  of 
your  father,  now  the  property  of  Mr.  R.  C.  Winthrop.  This,  I  suppose,  is  the  best 
original  accessible  here  for  a  copy. 

*'  Desiring  my  respectful  compliments  to  Mrs.  II.  and  my  most  kind  remembrance 
to  my  much  valued  friend,  your  daughter. 

"  I  remain,  dear  sir,  very  faithfully,  yours." 


406  REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON. 

HON.  EDWARD  EVERETT  TO  JAMES   A.  HAMILTON. 

"Bosxox,  December  3,  1855. 

"Mr  DEAE  SIE  :  I  am  greatly  indebted  to  you  for  your  letters  of  the  22d  and 
30th  of  November,  and  for  the  memoranda  of  your  father  accompanying  them  in 
Miss  Mary's  handwriting.  They  are  extremely  interesting  to  me.  I  may  not  be 
able  to  make  much  use  of  them  in  my  discourse  on  Washington,  which  will  necessa 
rily  dwell  much  in  generalities,  but  sooner  or  later,  every  thing  of  that  kind  turns 
to  account. 

"In  reply  to  your  inquiries  what  the  "  Union  Whigs "  of  Massachusetts  would 
think  of  a  re-organization  of  the  party  of  New  York  and  the  nomination  of  Mr. 
Fillmore,  I  have  been  desirous,  before  answering,  to  confer  with  Mr.  Choate ;  but 
this  I  have  not  had  it  in  my  power  to  do.  I  have,  however,  compared  notes  with 
another  friend,  whose  opinions  are  eminently  entitled  to  respect, — Mr.  Ilillard.  For 
our  own  State,  we  think  the  following  to  be  the  wise  course,  to  keep  the  Whig  party 
as  much  together  as  possible,  but  not  to  make  any  nomination.  There  will  certainly 
be  three  candidates,  the  Democratic,  the  Eepublican  and  the  Know  Nothing.  There 
seems  to  be  no  chance  of  a  fourth,  for  the  "  Union  Whig"  party  at  the  South  is 
more  completely  disorganized  than  at  the  North.  If  the  Know  Nothings  will  nom 
inate  Mr.  Fillmore,  which  is  not  unlikely,  the  Whigs  in  Massachusetts  will  support 
him  with  great  cordiality,  and  with  their  aid,  he  would  be  sure  of  the  vote  of  the 
State.  And  it  appears  to  me  by  far  the  best  calculation  the  K.  N's.  could  make 
with  a  view  to  success. 

"  The  expediency  of  an  Independent  Union  Whig  nomination  of  Mr.  Fillmore  in 
your  State  in  January,  would  depend  upon  the  tendency  of  that  step  to  induce  a 
nomination  by  the  Know  Nothings  in  February.  I  must  own  that  it  would  tend 
rather  to  defeat  than  promote  that  end.  The  K.  N's.,  like  all  other  parties,  have  a 
pride  which  is  gratified  by  doing  their  own  work,  not  having  it  done  for  them. 
They  will  know  (without  a  previous  Whig  nomination,)  that  if  they  nominate  Mr. 
Fillmore,  the  Union  Whigs  will  vote  for  him;  there  is  no  need  of  a  previous  Whig 
nomination  to  give  them  that  assurance.  Such  a  previous  nomination  would  call 
into  intense  activity  all  the  opposing  interests  to  prevent  the  K.  N's.  from  selecting 
Mr.  Fillmore.  It  would  afford  time  to  act  upon  these  members  of  the  K.  N.  party, 
(numerous  in  several  of  the  States,  though  not  I  believe  in  New  York)  who  have  Free 
Soil  proclivities.  For  these  reasons,  I  am  pretty  strongly  of  opinion,  that  a  previous 
Whig  nomination  of  Mr.  Fillmore  would  do  harm  and  not  good  ;  although  if  made 
by  the  K.  N's.  it  will  doubtless  receive  the  vote  of  Union  Whigs  throughout  the 
country,  with  a  fair  chance  of  success. 

"The  greatest  danger  to  be  apprehended,  is  that  the  events  of  the  impending  ses 
sion  may  be  such  as  to  invigorate  the  Republican,  which  I  regard  as  a  disunion 
party  ;  split  the  K.  N's.  into  a  northern  and  southern  wing,  and  break  up  what  little 
nationality  we  have  left. 

"  I  remain,  dear  sir,  very  sincerely  yours/' 

.f 

HON.  EDWARD  EVERETT  TO  JAMES  A.    HAMILTON. 

"BOSTON,  December  17,  1855. 
"  DEAB  SIB  :  I  have  been  a  little  tardy  in  replying  to  your  letter  of  the  8th, 


REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON.  407 

owing  to  the  difficulty  of  seeing  gentlemen  all  very  busy,  and  much  occupied  myself 
with  domestic  cares. 

"  There  is  some  division  of  opinion  among  our  friends,  as  to  the  expediency  of  an 
attendance  from  this  quarter  at  the  meeting  of  the  10th  of  January  at  New  York. 
It  is  supposed  that  no  meeting  held  in  a  hotel  in  New  York,  of  gentlemen  from 
various  States  could  be  kept  secret.  Its  doings  would  be  surmised  from  the  charac 
ter  of  the  persons  present,  and  to  prevent  misstatements,  it  would  be  necessary  at 
least,  in  the  general,  to  give  publicity  to  the  proceedings.  "With  this  probable  result, 
one  very  judicious  friend  doubts  whether  anybody  had  better  go  from  this  quarter. 
Another  thinks  it  so  important  that  political  friends  in  the  different  States  should 
compare  notes  with  each  other,  that  he  would  have  Massachusetts  represented. 
Neither  of  the  gentlemen  named  by  you  will  be  able  to  go,  nor  will  it,  I  fear,  be  in 
my  power  to  leave  home.  If  it  were,  I  do  not  think  my  attendance  desirable. 
Everything  wearing  the  appearance  of  "  Hunkerisin,"  must  as  much  as  possible  be 
avoided.  Mr.  Cboate  and  I  are  taking  steps  to  get  the  opinions  of  one  or  two  gen 
tlemen  in  the  interior  of  the  State,  and  I  rather  think  we  shall  be  able  to  get  some 
gentlemen  to  attend,  fully  qualified  to  speak  for  the  Conservative  Whigs  of  Massa 
chusetts. 

"  I  hope  you  will  be  able  to  execute  your  purpose  of  going  to  "Washington. 
When  I  left  it  in  May,  1854,  this  miserable  Nebraska  question  had  entirely  broken 
up  the  National  Whig  party.  With  a  few  exceptions,  our  quondam  Southern  asso 
ciates  appeared  to  take  pleasure  in  displaying  their  adherence  to  the  Southern  view 
of  the  question.  I  am  not  well  informed  how  matters  now  stand,  for  ill  health  for 
a  long  time  compelled  me  to  relieve  my  mind  of  every  anxiety  ;  nor  have  I,  since 
my  health  has  somewhat  improved,  sought  in  any  quarter  to  resume  my  correspond 
ence.  What  I  have  written  to  you  the  few  past  few  weeks,  exceeds  the  aggregate 
of  all  my  political  correspondence  for  eighteen  months. 

"  I  am,  dear  sir,  with  much  regard,  truly  yours." 

HON.  EDWARD  EVERETT  TO  JAMES  A.  HAMILTON. 

"  BOSTON,  January  7,  1856. 

"DEAR  SIR:  I  thought  till  an  hour  since,  that  Massachusetts  would  be  very  ably 
represented  at  the  meeting  on  the  10th,  by  Mr.  S.  II.  Walley,  a  member  of  the  last 
Congress,  the  candidate  of  the  conservative  Whigs  for  Governor  at  the  last  election. 
An  imperative  business  engagement  has  unexpectedly  occurred,  which  requires  him 
to  be  here.  Whether  Mr.  Chapman  of  Springfield,  whose  attendance  was  requested 
by  Mr.  Choate,  will  be  able  to  go,  I  have  not  heard.  All  the  friends  with  whom  I  con 
verse,  concur  in  the  opinions  already  expressed  to  you,  that  is — that  it  would  be  in 
expedient  for  the  Whigs  to  make  a  nomination.  If  Mr.  Fillmore  or  any  other  Con 
servative  Whig  is  in  nomination,  under  whatever  party  auspices,  he  will  be  supports  I 
by  the  Conservative  Whigs  of  Massachusetts.  They  are  disposed  to  adhere  to  their 
organization;  and  if  three  candidates  are  in  nomination  next  year,  they  will  be  able 
to  decide  the  vote  of  Massachusetts  in  favor  of  the  one  whom  they  prefer. 
"  I  remain,  dear  sir,  with  much  regard,  sincerely  yours." 

HON.  EDWARD  EVERETT  TO  JAMES  A.  HAMILTON. 

"BOSTON,  January  21,  1856. 
SIR:  I  have  your  favor  of  the  15th.     I  had  already  received  from  Mr 


408  REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.    HAMILTON. 

Chapinan  an  account  of  the  little  meeting  of  the  10th,  which  though  a  failure  in 
numbers,  he  thought  in  other  respects  valuable. 

"  A  short  time  since,  having  occasion  to  write  to  Mr.  Trescot,  a  young  gentleman 
of  South  Carolina,  who,  on  my  recommendation,  was  appointed  by  Mr.  Fillmore, 
Secretary  of  Legation  at  London,  I  asked  him  what  course  he  thought  would  be 
pursued  at  the  South,  if  Mr.  Fillmore  should  be  nominated  for  the  Presidency  by 
the  Know  Nothings.  I  enclose  you  his  reply,  which  you  will  be  pleased  to  return 
to  me,  when  you  have  read  it. 

"  I  am  very  much  concerned  as  to  the  state  of  our  foreign  relations.  I  fear  that 
the  controversy  with  England  has  been  brought  to  a  critical  position,  and  that  it  is 
intentionally  kept  there.  At  the  same  time,  I  do  not  acquit  England  of  great  indis 
cretion  in  formally  organizing  the  Bay  Islands  as  a  new  Colonial  Government,  so 
soon  after  engaging  not  to  colonize  any  part  of  Central  America.  I  have  no  doubt, 
however,  that  if  she  had  been  addressed  in  a  conciliatory  tone,  she  would  have 
receded  from  that  step,  as  she  did  from  the  occupation  of  Tigre  Island,  and  the  Sand 
wich  Islands.  • 

"In  reference  to  the  Mosquito  protectorate,  she  was  willing  to  agree  to  anything. 
Mr.  Crampton  said  to  me,  '  We  want  to  back  out  of  it,  but  can't  be  kicked  out.' 
The  impertinent  interference  of  Mr.  Marcoleta,  in  which  for  party  purposes  he  was 
sustained  by  the  present  administration  party  while  in  opposition,  prevented  the 
consummation  of  a  very  satisfactory  adjustment,  agreed  upon  by  Mr.  Webster  and 
Mr.  Crampton. 

"  I  remain,  dear  sir,  with  great  regard,  fakhfully  yours," 

"  P.  S.  I  scarce  need  say  in  reference  to  the  latter  part  of  Mr.  Trescot's  letter, 
that  there  is  not  the  slightest  foundation  for  the  insinuations  of  the  editor  of  Mr. 
Calhoun's  works.  I  have  not  yet  seen  the  volume,  and  of  course,  know  only  by 
conjecture,  the  pretended  grounds  of  the  charges: — real  grounds  there  are  none." 

HON.  HAMILTON  FISH  TO  JAMES  A.  HAMILTON. 

u  WASHINGTON,  March  4,  1856. 

"  MY  DEAK  SIR  :  I  have  very  reluctantly  been  forced  to  the  opinion  expressed 
in  your  letter,  that  a  Whig  convention  is  impracticable.  The  old  Whig  party  is 
disorganized  and  broken  up.  We  need  not  look  back  for  the  causes  which  have 
led  to  this ;  the  fact  is  unquestionable,  and  the  question  arises,  what  are  we,  who 
still  are  Whigs  in  principle,  to  do  ? 

"  I  do  not  see  the  way  clear  to  the  support  of  the  American  candidates  upon  the 
platform  on  which  they  are  presented.  They  are  not  before  the  country  as  Whigs, 
but  as  *  Know  Nothings,' — one  of  them  was  a  Whig — the  other  was  a  Democrat.  We 
cannot  separate  the  support  of  the  one  from  that  of  the  other.  As  Whigs,  we  do 
not  recognize  the  organization,  the  tests,  the  oaths,  or  in  fact  the  principles  of  the 
Know  Nothing  organization.  True,  they  have  one  principle  which  commends  itself 
to  every  national  man,  of  whatever  party  he  may  be ;  but  in  my  opinion,  that  prin 
ciple  of  Americanism  is  so  universal  that  it  cannot  be  the  basis  of  party  organization. 
I  mean  the  principle  of  Americanism  in  the  broad  and  literal  sense  in  which  it  com 
mends  itself  to  national  men — in  which  alone  it  can  commend  itself  to  old-fashioned  con 
servative  national  Whigs.  Take  this  away  and  the  Know  Nothing  party  has  little,  if 
anything,  to  attract  Whigs.  But  this  broad  principle  is  not  peculiar  to  them.  I  be- 


REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON.  409 

neve  it  is  almost  universal,  and  it  is  only  when  reduced  to  a  narrow,  intolerant  or 
prescriptive  rule,  that  it  becomes  peculiar  to  any  party  organization. 

"  Unfortunately  the  party  which  has  recently  nominated  Messrs.  Fillmore  and 
Donelson,  has  practically  reduced  the  principle  to  one  of  exclusion  and  proscription. 
Donelson  certainly  has  no  claims  upon  us,  he  was  a  bitter  reviler  of  every  Whig 
measure,  and  of  all  Whig  men — of  Clay,  Webster,  Fillmore,  and  all  others.  The 
name  of  Mr.  Fillmore  alone  gives  rise  to  question  ;  had  George  Law  or  Gen.  Houston 
been  nominated,  we  should  not  have  counselled  upon  it.  It  is,  therefore,  only  from 
personal  regard  and  confidence  in  Fillmore  that  any  question  now  arises.  It  is  un 
fortunate  to  be  forced  to  support  a  candidate  upon  mere  personal  respect  and  confi 
dence,  when  he  is  presented  as  the  representative  of  principles  which  one  does  not 
approve.  Mr.  Fillmore  is  before  the  country  now  as  a  candidate  to  the  exclusion  of 
others  with  strong  claims  upon  us  as  Whigs  (Crittenden  and  Bell  for  instance,) 
who  were  excluded  from  competition  for  the  nomination  by  the  restriction  of  candi 
dates  to  those  who  were  initiated  in  the  order.  The  intolerance  and  proscriptiveness 
of  such  a  rule  is  utterly  indefensible,  unjust  to  individuals,  and  impolitic  to  the  public 
interests.  Elected  upon  this  rule,  Mr.  Fillmore  will  be  bound  to  act  upon  it,  and 
I  cannot 'believe  that  the  best  men  of  the  country  will  consent  to  ajopt  the  ritual, 
the  secret  oaths,  the  intolerance  and  the  proscriptiveness  which  have  been  published 
as  part  of  the  creed  and  the  practice  of  the  Know  Nothing  party ;  and  I  do  not 
learn  that  they  have  disembarrassed  themselves  at  their  recent  conventions  of  the 
objectionable  features  of  their  former  organization  and  declarations. 

"  I  cannot  eee  much  promise  of  an  elevated  or  pure  administration,  if  the  agents 
of  the  Government  in  all  its  ramifications  are  to  be  selected  only  from  those  who 
have  taken  the  secret  oaths  of  the  K.  N".  order.  Mr.  Fillmore  will  doubtless  do 
what  can  be  done  to  secure  honesty,  ability,  and  character  in  his  agents  and  subor 
dinates  ;  but  his  field  of  selection  will  be  too  various.  Thoughtful  conscientious  men 
will  not  take  the  pre-required  oaths,  or  qualify  themselves  for  appointment  to  ofBce 
by  enrollment  and  initiation  with  a  secret  society. 

u  I  entertain  a  very  high  respect  for  the  personal  character  of  Mr.  Fillmore  for 
his  integrity  and  his  patriotism.  My  personal  relations  with  him  are  kind  and 
friendly,  extremely  so — but  not  such  as  to  blind  me  to  some  defects.  He  is  a  very 
bad  judge  of  men;  he  has  strong  personal  preferences,  and  still  stronger  antipathies, 
and  of  which  designing  men  with  selfish  and  sinister  purposes  can  and  do  easily  avail, 
to  secure  improper  objects  and  to  accomplish  corrupt  ends.  He  lacks  the  ready 
knowledge  of  men  to  detect  and  to  prevent  the  designs  which  cupidity  and  malice 
and  ambition  will  be  ever  attempting  in  the  neighborhood  of  the  high  position  for 
which  he  is  now  named.  And  to  this  defect  in  his  character  are  to  be  attributed  the 
corruptions,  the  peculation  and  the  meanness  which  exhibited  themselves  in  many 
places  under  his  administration — more  numerous,  I  fear,  than  under  any  other  admin 
istration  ;  and  yet  I  believe  him  to  have  been  as  pure  and  incorruptible  and  as  de 
sirous  to  prevent  corruption  and  peculation  as  any  man  who  has  filled  the  Presi 
dential  chair.  But  he  failed  in  this  respect  most  lamentably,  and  yet  he  then  had 
the  whole  country  to  select  his  agents  from ;  now  he  will  be  confined  to  those  who 
consent  to  be  qualified  by  the  mystic  initiation  of  a  secret  Lodge  or  Council. 

"  Much  of  the  difficulty  which  I  see  might  have  been  and  would  have  been  re 
moved  by  abrogating  the  secrecy,  &c.,  of  the  K.  N".  organization  and  the  rule  which 
restricts  the  selection  of  candidates  to  members  of  the  order. 


410  REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON. 

"But  even  then  the  question  would  have  arisen  how  much  of  Whig  principle  has 
Mr.  Fillmore  been  obliged  to  lay  aside  in  order  to  secure  the  nomination  ?  Either  he  or 
Mr.  Donelson  must  have  relinquished  much  of  their  former  principle,  in  order  to 
come  upon  the  same  platform.  Perhaps  both  have  done  so.  We  are  entitled  to 
know  how  they  now  stand,  and  I  think  we  should  know  more  than  has  yet  been  de 
clared,  before  we,  as  Whigs,  transfer  ourselves,  or  rather  surrender  to  an  organiza 
tion  which  will  gladly  receive  our  votes,  but  admit  us  to  no  voice  in  suggesting  the 
policy  which  is  to  be  pursued. 

"  I  have  been  writing  in  haste  and  am  obliged  to  go  to  Committee.  I  have 
written  freely  and  rather  by  way  of  argument  and  suggestion  than  of  conclusion. 
I  confess  that  I  feel  much,  very  much  reluctance  to  an  endorsement  of  the  nomina 
tion.  As  matters  now  stand  with  the  K.  N.  organization  prescriptive  and  exclusive, 
with  its  oaths,  its  religious  intolerance,  &c.,  I  do  not  see  how  I  can  give  support  to 
its  nominees,  whatever  may  be  my  personal  regard  for  them  or  rather  for  one  of 
them ;  however,  I  shall  think  further  before  coining  to  a  conclusion,  and  shall  be 
very  happy  at  all  times  to  hear'from  you,  on  this  or  any  other  subject. 

u  Very  faithfully  yours,  &c." 


JAMES  A.   HAMILTON   TO  THE  HON.  HAMILTON  FISH,   Senate  of  the  U.   S., 

Washington. 

"  NEVIS,  Maivh  7,  1856. 

"  MY  DEAR  SIR  :  Your  very  frank  and  instructive  letter  of  the  4th  instant  is 
received.  I  thank  you  for  it. 

"  I  did  not  suspect  that  the  Fillmore  administration  was  obnoxious  to  the  charges 
intimated  by  you,  or  that  his  character  was  so  deficient  in  essential  points.  They 
are  very  serious  ones,  and  may  well,  if  well-founded,  induce  much  hesitation  where 
they  are  believed.  I  was  so  little  connected  during  that  period  with  public  affairs, 
that  my  ignorance  of  such  dark  passages  is  not  surprising ;  I  am  gratified  to  learn, 
however,  that  they  have  not  impaired  your  confidence  in  the  purity  of  the  chief  of 
that  administration. 

"  As  a  National  Whig  and  as  a  citizen  feeling  a  lively  interest  in  the  welfare  of 
the  country,  I  am  disposed  to  support  the  nomination,  because  I  believe  it  the  safest 
and  best  that  will  be  presented  to  our  choice.  I  do  not  find  in  the  platform  of  the 
K.  N.  party,  as  laid  down  at  Philadelphia  in  February  last,  any  thing  (assuming,  as 
you  very  properly  do,  that  accepting  the  nomination  he  places  himself  upon  the 
ground  authoritatively  taken  by  the  party  which  presents  him  as  their  candidate) 
which  will  forbid  him  from  supporting  such  a  course  of  public  policy  as  we  as  Wrings 
have  heretofore  approved ;  or  which  he  as  a  Whig  President  has  heretofore  endeav 
ored  to  carry  out.  I  will  not  permit  the  odious  machinery  of  that  party,  or  their 
prescriptive  policy,  to  induce  me  to  suppose  that  Mr.  Fillmore  will  be  influenced  at 
all  in  his  official  course  by  these  characteristics  of  that  party  or  to  drive  me  from 
the  support  of  the  safest  of  the  candidates  presented  to  my  choice. 

"  From  these  and  various  other  considerations  connected  with  the  harmony,  the 
union  and  the  well-being  of  our  country,  I  believe  it  is  the  duty  of  conservative 
men  of  all  parties,  in  the  portentous  condition  of  our  affairs  at  home  and  abroad, 
to  free  themselves  from  party  obligations,  and  so  to  give  their  votes  and  exertions, 


REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.    HAMILTON.  411 

as  will  most  probably  lead  to  the  security  of  those  cardinal  points  of  policy,  which 
the  safety  and  interest  of  the  country  demands. 

"I  have  believed  that  the  National  Whigs,  as  such,  should  at  a  proper  time  and 
place  of  meeting  (to  be  designated  by  controlling  minds),  by  a  well  considered  paper 
to  be  signed  by  a  few  from  each  State,  addressed  to  their  fellow-Whigs,  give  them 
reasons  for  issuing  such  an  address,  and  as  Whigs,  give  their  reasons  for  sustaining 
or  adopting  the  candidates  whom  they  believe  will  best  deserve  their  confidence  and 
support,  but  above  all,  that  they  should  take  advantage  of  the  occasion  to  express 
their  views  in  a  very  distinct  and  bold  manner  upon  the  disturbing  questions  of  the 
day.  We,  as  National  Whigs,  have  great  strength  as  well  in  our  numbers  as  in  our 
principles,  and  while  by  the  annunciation  of  these  principles  we  will  not  probably 
recommend  ourselves  to  the  party  confidence,  or  support  of  any  one  of  the  existing 
organizations,  we  will  awaken  in  the  great  body  of  the  considerate  men  of  this 
country  a  course  of  reflection  and  of  action  which  will  be  of  great  utility,  and  may, 
in  the  disorganized  condition  of  parties,  produce  decisive  results. 

"  I  have  found  in  my  limited  sphere  of  observation  that  the  nominations  are 
approved,  and  they  will  most  probably  call  back  many  from  the  ranks  of  the  Fusion- 
ists.  ^ 

"  I  hope  that  you  may  arrive  at  the  conclusion  I  have  adopted,  and  that  we  may 
work  together  in  this  important  contest. 

"With  great  respect  and  regard,  my  dear  sir, 

"  Your  friend,  &c.,  &c." 

JAMES  A.  HAMILTON  TO  HON.  D.  D.  BARNARD,  ALBANY. 

DOBBS'  FERRY  P.  0.,  June  7,  1856. 

"DEAR  SIR  :  I  am  not  a  little  excited  and  much  pained  by  recent  events.  The 
exasperation  of  the  two  great  sections  of  the  country  may  lead  to  fatal  results. 
The  assault  upon  Sumner,  is,  as  respects  the  man,  of  the  least  importance.  The  at 
tack  upon  the  Senate,  and  the  freedom  of  debate,  cannot  be  submitted  to ;  particularly 
when  we  learn  from  the  resolutions  and  meetings  of  the  Southerners  that  they  not 
only  applaud  the  act,  but  say  it  was  committed  in  the  right  place,  and  that  they  will 
not  submit  to  the  expressions  of  opinion  such  as  he  had  uttered  in  regard  to  slavery. 
We  certainly  would  not  quarrel  with  our  Southern  fellow-citizens  for  indulging  in 
such  absurdities ;  but  at  the  same  time  we  must  not  be  deterred  from  the  freest 
expression  of  opinion  in  Congress  and  elsewhere.  This  course  of  reflection  brings 
me  to  the  principal  object  of  this  letter,  which  is  to  ask  your  views  as  to  the  pro 
posed  meeting  of  Whigs  in  Kentucky  on  the  4th  of  July  next. 

"  Ought  we  to  go  there  ;  and  if  we  do  go,  what  should  be  our  course  ?  I  am 
urged  by  Union  Whigs  to  represent  this  district. 

"  Ought  we  to  refrain  from  expressing  our  reprobation  of  the  course  of  measures 
taken  by  the  Government  in  Kansas  ?  our  disapproval  of  the  Repeal  of  the  Mis 
souri  Compromise,  and  of  the  attack  upon  the  Senate  in  the  person  of  one  of  its 
members  ?  "  With  sincere  regard,  your  obedient  servant." 

EDWARD  EVERETT  TO  JAMES  A.  HAMILTON. 

"  June  30,  185G. 
"  I  received  your  favor  of  the  27th  on  my  return  yesterday  morning  from  New- 


412  REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON. 

port,  where  I  have  been  passing  eight  or  ten  days  to  recruit  my  health,  which  has 
been  a  good  deal  impaired. 

"  I  am  much  gratified  to  hear  that  your  children  have  crossed  the  water  in 
safety.  I  pray  you  when  you  write  to  your  daughter  to  convey  to  her  my  most 
kind  remembrance. 

"  I  am  afraid  to  promise  to  write  the  proposed  Fillmore  address.  I  have  been 
under  engagement  for  nearly  a  twelvemonth  to  prepare  an  address  for  the  inaugura 
tion  of  the  Dudley  Observatory  at  Albany,  in  August.  Various  disturbing  causes 
have  prevented  my  making  the  slightest  preparation  for  an  effort  in  which  much 
will  be  expected  of  me  by  the  savans  of  the  country,  assembled  at  the  meeting  of  the 
American  Association  for  the  Advancement  of  Science,  which  will  be  in  session  at 
that  time. 

"Incapable  of  much  labor,  and  with  many  engagements  already  on  my  hands, 
I  feel  as  if  I  must  reserve  all  my  time  and  thought  for  the  object  mentioned. 

"I  shall  certainly  give  my  own  vote  for  Mr.  Fillmore,  of  the  candidates  yet 
named.  But  I  fear  there  is  little  hope  of  giving  him  the  vote  of  Massachusetts 
So  large  a  portion  of  the  'Know  Nothing '  party  in  the  State  was  either  originally 
made  up  of  '  Free-soilers,'  or  has  been  swept  by  the  late  hurricane  into  the  4  Repub 
lican  '  ranks,  that  the  probability  is  greatly  in  favor  of  Fremont  getting  our  vote. 
The  old  line  Whigs,  however,  will  I  think,  support  Mr.  Fillmore. 

"  There  is  to  be  a  meeting  of  their  Committee  on  the  2d  of  July,  and  from  their 
doings  I  shall  be  better  able  to  judge. 

"  There  is  no  foundation  for  the  report  that  I  was  to  address  a  political  meeting. 
Please  make  my  kindest  remembrance  to  the  families  at  Nevis  and  the  Cottage. 

"  Sincerely  yours." 

JAMES  A.  HAMILTON  TO  THE  HON.  LEWIS  CASS,  SENATOR  OP  THE  U.  S. 

"  August  8,  1856. 

"  DEAK  SIR  :  I  have  the  honor  to  enclose  my  reply  to  a  published  letter,  address 
ed  to  me  by  Mr.  Barnard,  also  my  reply  to  a  letter  addressed  to  me  by  Gov.  Hunt. 
The  necessity  imposed  upon  me  for  replying  to  these  letters,  has  given  a  prominence 
to  my  opinions  which  they  cannot  deserve ;  I  will,  however,  take  the  liberty  to 
direct  your  attention  to  that  part  of  the  last  letter  which  treats  of  the  Constitu 
tional  question  in  connection  with  the  Missouri  Compromise  Act.  It  is  said  to  have 
some  force. 

"I  avail  myself  of  the  privilege  of  an  old  friend  to  make  a  deeply  interesting  sug 
gestion  touching  yourself,  which  as  it  proceeds  from  the  highest  public  considera 
tions  as  well  as  from  private  friendship,  will,  I  am  sure,  be  received  without  un- 
kindness. 

"  It  is  very  rare  that  a  public  man  is  placed  in  a  situation  to  render  the  most 
eminent  service  to  his  country,  nay,  where  by  a  given  course  he  can  entitle  himself 
to  be  considered  as  the  saviour  of  his  country.  It  is  believed  that  we  have  arrived 
at  a  crisis  which  involves  the  Union  and  Constitution  of  our  country,  and  in  them 
all  that,  as  citizens  of  the  United  States,  and  as  men  and  Christians,  we  ought  to  hold 
most  dear. 

"  Assuming  this  to  be  true,  your  position  in  the  country,  as  the  most  prominent 
man  in  the  Senate  (who  has  voluntarily  withdrawn  himself  from  the  line  of  prefer- 


REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON.  413 

ment,)  and  a  leader  in  the  Democratic  party,  full  of  years  and  honors,  justifies  me 
in  calling  upon  you  to  step  forward,  and  if  need  be,  to  sacrifice  yourself  with  that 
party,  to  save  it  from  defeat,  and  the  Union  from  disruption. 

"  Taking  thus  the  worst  view  of  the  consequences  of  the  course  I  am  about  to 
propose  for  your  consideration  and  adoption,  in  relation  to  yourself;  suppose  you 
sacrifice  yourself  thereby,  what  man  of  true  patriotism  and  courage  would  hesitate, 
if  by  such  sacrifice  he  could  save  his  country  or  render  her  a  truly  eminent  service  ? 

"  The  simplest,  most  efficient,  and  most  immediate  remedy  for  existing  evils, 
would  be  the  restoration  of  the  Missouri  Compromise  line,  which  would  be  done  by 
the  repeal  of  the  Kansas  and  Nebraska  bill,  and  the  substitution  of  another  territorial 
bill  in  its  place ;  such  a  bill  has  been,  or  may  be,  sent  by  the  House  attached  to  one 
of  the  appropriation  bills. 

"  Your  course  ought  to  be  (I  say  this  with  great  submission)  to  rise  in  your  place, 
and  in  such  terms  as  you  so  well  know  how  to  use,  to  express  your  determination 
to  save  the  country  from  impending  calamities,  and  to  call  upon  your  party  and 
other  men  who  are  more  devoted  to  the  country  than  to  their  party  or  to  them 
selves,  to  unite  with  you  in  sacrificing  themselves  to  the  Union,  the  Constitution, 
the  cause  of  the  people  of  the  United  States,  to  the  cause  of  liberty  and  humanity. 

"  If,  as  must  be  the  case,  you  shall  persuade  a  sufficient  number  of  southern  Sen 
ators,  say — Bell,  Hunter,  Crittenden,  Clayton  and  others,  to  carry  the  bill,  you 
would  be  hailed  throughout  the  country  as  the  great  pacificator,  at  a  period  of  more 
imminent  danger  than  any  other  to  which  our  country  has  been  exposed,  certainly 
since  the  adoption  of  the  Constitution. 

"  I  close  this  appeal  to  you  on  behalf  of  our  country,  by  declaring,  as  the  most 
earnest  conviction  of  my  heart,  that  if  you  will  take  such  a  course  you  will  stand  in 
the  history  of  our  country  as  second  only  to  Washington  himself. 

"  The  imminence  of  danger  to  the  Union  by  the  almost  certain  success  of  the  sec 
tional  party  of  the  North,  must  be  my  excuse  for  writing  this  letter. 

"Your  friend." 

THE  HON.  LEWIS   CASS  TO  JAMES  A.  HAMILTON. 

"  WASHINGTON  CITY,  August  11,  1856. 

"MY  DEAR  SIR  :  I  have  just  received  your  letter,  and  hasten  to  answer  it  in  the 
same  spirit  of  friendship,  in  which  I  am  sure  it  was  written.  I  write  you  by  another 
hand  not  for  the  sake  of  preserving  a  copy  of  my  letter  (that  I  never  do),  but  to.  spare 
you  the  infliction  of  my  handwriting.  I  am  greatly  obliged  to  you  for  the  evidence 
of  personal  esteem  which  your  letter  famishes,  and  I  assure  you  that  that  feeling  is 
fully  reciprocated  on  my  part. 

"I  have  read  your  letters  to  Gov.  Hunt  and  to  Gen.  Barnard  with  much 
interest.  Though  I  do  not  agree  with  you  as  to  your  constitutional  views  of  the 
power  of  Congress,  nor  as  to  the  remedy  you  propose  for  our  difficulties,  yet  cer 
tainly  there  is  great  force  in  your  argument,-  while  a  spirit  of  patriotism  pervades 
your  letters,  which  is  refreshing  in  this  day  of  our  troubles.  You  bear  a  glorious 
name,  and  may  boast  of  a  proud  descent,  which  gives  you  a  right  to  speak  to  your 
countrymen.  I  agree  with  you  as  to  the  dangers  which  threaten  our  country,  but 
I  consider  the  remedy  you  propose  impossible  in  itself  and  inadequate  to  the  occa 
sion.  You  greatly  overrate  iny  power  to  be  useful,  but  you  cannot  overrate  the 


414  REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON. 

anxiety  I  feel.  You  propose  that  the  Missouri  Compromise  line  should  be  restored. 
That  measure  is  impossible.  If  I  should  advocate  it,  it  would  gain  but  one  more 
vote  in  t!ie  Senate.  I  should  not  be  followed  by  a  single  member  of  the  Senate, 
whatever  might  be  his  politics  or  his  local  position.  But  I  have  long  held  that  the 
Missouri  line  was  unconstitutional.  I  believe  Congress  had  no  right  to  establish  it. 
I  believe  it  had  no  right  to  pass  any  law  on  the  subject  of  slavery  in  the  territories. 
I  regretted  the  repeal  of  that  restriction,  I  considered  it  unnecessary  and  that  it 
would  lead  to  injury.  But  being  required  to  vote  upon  the  proposition,  and  believ 
ing  as  I  have  said  the  clause  was  unconstitutional,  I  had  but  one  course  to  take,  and 
that  was  to  vote  for  the  repeal.  It  is  impossible  for  me  under  any  circumstances  to 
co-operate  in  the  re-establishment  of  that  line. 

"  But  I  have  also  an  insuperable  objection  to  the  legislative  process  by  which  you 
propose  to  secure  the  consent  of  the  Senate  ;  that  is,  by  annexing  to  the  appropria 
tion  bills  necessary  for  the  support  of  the  Government,  a  provision  for  the  restora 
tion  of  the  Missouri  line.  Such  a  mode  of  procedure  would  work  a  revolution  in 
the  Government.  It  would  concentrate  all  power  in  the  House  of  Representatives, 
and  enable  them  to  carry  any  measure  they  might  seek  to  attain.  It  would  substi 
tute  a  consolidated  government,  the  government  of  a  numerical  majority,  for  the 
present  constitution,  which  is  based  not  upon  numbers  only,  but  upon  State  sove 
reignty  also.  So  much  for  my  views  in  brief.  I  have  lived  a  long  life,  a  believer  in 
the  intelligence  of  the  country,  and  hopeful  as  to  the  duration  of  our  institutions. 
But  fear  and  doubt  have  overtaken  them,  and  my  confidence  in  the  future  is  fast 
giving  way. 

"  I  am,  dear  sir,  with  great  regard,  truly  your  friend." 

EDWARD  T.  POTTER,  ESQ.,  TO  JAMES  A.  HAMILTON, 

"  October  18,  1856. 

"  MY  DEAR  SIR:  I  have  read  with  the  greatest  interest  the  'Plan  of  Military 
Operations,'  and  shall  always  remember  with  pleasure  the  honor  you  have  done  me 
in  allowing  me  to  peruse  it. 

"  The  generous  manner  in  which  you  spoke  of  the  duty  of  every  citizen  to  sup 
port  and  speak  well  of  the  Government,  when  at  the  same  time  they  were  not  repre 
sentatives  of  the  Government,  some  of  whom  seem  to  me  to  hold  views  of  their  duties 
in  this  crisis  far  behind  your  own,  and  far  behind  the  wishes  of  the  people,  made  a 
deep  impression  on  my  mind. 

uThe  plan  made  clear  many  points  on  which  I  wished  to  be  informed,  and  assu 
red  me  that  statesmanship  and  humanity  were  not  necessarily  at  variance. 

"With  great  respect." 

A  CALL  FOR  A  PUBLIC  MEETING,  IN"  1856,  TO  ARREST  DISUNION. 

By  J.  A.  H. 

"  FELLOW  CITIZENS  :  The  subscribers  believe  that  our  Union  is  threatened  with 
dissolution,  our  government  with  subversion ;  that  the  feelings  of  exasperation  by 
one  section  of  the  country  towards  the  other,  are  increasing  every  hour,  and  unless 
arrested  must  produce  the  most  disastrous  consequences.  We  believe  that  this  in 
tolerant  spirit  was  commenced  by  fanatics — was  pushed  by  demagogues — has  been 


REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON.  415 

continued,  and  is  now  made  use  of,  by  reckless  partisan?,  to  promote  their  selfish 
ends :  and  that  it  has  gone  so  far  in  mischief,  that  its  authors  stand  appalled  at  the 
wreck  of  their  own  work. 

•'  Under  the  solemn  conviction  of  these  painful  truths ;  believing  as  we  do  that 
the  great  body  of  the  people  who  adopted  our  glorious  Constitution  to  perpetuate 
the  Union,  are  determined  that  it  shall  be  preserved  ;  we  invite  you,  regardless  of 
party  or  personal  differences,  prejudices  or  partialities,  to  meet  in  council  on 
day  of  ,  at  12  o'clock,  in  the  Park;  not  to  express  opinions  in  favor  of  or  against 
the  various  measures  which  are  proposed  in  relation  to  the  Territories,  the  District 
of  Columbia,  or  in  respect  to  the  rights  and  duties  of  the  North,  or  the  South,  the 
East  or  the  West,  but  in  commanding  terms  to  express  your  solemn  conviction  that 
the  Union  under  our  Constitution  is  necessary  to  the  preservation  of  our  liberties  ; 
and  our  firm  determination,  that  at  all  hazards,  it  shall  be  preserved.  And  further, 
that  such  measures  may  be  devised  as  will  lead  to  the  expression  of  the  opinions 
and  will  of  the  whole  people  of  the  United  States,  through  a  convention  of  their 
delegates,  to  be  holden  on  those  important  subjects,  which  now  distract  the  coun 
try,  at  no  distant  day;  or  by  such  other  measures  as  you  may  deem  necessary,  to 
arrest  this  fell  spirit  of  disunion. 

"  We  ask  in  this  great  work  the  cooperation  of  the  good,  the  wise,  the  patriotic 
of  all  classes  and  conditions,  be  their  professions  and  callings  what  they  may. 

"We  invite  all  men,  who  can  throw  off  their  party  allegiance,  in  obedience  to 
their  allegiance  to  the  Union,  to  assist  us  in  the  holy  work ;  upon  the  issue  of  which, 
we  venture  to  affirm,  depends  the  dearest  interests  and  the  brightest  hopes,  not  only 
of  this  people,  but  of  the  masses  of  all  mankind.  Believing  as  we  do,  that  to  dissolve 
this  Union  for  any  cause,  would  be  the  greatest  crime  we  could  commit,  and  the 
deepest  injury  to  the  whole  human  race,  we  are  prepared  to  resist  that  calamity  by 
any  sacrifice  that  may  be  required. 

"  We  believe  that  with  firmness,  moderation  and  wisdom,  under  the  guidance  of 
Him  who  has  hitherto  protected  our  country  in  her  various  vicissitudes,  all  the 
points  of  difference  between  us  maybe  satisfactorily  adjusted,  and  we  respectfully 
ask,  whether  it  is  not  eminently  fit  and  proper,  that  the  People  of  the  Empire  City 
and  State  should  begin  this  great  work  of  pacification,  and  that  they  should  invite 
their  brethren  of  all  sections  of  the  country  to  unite  with  them  in  the  expression  of 
their  determination  that  the  Union  shall  be  perpetual ;  and  in  advising  such  a 
course  of  measures  as  will  arrest  the  bitter  strife  now  progressing  with  such  inten 
sity. 

"  We  adjure  all  men,  by  all  they  hold  most  dear,  to  renounce  all  former  party 
ties,  and  to  unite  until  the  country  shall  be  rescued,  in  the  great  party  of  the  Union 
of  the  country. 

"  NEW  YOEK,  February,  1856." 

JAMES  A.  HAMILTON  TO  His  EXCELLENCY  BARON  HUMBOLDT,  Berlin. 

"NEVIS,  DOBBS  FERET,  March  18,  1857. 

"  BARON  :  I  have  forwarded  to  my  grandson,  Mr.  Philip  Schuyler,  a  copy  of  the 
"  Works  of  Hamilton,"  to  be  delivered  to  you  as  soon  as  they  are  received. 

u  I  have  the  honor  to  present  these  works  to  you  as  a  mark  of  my  profound 
respect  for  your  character,  and  as  such  I  pray  you  to  receive  them. 


416  REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.    HAMILTON. 

"It  seems  becoming  that  one  of  the  most  distinguished  statesmen  of  the  United 
States  of  America  should  be  known  by  his  works  to  the  most  illustrious  philosopher 
of  his  age. 

"  If  I  may  be  permitted  to  occupy  your  attention  at  some  future  day,  it  will  give 
me  a  pleasure  to  point  out  such  parts  of  this  work  as  will  interest  you. 

tk  It  is  a  remarkable  fact,  that  the  treasury  system  established  in  1790  for  the 
United  States,  when  the  population  was  about  three  millions,  and  the  area  was  not 
one-fourth  part  of  what  it  now  is,  should  have  the  capacity  of  extension  to  such 
large  proportions  as  the  commerce  and  revenue  now  require.  The  system  then 
formed  with  its  details  has  not  been  essentially  changed. 

"  As  to  the  public  faith  of  the  United  States3  it  has  been  scrupulously  pre 
served  ;  although  one  important  suggestion  made  by  Hamilton  has  not  in  the.-e  latter 
days  been  heeded.  In  his  first  report  to  Congress,  vol.  3d,  p.  211,  he  expresses  an 
ardent  wish  '  to  see  it  incorporated  as  a  fundamental  maxim  in  the  system  of  public 
credit  of  the  United  States,  that  the  creation  of  debt  should  always  be  accompanied 
with  the  means  of  extinguishment.  This  he  regards  as  the  true  secret  for  rendering 
public  credit  immortal."1  This  maxim  was  acted  upon  in  the  early  period  of  the 
Republic,  and  thirty  acts  of  Congress  were  passed  to  give  it  effect. 
"  I  have  the  honor  to  be,  with  great  respect, 

"  Your  obedient  servant." 

A  PLAN  TO  ASSIST  IN  BRINGING  THE  BREADSTUFFS  FROM  THE  INTE 
RIOR  TO  THE  SEABOARD,  THENCE  TO  A  FOREIGN  MARKET,  AND 
TO  PROVIDE  A  SAFE  AND  CONVENIENT  CIRCULATION. 

''The  great  difficulty  in  moving  the  cereal  products  of  the  country  arises,  it  is 
believed,  from  want  of  confidence.  The  ordinary  machinery  is  wholly  deranged  or 
broken  up. 

"  It  is  supposed  that  the  above  produce  might  be  purchased  in  the  West  by  drafts 

on  the  New  York  banks  at  days,  such  drafts  to  be  drawn  by  the  agents  or 

factors  of  the  banks  under  a  letter  or  letters  to  be  addressed  to  him  by  such  banks 
as  would  come  into  the  arrangement,  engaging  to  accept  such  drafts  to  the  amount 
which  each  one  would  indicate  by  its  letter  and  no  more.  It  is  supposed  that  the 
produce  purchased  could  be  sent  to  New  York,  shipped  thence  abroad,  sold,  and 
the  proceeds  thereof  returned  to  New  York  in  specie  by  steamers  within  — 
days ;  which  would  certainly  be  before  the  maturity  of  the  drafts.  Such  proceeds 
(in  toto)  when  received  in  New  York  to  be  placed  in  full  on  deposit  to  the  credit  of 
the  agent  or  factor  in  the  several  banks  to  meet  the  amount  of  drafts  accepted  by 
each  of  said  banks,  and  to  be  held  as  a  special  deposit  to  pay  such  drafts  and  until 
they  were  all  paid  not  to  be  subject  to  the  control  of  the  factor  or  any  other  person. 
The  security  to  the  acceptors  would  be  absolute — the  produce  and  its  results  both 
to  be  held  by  the  factor  in  trust  for  the  banks  (the  acceptors).  In  addition  it  is 
proposed  that  certain  mercantile  firms  and  bankers  of  known  credit  and  responsi 
bility  should  sign  a  paper  engaging  to  the  amount  respectively  set  opposite  to  their 
names  each  for  himself  and  not  for  another  to  secure  the  banks  against  any  loss 
they  might  sustain  by  having  accepted  such  drafts. 

"It  may  reasonably  be  supposed  that  a  fair  mercantile  profit  would  result  from 
the  operation,  which  would  be  divided  among  the  guarantors  in  proportion  to  the 


REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.    HAMILTON.  417 

amount  of  their  respective  responsibilities — no  commissions,  fees,  or  charges  to  be 
paid  for  the  personal  services  of  the  factors  in  going  to  the  West  to  make  the 
purchases,  or  in  going  to  England  or  other  foreign  places  to  make  the  sales  and 
to  bring  back  the  proceeds.  No  commissions  other  than  the  broker's  fee  for 
purchasing,  and  perhaps  for  selling,  to  be  charged  in  any  form  or  shape  in  the 
transactions — freight,  insurance,  storage,  drayage  to  be  charged  as  actually  paid, 
and  according  to  the  bills  therefor,  together  with  the  actual  personal  expenses  of 
the  factors.  The  balance  of  profit  after  deducting  actual  expenses  as  above  with 
5  per  cent,  on  such  profit  to  be  paid  to  the  factor  for  his  trouble,  to  be  divided 
among  the  several  merchants  and  bankers,  the  guarantors  to  the  banks  according 
to  the  respective  amounts  for  which  they  had  agreed  to  be  bound. 

"  It  is  believed  that  the  banks  of  the  city  of  New  York  being  secured  against  all 
risk  of  loss  as  well  by  the  security  of  the  guarantors  as  by  the  property  and  its 
specie  proceeds  purchased  by  their  acceptances  and  held  specifically  for  that  purpose 
by  the  factor,  governed  by  an  enlightened  sense  of  their  own  interest,  and  of  the 
public  good,  would  agree  to  accept  such  drafts,  and  it  is  believed  that  those  drafts  so 
accepted  and  guaranteed, — and  particularly  when  it  was  well  understood  that  the 
whole  amount  of  the  proceeds  of  the  sales  in  specie  was  to  be  deposited  on  arrival 
and  held  as  a  special  deposit  for  the  payment  of  those  drafts, — it  is  believed  such 
drafts,  if  of  a  convenient  denomination,  being  secured  beyond  all  peradventure,  would 
pass  from  hand  to  hand  in  payment  of  debts,  and  thus  form  a  not  inconsiderable 
portion  of  the  circulation. 

"  It  is  suggested  that  the  operation  to  be  effective  ought  to  be  carried  out  by  a 
credit  as  its  basis  of millions  of  dollars." 

JAMES  A.  HAMILTON  TO  PAUL  SPOFFORD. 

"  NEVIS,  DOBBS  FEERY  P.  O.,  October  8,  1857. 

"DEAK  SIR;  I  have  hastily  put  on  paper  the  details  of  a  plan  of  which  I  spoke 
to  you  yesterday  (to  be  shown  to  whom  you  please),  by  which  the  produce  lying 
west  may  be  brought  to  the  seaboard,  sent  abroad,  and  the  proceeds  be  returned  to 
the  banks  in  specie.  There  is  a  great  advantage  in  this  plan,  which  is  that  the 
drafts  would  afford  a  sound  circulation,  available  at  the  west  for  its  business  there, 
and  as  remittances  in  payments  of  debts  to  the  East. 

"  The  drafts  ought  to  be  in  convenient  denominations,  say  in  amounts  of  $500 
and  $1,000,  made  payable  to  the  order  of  the  sellers  of  the  produce,  and  then  to 
pass  from  hand  to  hand.  These  drafts  at  ninety  days  or  four  months,  secured  in  the 
first  place  by  the  produce  and  its  proceeds,  always  to  be  held  specifically  and  absolute 
ly  to  that  end.  These  by  the  responsibility  of  the  banks  (the  accepters),  and  the 
merchants  (the  guarantors)  would  give  a  circulating  medium  to  the  amount  to  which 
they  should  extend,  and  as  long  as  they  had  to  run,  which  would  be  better  than  gold. 

"  The  factor,  it  must  be  understood  is,  throughout  the  transaction,  to  hold  the 
property  and  its  proceeds,  until  those  proceeds  get  to  the  banks  where  they  are  to 
remain  as  a  special  deposit  until  the  drafts  are  paid.  The  factor  or  operator  should 
be  a  person  riot  engaged  directly  or  remotely  in  mercantile  affairs.  I  say  this 
because  there  wosld  not  then  be  any  fear  or  lurking  suspicion  that  the  enterprise 
might  be  frustrated  by  the  failure  of  the  factor.  I  consider  the  feature  of  this 
project  which  extends  it  to  the  sale  in  a  foreign  port,  and  the  return  of  specie  as  a 
27 


418  REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON. 

most  important  one.    It  would  inspire  greater  confidence  because  it  would  secure 
the  return  of  a  large  amount  in  specie. 

"If  gentlemen  are  disposed  to  enter  into  the  matter,  I  will  go  to  the  city  to  explain 
to  parties,  and  solicit  their  cooperation,  and  I/will,  should  no  better  operator  be 
found,  give  my  whole  time  and  attention  to  the  work. 

"  By  systematic  and  united  exertions  much  may  be  accomplished. 
"  "With  respect,  your  friend  and  servant,  &c." 


RD,  TILESTON  &.  (JJO;  TO  J.  A.  HAMILTON. 
-  «£•*£}*  „  *  *  ;     •  «  ^-vyf  YOEK,  October  14,  1857. 

"DEAR  SIE:  Our  i£r.1'f5efford  received  you-r  valued  'Communication  of  tlie  8th 
instant  indue  course,  and  woufdhave  acknowledged  it  immediately,  but  the- exciting 
state  of  affairs  that  existed  throughout  the  city,  and  the  consequent  incessant 
demands  upon  his  time,  engrossed  every  moment  of  his  attention,  and  he  was  unable 
to  do  so.  He,  however,  requested  the  writer  to  address  you  in  his  behalf,  and  he 
also  must  offer  his  apologies,  and  plead  a  like  excuse  for  not  before  complying  with 
Mr.  Spofford's  wishes. 

"  Mr.  Spofford  desires  to  say,  that  the  subject  upon  which  you  write  had  been 
taken  up  by  a  Committee  appointed  for  that  purpose  on  the  day  previous  to  the 
reception  of  your  communication,  and  they  decided  that  it  was  inexpedient  to  enter 
into  any  arrangement,  as  the  banks  were  not  in  a  position  to  extend  the  facilities 
that  would  be  required. 

"We  are,  your  obedient  servants,  &c." 

EDMUND  H.  PENDLETON  TO  JAMES  A.  HAMILTON. 

"  HYDE  PAKK,  June  27,  1857. 

"  MY  DEAK  HAMILTON  :  When  I  received  yours  of  the  22d,  I  had  not  seen  the 
article  from  the  National  Intelligencer,  and  not  having  seen  Mr.  Irving' s  4th  volume, 
I  could  not  judge  of  the  full  import  of  his  language.  I  have  not  now  seen  the 
volume,  but  have  gaiued,  I  suppose,  from  your  letter  and  from  Webb's  republication 
of  the  article,  a  sufficient  knowledge  of  the  matter.  Mr.  Irving,  who  has  very  nice 
sensibilities,  ought,  one  would  think,  to  have  entered  more  cordially  into  your  father's 
position  which,  involving  generally  a  certain  idea  of  superiority  on  the  one  side, 
naturally  enough  inspired  the  other  with  a  sharper  sense  of  punctilio. 

"  The  hard  and  unbearing  character  of  the  General  must  naturally  have  added  to 
a  jealousy  of  itself  sufficiently  watchful.  The  historian  should,  besides,  have  allow 
ed  for  that  consciousness  of  what  your  father  was,  and  to  which  he  himself  could 
not  have  been  insensible,  which  lifted  him  up  to  the  General's  level  as  a  man  of 
genius,  though  not  as  a  man  of  command.  These  ideas  have  not  entered  into  Mr. 
Irving's  mind,  and  he  accounts  for  the  quarrel  in  a  far  lower  way.  Since  his  Ma 
homet,  my  dear  Hamilton,  Mr.  Irving  is  not  so  formidable.  His  opinion,  though  of 
some  influence,  is  not  after  all  controlling,  and  if  I  were  you,  I  should  care  very  little 
about  it.  It  was  at  most  a  sudden  outbreak  which,  very  properly,  terminated  the 
existing  relation,  and  still  more  properly,  produced  no  other  effect. 

"  The  history  of  the  United  States  has  left  enough  for  both  the  General  and  the 
aids." 


REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.   HAMILTON.  419 

GOVERNOR  JOHN  A.  KING  TO  JAMES  A.  HAMILTON. 

u  STATE  OF  NEW  YORK,  EXECUTIVE  DEPARTMENT,  ) 
ALBANY,  December  26,  1857.          ( 

"Mr  DEAR  HAMILTON:  Your  letter  of  the  20th  inst.  was  duly  received;  but  to 
day  is  the  first  leisure  day  I  have  had  since  my  return  from  dining  with  the  members 
of  the  Union  Club,  on  the  19th  inst.  I  have  nearly  completed  my  message,  that  is, 
the  rough  and  first  draft.  I  begin  by  referring  to  the  monetary  convulsions  of  the 
year,  which  occurred  when  the  country  seemed  to  be  full  of  prosperity  and  abundance, 
when  suddenly  confidence  (the  very  breath  of  trade)  was  stricken  down,  and  panic 
ruled  throughout ;  that  the  run  on  the  banks  was  not  caused  by  the  bill  holders,  but 
by  the  depositors,  and  that  points  in  the  direction  to  which  the  remedy  should  be  ap 
plied  ;  that  notwithstanding  urgent  appeals,  I  had  declined  to  call  the  Legislature,  and 
was  well  sustained  by  the  resumption  of  the  banks  of  their  own  motion  and  strength  in 
60  days  from  suspension :  that  in  order  to  prevent  future  expansions,  the  relative 
proportion  of  coin  to  cash  liabilities  other  than  currency,  which  is  already  well 
secured,  should  be  fixed  by  law — say  from  20  to  25  per  cent.;  that  the  banks  of  New 
Orleans,  which  are  compelled  to  have  30  per  cent,  in  proportion  to  all  their  liabilities, 
withstood  the  convulsion  which  prostrated  all  others,  and  to  make  the  sum  to  be 
established  secure  by  penalties.  In  this  view,  the  Bank  Superintendent  fully  con 
curs,  and  will  recommend  it  in  his  report  to  be  presented  soon  after  the  meeting  of 
Legislature. 

"  I  intend  to  tell  the  whole  truth  about  the  canals,  and  how  much  will  yet  be 
required  to  complete  the  enlargement ;  that  taxation  must  yet  be  submitted  to  for 
that  purpose,  and  that  it  is  both  just  and  right  that  canal  tolls  should  be  re'imposed 
on  all  competing  railroads,  and  they,  as  some  compensation,  be  authorized  to  charge 
in  their  discretion,  a  half  cent  more  per  mile  for  passengers.  I  propose  a  registry 
law;  call  attention  to  the  abuse  of  injunctions  in  the  city  of  New  York;  and  to 
Kansas  in  severe  reprobation  of  the  President's  Message  and  course  ;  with  the  usual 
reference  to  local  State  matters  and  institutions.  I  shall  be  glad  to  receive  what 
you  have,  or  may  prepare  on  the  subject  of  Kansas,  which  you  can  send,  or  do  much 
better,  bring  with  you,  at  the  beginning  of  next  week,  and  take  up  your  quarters  with 
me.  You  will  probably  find  my  brother  Charles  with  me,  and  as  you  were  accus 
tomed  to  work  together  in  former  days,  you  may  continue  to  do  so  still. 

u  Very  truly  yours,  &c." 

JAMES  A.   HAMILTON  TO  GOVERNOR  JOHN  A.  KING. 

"NEVIS,  December  29,  1857. 

"MY  DEAR  KING:  Yours  of  the  26th  inst.  was  received  today.  The  topics  of 
your  message  are  well  chosen,  and  will  be  fearlessly  treated.  I  have  entire  confi 
dence  in  the  truth  of  the  saying  '  the  first  blow  is  half  the  battle  ;'  in  other  words, 
that  boldness  in  leading  off  openly,  and  firmness  in  pressing  on,  has  greater  influ 
ence  upon  the  public  mind  in  commanding  its  assent  than  any  truth  which  depends 
upon  reasoning  or  evidence — any  other  truth  than  that  which  is  self-evident. 

"  It  is  conceded  that  the  run  upon  the  banks  was  not  by  the  bill  holders,  and 
that  they  had  not  the  power  to  cause  the  suspension.  The  depositors  by  combina 
tion  produced  that  result,  as  they  always  can.  If  the  deposits  are,  as  they  rightfully 


420  REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON. 

ought  to  be,  made  the  basis  of  discounts,  a  larger  basis  of  coin  will  be  a  security 
against  that  and  other  evils.  But  there  is  one  other,  which,  perhaps  cannot  be 
reached. 

"  A  bank  is  the  handmaid  of  commerce,  and  ought  alone  to  discount  paper,  which 
is  the  result  of  real  commercial  transactions  or  sale,  and  purchase  of  goods  or  arti 
cles  of  commerce.  No  loan  should  be  made  upon  accommodation  paper  or  other  fic 
titious  paper  made  to  that  end.  "N"o  loan  should  be  made  on  stocks  or  other  securi 
ties  on  time.  Such  securities  may  be  legitimately  taken  by  a  banker  as  collateral 
security  for  a  note  of  the  first  character.  As  to  the  capital  or  credit  of  a  bank  being 
loaned  to  build  railroads,  or  to  make  or  sustain  stock  operations,  that  is  entirely  out 
of  the  question,  and  any  bank  which  should  be  found  doing  either,  should  be  dis 
credited.  In  my  view  of  this  subject  eo  explained,  the  effect  would  be  that  every 
well-regulated  bank  would  merely  discount  at  one  end  of  the  counter  what  it  would 
receive  at. the  other  end,  and  the  amount  of  bills  receivable  would  be  the  amount 
of  bills  discounted.  Thus  the  credit  of  banks  would  be  applied  to  enlarge  the 
capital  of  traders  in  the  regular  course  of  mercantile  transactions,  and  thus  the 
trading  of  the  country  would  be  limited,  or  would  be  incapable  of  being  extended 
beyond  what  was  required  by  the  country  for  any  length  of  time,  because  it  could 
not,  if  in  excess  of  such  necessity  be  profitable. 

"I  rejoice  that  you  intend  to  speak  plainly  about  the  canal?,  the  tax,  and  a  regis 
try  law.  I  always  believed  it  bad  policy  to  impoverish  the  great  State  enterprise, 
by  allowing  a  private  enterprise  to  run  along  it  and  take  away  its  revenues.  I  sup 
pose  this  was  done  to  obtain  influence. 

"I  have  not  prepared  any  thing  in  relation  to  Kansas.  It  has  occurred  to  me, 
however,  that  as  the  course  of  the  President  and  his  Southern  backers  may  drive  the 
people  of  that  territory  into  civil  war,  it  would  be  well  to  let  your  constituents  under 
stand  from  your  message,  which  is  read  almost  universally,  the  great  leading  facts, 
and  the  principles  involved  (particularly  that  the  question  is  no  longer  that  of  slavery 
and  only  slavery),  but  is  much  higher  than  that  or  any  other  which  can  be  pre 
sented  to  any  people — that  is,  the  right  of  self-government ;  and  that  if  the  President, 
or  any  other  power  of  Government,  should  attempt  to  force  the  Lecompton  Consti 
tution  (a  base  fraud)  upon  the  people  of  Kansas,  whether  with  or  without  slavery, 
they  will  be  bound  to  resist  such  an  attempt  by  force  of  arms,  and  that  in  such  a 
contest  you  believe  your  constituents  would  not  be  indifferent  spectators ;  but  on  the 
contrary,  that  the  Empire  State  would  be  true  to  her  revolutionary  history,  and  to 
the  instincts  of  a  free  and  enlightened  people. 

"  I  write  this  as  I  feel — not  to  be  adopted  by  you,  but  to  convey  the  idea  that  re 
sistance  would,  under  such  circumstances,  be  a  necessary  consequence  in  that  terri 
tory,  and  a  duty  everywhere  in  our  country. 

"I  believe  a  strong  expression  by  you,  and  by  other  Governors  who  will  follou^ 
you,  will  be  powerful  to  sustain  Douglas  and  to  intimidate  Buchanan. 

"  It  will  afford  your  friends  in  the  Legislature  the  occasion  for  introducing  re 
solutions  which  the  Democrats  would  be  driven  to  support,  or  to  ignore  all  their 
maxims  in  relation  to  the  true  source  of  Government. 

"The  great  error,  not  to  say  blunder,  was  by  Pierce  when  he  decided,  in  obedi 
ence  to  the  commands  of  the  South,  to  consider  t\\z  first  Legislature  a  representative 
body  for  the  people  of  Kansas ;  aad  particularly  was  it  so  when  the  House  of  Re 
presentatives  instituted  an  inquiry  which  resulted  in  proving  most  unquestionably 


REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON.  421 

that  that  legislature  was  a  usurpation — the  result  of  an  armed  and  military  invasion, 
and  adopted  the  conclusion  of  its  Committee. 

"I  hold  the  House  of  Representatives  to  he,  in  the  contemplation  of  the  Consti 
tution,  the  highest  power  in  the  Government.  It  holds  the  purse-strings  of  the 
nation  ;  has  alone  the  power  to  impeach  the  officers  of  the  Government — the  Pres 
ident  included.  It  is  emphatically  the  grand  inquest  of  the  nation ;  and  when  it  acts 
in  that  capacity,  all  the  other  powers  are  bound  by  its  decisions.  When  charges  are 
made  of  high  crimes  and  misdemeanors  against  the  President,  a  Senator,  or  other 
officer,  the  House  of  Representatives  enters  upon  the  inquiry  of  their  probable  truth, 
and  if  it  decides  that  they  are  well  founded,  the  President  must  submit  to  that 
decision,  and  for  the  time  being,  he  must  suspend  his  functions ;  and  the  Senate 
also  mu>t  bow  to  such  decision,  and  enter  upon  the  trial  of  such  impeachment. 
How  much  more,  then,  are  both  bound,  either  to  submit  to  the  inquest  found  by  the 
immediate  and  the  only  immediate  representatives  of  the  people,  or  to  institute  a  new 
inquiry;  and  unless  by  such  new  inquiry  it  should  be  shown  that  the  former  was 
unfair  or  unfounded,  there  is  but  one  course  to  pursue.  Here  was  the  great  error 
of  the  President ;  and  that  'original  sin'  runs  through  the  whole,  and  has  neces 
sarily  led  to  all  the  false  and  fatal  consequences  of  murder  and  oppression. 

ulf  the  first  legislature  was  a  usurpation,  the  people  were  not  bound  to  obey  its 
enactments ;  and  the  President  could  not  justly  or  legally  require  them  to  do  so.  In 
this  view,  the  Convention  which  formed  the  Lecompton  Constitution  could  not  be 
the  representatives  of  the  people,  or  their  sovereignty;  but  in  addition  to  this,  that 
convention  was  not  the  representative  of  the  people  of  Kansas  from  the  facts  given 
by  Mr.  Walker,  &c. 

"  I  have  allowed  my  pen  to  run  away  with  me  ;  I  cannot  even  ask  you  to  read 
this  long  letter.  I  will  get  up  to  see  you  some  time  during  the  winter;  but  regret 
to  say  my  health  does  not  permit  me  to  do  so  now. 

"  Yours  with  regard,  &c." 

NOTE. — The  association  referred  to  in  this  letter  was  prompted  by  Mr.  C. 
L.  Brace,  a  most  distinguished  philanthropist;  to  whom  is  due  the  merit,  with 
other  benevolent  works,  of  organizing  the  News-Boys'  Asylum. 

The  writer,  as  a  member,  contributed  some  money.  It  was  called  the  Vine 
Growers'  Association ;  and  was  so  successful  in  bringing  that  class  of  persons  to 
the  country  and  passing  along  them  to  Missouri,  that  the  hill-tops  which  they 
bought  as  most  suitable  for  vine-bearing,  sold  at  first  at  50  cents  an  acre,  ad 
vanced  in  price  to  $8  the  acre.  The  State  of  Missouri  incorporated  a  com 
pany  for  the  same  purpose. 

JAMES  A.  HAMILTON  TO  His  EXCELLENCY  JOHN  A.  KING,  Governor,  &c. 

"  ALBANY,  1ST.  Y.,  June  11,  1858. 

"  MY  DEAR  SIR:  Sundry  gentlemen  are  associated  together  to  encourage  emigra 
tion  by  protection  and  assistance;  the  latter,  not  by  paying  for  land,  passage 
money  or  in  any  other  form,  but  by  diffusing  throughout  Europe  accurate  and  use 
ful  information  in  relation  to  our  States  and  Territories,  soil,  climate,  minerals,  &c., 
through  publications  in  various  languages,  by  the  employment  of  proper  agents  at 


422  REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON. 

home  and  abroad,  by  making  arrangements  with  shippers  and  railroads  as  to  fares. 
You  know,  as  all  the  world  does,  that  emigrants  have  heretofore  been  exposed  to 
the  most  odious  frauds ;  so  much  so,  indeed,  as  to  deter  many  of  the  most  desirable 
workmen  of  Germany  from  coming  out.  We  do  not  intend  to  participate  in  any 
way  in  the  party  or  political  questions  of  the  day,  or  to  influence  emigrants  in  thesa 
respects. 

"  To  ensure  success  in  this  important,  most  useful,  and  patriotic  work,  it  is 
deemed  essential  to  present  the  names  (particularly  to  the  magnates  and  people 
abroad)  of  men  of  high  official  and  social  station  as  our  associates,  and  thus  to  se 
cure  confidence  here ;  and  particularly  abroad  in  the  form  to  afford  protection  and 
confidence  in  the  statements  we  may  set  forth.  To  this  end,  I  have  named  you  as 
one  to  whom  I  would  address  this  letter,  in  the  hope  that  you  will  unite  with  us  in 
this  work. 

"You  will  not  be  called  upon  or  expected  to  participate  in  the  labor  of  this 
work.  The  organization  is,  that  the  Trustees  or  Association  should  select  from  their 
number  a  President  and  Treasurer,  with  three  or  five  others  who  shall  be  an  Execu 
tive  Committee  charged  with  the  whole  work. 

"  I  hope  you  will  do  me  the  favor  to  consent  to  be  an  associate  in  this  enter 
prise,  and  also  to  submit  this  letter  to  our  friend  Mr.  Barnard,  and  ask  him  in  my 
name  to  do  the  same.  We  believe  the  estimation  in  which  he  is  held  here,  and  par 
ticularly  in  Prussia,  where  in  his  official  diameter  he  was  held  in  so  much  respect, 
will  be  of  great  use  to  us.  We  hope  that  this  Association,  by  the  distinguished 
character  of  its  members,  selected  from  all  parts  of  the  Union,  will  entitle  us  to  the 
countenance  of  our  own  and  the  governments  of  other  countries. 

"  I  have  the  honor  to  be,  with  respect  and  regard, 

"Your  friend  and  servant." 

FIFTH  VOYAGE  TO  EUROPE.— 1858. 

Between  the  autumn  of  1851  when  I  returned  from  the  Yachting 
expedition,  until  July,  1858,  when  I  made  another  voyage  to  Europe  for 
the  benefit  of  my  health,  I  employed  most  of  my  time  with  my  books ;  in 
utilizing  the  advantages  of  my  country  residence  by  bringing  the  water  from 
the  pond  I  had  formed  to  this  house,  a  distance  of  over  four  thousand  feet, 
and  conveying  it  to  a  reservoir  which  contains  132,000  gallons  ;  and  also  building 
an  addition  to  my  house  ;  with  the  accustomed  attention  which  every  man  of  lei 
sure  gives  or  ought  to  give  to  public  affairs  by  promoting  the  success  of  the 
part}-  of  his  choice.  The  true  view  of  the  exercise  of  the  electoral  franchise 
is,  that  every  man  votes  not  only  for  himself,  but  as  a  trustee  for  those  who 
are  not  allowed  to  vote.  In  voting,  therefore,  he  is  bound  to  perform  that,  as 
he  would  any  other  trust,  conscientiously,  and  so  as  to  promote  the  "  general 
welfare." 

In  Paris,  in  1858,  I  addressed  the  following  letter  to  a  dear  friend. 

JAMES  A.  HAMILTON  TO  A  FRIEND. 

"PAEIS,  September  30,  1858. 
"My  DEAR  GENERAL:    When  I  made  you  an  evening  visit  shortly  before  my 


REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON.  423 

departure  for  Europe,  I  had  no  more  idea  of  this  voyage  than  you  have  of  taking 
the  same  at  this  moment.  The  fact  is,  I  decided  one  Sunday  morning,  after  a  very 
had  night,  to  try  what  the  ocean  would  do  for  me,  and  I  sailed  on  "Wednesday. 

"  The  hounding  billow  was  not  a  match  for  dyspepsia,  and  rendered  me  no  ser 
vice.  On  the  contrary,  I  was  worse  when  I  landed  than  I  was  before  my  departure. 
However,  under  the  advice  of  an  English  physician  in  London,  Dr.  Eliottson,  I  am 
much  better.  So  much  for  all  that,  which  is  of  no  consequence. 

"  In  order  to  spend  an  agreeable  hour,  I  have  taken  up  my  pen  to  gossip  with 
you  about  this  light-hearted,  happy  people. 

"  During  all  the  time  I  have  been  here,  nearly  a  month,  the  weather  has  been 
charming.  The  people  appear  to  be  all  in  the  streets  and  public  places.  They  are 
certainly  industrious,  and  they  seem  to  have  more  time  to  give  to  pleasure  than  any 
people  I  have  ever  seen.  My  view  embraces  almost  all  Europe  and  the  United 
State?. 

"  I  think  the  Parisians  love  noise  and  talking  better  than  any  thing  in  the  world 
— both  are  cheap  pastimes.  The  street  criers,  the  small  trumpets  to  call  attention 
to  small  wares,  the  smacking  of  whips,  the  calls  to  the  horses,  and  the  squalling  of 
the  animals  (you  know  they  are  all  studs),  with  the  beating  of  drums  and  the  thunder 
ing  of  cart  and  carriage  wheels,  make  night  and  day  equally  hideous.  The  only  period 
of  quietude  is  between  two  and  three  in  the  morning.  Before  four,  you  begin  to 
hear  the  "  busy  hum  of  men."  The  next,  and  this,  a  great  pleasure,  is  to  talk :  and  to  do 
so  most  vehemently  at  all  times,  under  all  circumstances,  and  upon  the  most  trifling 
occasion.  In  the  Cafes,  particularly  that  one  where  chess  is  played,  La  Regence, 
you  might  suppose  at  times  that  Pandemonium  was  let  loose.  Yesterday  I  was 
there  to  see  the  American  champion,  Paul  Morphy  of  Louisiana,  play  with  the  most 
expert  man  in  France.  The  Frenchman  requested  Mr.  Morphy  to  go  to  a  private 
room  above,  as  the  noise  in  the  open  room  distracted  his  attention.  Immediately 
the  whole  crowd  was  in  discussion  at  the  top  of  their  voices  as  to  whether  that 
request  should  be  granted  or  not.  You  would  have  supposed  from  the  noise,  vio 
lent  gesticulation  and  manner,  that  the  question  involved  the  most  vital  interests  of 
all  present.  Mr.  Morphy,  who  is  a  young  man  of  very  good  manners,  decided  to  go 
up  stairs  where  his  antagonist  wanted  to  be,  and  began  his  game.  The  contest 
now  stands  4  for  Morphy  to  3  for  L. 

"  On  Monday,  Morphy  played  eight  games  at  one  time  without  looking  at  a  board 
— he  won  six,  and  two  were  drawn  games.  A  most  remarkable  effort  of  memory. 

"  If  you  purchase  any  article,  and  pay  for  it  without  a  chat,  the  seller  is  not  well 
pleased.  It  is  this  passion  for  talking  which  has  created  the  habit  first  of  exaggera 
tion,  and  now  of  absolute  falsehood.  Truth  is  altogether  a  secondary  matter  with 
this  people.  Wanting  the  good  faith  of  the  Americans  and  English,  the  Frenchman 
never  considers  himself  bound,  to  a  bargain  until  he  has  been  before  the  notary,  or 
signed  a  memorandum  in  writing.  In  short,  this  people  have  less  regard  for  the- 
truth  than  any  other  people  I  have  ever  seen,  except  the  Eussians.  Absolutely^ 
they  seem  not  to  know  what  it  is. 

"  The  cafes,  restaurants,  and  other  places  of  entertainment  are  the  field  of  a 
Frenchman's  enjoyment.  Here  they  talk  and -eat  and  drink;  coffee,  light  wine, 
a  very  light  beer,  and  sugar- and- water  are  the  almost  universal  drinks.  When 
coffee  is  furnished,  four  lumps  of  sugar  are  put  on  a  plate.  He  who  has  called 
for  the  coffee,  pockets  all  the  sugar  he  does  not  use.  Universally  in  these  places 


424  REMINISCENCES    OF     JAMES  A.  HAMILTON. 

a  young,  well-looking  and  well-dressed  woman,  seated  at  an  elevated  desk,  keeps 
the  accounts  and  receives  the  money.  By  the  wny,  the  women  are  generally 
the  workers  in  the  shops  in  this  city,  as  well  in  receiving  the  money,  as  selling  the 
goods  and  keeping  the  accounts.  They  are  up  to  all  manner  of  seductive  arts  to 
induce  men  and  women,  in  despite  of  their  purposes,  to  huy  their  goods.  On  a 
former  visit  to  this  vast  metropolis,  gangs  of  women  were  seen  sweeping  the  streets, 
a  man  superintending  them.  On  this  visit,  I  have  seen  two  more  assisting  to  sweep 
for  the  garbage  carts,  the  women  having  short  petticoats,  woolen  stockings,  woolen 
shoes,  with  very  large  straw  hats  hung  on  their  backs  in  case  of  rain.  The  dress  of 
the  women  from  the  continent,  as  well  as  Scotland  and  Ireland,  surprises  our  coun 
trywomen.  Like  the  crackers  of  Georgia,  they  go  without  bonnet?,  and  wear  very 
short  petticoats,  that  when  they  are  working  in  the  fields,  which  all  the  poorer  classes 
do,  they  may  not  be  embarrassed  by  their  s&rts.  It  is  no  uncommon  thing  to 
see  a  woman  in  the  highway  with  a  long  deep  basket  strapped  to  her  shoulders,  simi 
lar  to  those  used  in  picking  grapes  in  the  vineyards,  into  which  she  throws  with  a 
scoop  the  horse-droppings. 

"  When  posting,  I  have  frequently  seen  groups  of  men  standing  chatting  at  the 
door  of  "  the  Poste  aux  Chevaux,"  and  the  women  come  out  and  harness  the  horses 
to  the  carriage.  Indeed,  I  once  saw  a  woman  and  a  cow  harnessed  to  a  plough 
which  a  man  was  holding  and  directing.  Such  is  the  condition  of  the  fair  sex  in 
this  country  of  gallantry  and  high  civilization. 

"  You  know  that  the  peasantry  of  France  live  in  villages — a  condition  of  life  con 
sequent  upon  the  feudal  system,  when  the  Baron  or  Lord  gathered  his  dependants 
within  the  wall  which  surrounded  and  protected  bis  chateau  or  castle,  and  thus  were 
his  '  villains  '  protected,  as  well  as  at  hand  for  his  service  in  defensive  or  offensive 
war.  Thus  it  is  that  you  never  see  the  rural  and  picturesque  farm-house  and  farm, 
as  in  the  United  States  and  England,  with  the  neat  door  yard,  flower  garden,  well, 
and  oaken  bucket.  From  these  clustered  habitations  have  grown  up  the  villages  of 
very  high  stone  houses  with  small  windows,  the  residences  of  several  families,  hav 
ing  usually  a  common  entrance  and  stair-case  as  dirty  as  are  the  narrow  and  crook 
ed  streets  without  sidewalks,  from  which  they  enter.  And  when  they  (laborers,  men 
and  women)  go  out  to  their  work  in  the  morning,  the  children  are  either  carried  to 
the  field  to  remain  there  all  day,  or  if  there  is  one  child  too  young  to  work  (under 
ten  years  of  age,)  but  old  enough  to  give  food  to  the  others,  they  are  locked  in  the 
apartment  to  remain  until  nightfall. 

"  The  Minister  of  Public  Instruction  under  Louis  Philippe,  Mons.  D ,  asked 

a  friend  of  yours  in  his  travels  through  France  to  examine  the  schools  then  just  es 
tablished.  He  did  so,  and  on  his  return  to  Paris,  the  Minister  asked  his  opinion. 
The  reply  was,  '  They  are  very  well,  but  you  do  not  begin  early  enough.'  '  What 
do  you  mean  1 '  '  The  women  of  France  can't  give  their  children  those  important  les 
sons  which  mothers  alone  can  give,  because  their  lives  are  spent  at  work  in  the  fields.' 
He  replied,  '  But,  sir,  if  the  women  did  not  work,  they  would  not  be  worthy  to  be 
the  mothers  of  Frenchmen.' 

"Talleyrand  talking  to  me  about  the  education  of  the  people  said,  'Ah  !  but  the 
difficulty  is  to  know  where  to  stop.'  Be  assured  the  opinion  generally  in  these  des 
potic  countries  is,  that  if  education  is  not  stopped  before  people  learn  their  rights 
and  duties,  they  will  not  patiently  bear  their  burdens,  social,  civil,  or  ecclesiastical, 
and  they  may  attempt  to  throw  them  off. 


REMINISCENCES    OP    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON.  425 

"I  hope  you  will  pardon  these  marginal  notes.  I  return  to  my  text,  "Dear 
Woman."  The  women  of  Paris  are  under-sized.  They  have  good  figures,  dress 
with  great  taste,  are  graceful  and  walk  well.  Their  accents  are  sweet,  and  their 
phrases  of  the  prettiest  kinds  ;  they  are  certainly  not  handsome. 

"I  have  often  thought  that  it'  the  condition  of  '  the  sex,'  was  made  the  test  of 
the  highest  grade  of  civilization  (and  why  is  not  a  good  one?)  the  people  of  the 
United  States  would  stand  first  in  that  rank.  ISFo  people  in  the  world  treat  their 
women  with  so  much  just  consideration,  so  much  delicacy  and  attention  as  we  do. 
They  are  considered,  as  they  ought  to  be,  the  equals  of  the  lords  of  the  creation  in 
all  respects  in  which  their  superior  delicacy  of  organism  permits  them  to  be.  Their 
feebleness  and  shrinking  delicacy  is  one  source  of  their  power.  I  hope  it  will  be 
long  before  "our  strong-minded  women  "  will  degrade  them  by  attempting  to  place 
them  in  a  sphere  in  which  that  power  would  be  lost,  and  for  which  they  were  never 
intended. 

"  The  Men  of  France. — This  is  a  fruitful  subject  which  I  cannot  venture  upon  at 
present.  They  are  without  a  sound  and  wholesome  religious  faith  in  any  thing; 
they  are  dissolute,  brave,  intellectual,  cheerful,  careless  of  the  future,  impetuous. 
With  them  the  Sabbath  is  neither  a  day  of  rest  or  worship,  but  one  of  labor  and 
pleasure.  The  public  work  goes  on,  on  that  day  as  on  any  other. 

"  One  third  of  all  the  children  born  in  Paris  are  illegitimate.  That  odious  mar 
riage  by  St.  Jacques  is  fruitful  of  the  greatest  dissoluteness.  It  is  said  to  happen 
thus  :  A  single  man  and  a  single  woman,  agrisette,  each  have  their  room  in  the  same 
house,  and  each  boils  a  pot  and  provides  the  daily  meals.  They  meet  again  and 
again  on  the  common  stairway,  until  at  length  it  is  proposed  as  an  economy  that  the 
t\vo  should  pay  but  one  rent  and  boil  but  one  pot,  this  is  agreed  to,  and  this  is  une 
marriage  par  St.  Jacques. 

"  The  men  almost  universally  smoke  (they  take  less  snuff  than  they  used  to  do). 
The  women  are  addicted  to  the  same  vice,  and  yet  I  never  saw  a  spittoon  in  France, 
they  do  not  "  void  their  rheum."  Indeed,  I  believe  there  is  but  one  man  in  Paris 
who  ranks  as  a  gentleman,  who  chews  tobacco,  and  spits  over  the  floor,  and  he  has 
from  his  high  diplomatic  station,  permission  to  do  so. 

"  The  American  Minister  is  a  kind,  intelligent  gentleman,  who  receives  all  his 
countrymen  and  entertains  as  many  of  them  as  his  means  will  allow. 

"  I  now  turn  to  another  and  a  graver  subject,  the  political  condition  of  France. 
Without  promising  to  be  as  well  informed  as  most  of  the  returned  American  travel- 
It  rs  who  so  frequently  assure  us,  upon  the  very  best  authority,  that  this  government 
is  shortly  to  be  overthrown,  I  may  express  my  conviction  that  it  is  more  stable  now 
than  any  other  that  has  existed  in  La  Belle  France,  for  the  last  half  century. 

"  'Paris  is  France.' 

"Although  in  many  respects  this  is  true,  it  is  eminently  so  as  to  revolutions  of 
government.  And  the  sagacious  statesman  who  now  holds  the  reins  well  under 
standing  this,  with  a  wise  policy  has  taught  the  Bourgeoisie,  and  all  others  who 
have  property,  and  therefore  a  stake  in  the  country,  to  believe  that  L?  Empire  vest 
In  pain — "the  Empire  is  peace,"  not  alone  as  to  other  nations  but  at  home.  lie 
has  gratified  the  vanity  of  the  Parisians  by  his  adornment  of  clier  Paris,  having 
made  it  by  all  odds  the  most  beautiful  city  in  the  world,  and  also  by  commanding  the 
respect  and  exercising  a  controlling  influence  over  the  affairs  of  all  the  the  nations 
of  Europe;  at  the  same  time  he  has  thus  assured  their  confidence  and  regard,  not- 


426  REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON. 

withstanding  the  energetic  repressive  spirit  of  his  internal  administration.  He  takes 
care  to  bring  home  by  his  military  displays  during  every  hour  of  every  day  to  their 
convictions  and  fears  that  he  has  the  power  at  any  moment  to  "crush  out"  any 
insurrection  in  Paris,  however  formidable  may  be  its  numbers,  or  secret  and  effici 
ent  its:  organization. 

"It  is  well  understood  here  that  upon  his  death  at  present,  and  particularly 
by  any  act  of  violence,  a  civil  war  would  be  inevitable,  and  that  such  a  war  would 
not  only  devastate  France,  but  would  be  as  fruitless  for  good  government  or  free 
institutions  as  were  the  revolutions  of  1848.  It  might  destroy  the  thrones  and 
principalities  of  the  whole  continent  and  probably  inaugurate  in  their  stead  crude 
systems  of  '  Pemocracie  social  and  political,'  or  ordain  and  establish  the  government 
of  the  sword.  I  feel  assured  that  no  political  event  could  at  this  moment  be  so  injuri 
ous  to  the  civilized  world  as  would  be  the  death  or  deposition  of  '  Napoleon  the  III.' 

"  The  almost  universal  detestation  in  France  of  the  late  attempt  at  assassina 
tion,  and  the  general  feeling  of  hostility  against  England  because  she  was  believed 
(without  any  good  foundation)  to  be  an  accomplice  in  that  atrocity,  is  a  proof  that 
the  act  was  not  only  unpopular,  but  that  the  end  it  hoped  for  would  have  been  de 
plored  as  a  great  national  calamity. 

"  The  army  is  the  great  engine  of  power  at  home  and  abroad.  Cherbourg  is  a 
threat  to  England  which  she  writhes  under,  but  dare  not  resent.  The  entente  cor- 
diale  between  Russia  and  France  is  well  understood  to  be  the  assurance  of  peace 
between  the  two  hitter  powers  and  the  former.  The  Villa  Franca  possession,  as  a 
naval  depot  under  a  commercial  guise  by  France,  has  roused  the  ire  of  the  press 
and  people  of  England,  while  on  the  part  of  France,  although  it  is  within  ten  miles 
of  Toulon,  it  is  looked  upon  with  complacency,  if  not  with  satisfaction.  The  news 
papers  of  Paris  retort  upon  those  of  London,  by  calling  their  attention  to  Perini,  as 
among  the  last  fruits  of  their  robber  propensities.  The  truth  is,  with  a  great  many 
good  qualities,  John  Bull's  regard  for  the  rights  of  others,  and  his  affected  respect 
for  the  principle  of  non-intervention  is  a  great  humbug,  and  almost  as  egregious  an 
hypocrisy  as  is  his  advocacy  of  free  trade.  He  is  continually  abusing  the  people  of 
France  as  '  stupid  and  ignorant,'  because  they  will  not  compel  their  government  to 
admit  English  woolen  and  other  manufactures  free  of  duty.  By  the  way,  as  a  proof 
of  the  hollowness  of  their  hypocrisy,  recall  the  fact,  that  they  tax  our  tobacco 
1600  per  cent. ;  that  when  they  found  we  were  competing  with  them  in  the  Cal 
cutta  market  in  the  sale  of  cotton  yarns,  they  imposed  a  duty  upon  that  article  from 
the  United  States  of  10  per  cent.,  while  their  own  was  free  ;  and  to  the  other  fact, 
that  of  the  fifty-six  millions  of  annual  revenue  twenty-two  millions  are  derived 
from  duties  on  articles  of  foreign  commerce,  introduced  into  the  United  Kingdom. 
How  long  wTill  the  industry  of  the  most  ingenious  and  enterprizing  people  of  the 
world  continue  to  be  paralyzed  by  the  humbug  of  free  trade  so  industriously  urged 
upon  all  nations  by  that  one,  which  by  their  long  continued  protective  system, 
boasts  to  have  become  the  workshop  of  the  world.  Her  war  upon  China  had  no 
other  object,  or  end  in  view,  as  is  now  avowed,  but  to  compel  that  ancient  and  highly 
civilized  people  to  bow  down  to  the  manufacturers  of  Leeds,  Sheffield,  and  Man 
chester.  In  this  connection,  I  beg  to  call  your  attention  to  the  abuse  of  our  country 
by  the  English  pre?s,  in  relation  to  that  war.  "We  are  now  told  that  our  minister  play 
ed  the  part  of  the  jackal  to  the  lion.  The  truth  is,  the  President  could  do  no  more 
than  he  has  done.  It  is  n)t  very  clear  that  ho  has  not  done  more  than  he  had  the 


REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON.  427 

right  or  legal  power  to  do.  We  had  no  cause  of  war  with  China,  or  if  we  had,  un 
til  it  was  declared  by  Congress,  the  President  had  no  power  to-  make  war,  or  even 
to  make  a  show  of  war,  or  an  attempt  at  intervention,  and  thus  to  bring  on  a  war. 
If  such  an  attack  by  England  had  been  made  upon  a  continental  power,  and  we  had 
taken  the  attitude  on  the  coast  of  such  power  we  did  take  on  the  coast  and  in  the 
waters  of  China,  we  would  have  been  considered  and  treated  as  an  enemy,  and  thus 
a  war  would  have  been  made  by  the  President  in  plain  violation  of  the  constitution. 
When  our  Constitution  was  formed,  the  clause  restricting  the  power  to  make  war 
and  giving  it  to  Congress  alone  was  held  to  be  a  great  safeguard.  Has  it  proved  so  ? 
Of  the  two  great  wars  we  have  had,  one,  that  with  Mexico,  was  made  by  the  Presi 
dent.  The  other,  that  with  England,  by  Congress.  In  how  many  other  of  its 
provisions  has  our  Constitution  become  a  dead  letter,  I  do  not  mean  to  say.  The 
expedient  from  which  so  much  was  expected,  and  in  relation  to  which  at  one  time 
so  much  was  hoped  and  promised,  has  not  yet  been  tried.  The  experience  as  to 
governments  is  slow  but  sure.  I  fear  that  the  hopes  of  the  patriot  are  not  so  san 
guine  fis  to  the  result  as  they  have  been.  When  Mr.  Toombs,  of  Georgia,  declared 
in  his  place  in  the  Senate  that  he  believed  the  Congress  of  the  United  States  was 
the  most  corrupt  body  in  the  world,  he  was  called  upon  to  repeat,  but  not  to  ex 
plain,  to  prove,  the  assertion,  or  retract  it.  This  acquiescence  is  of  most  fearful  im 
port.  The  question  still  remains  to  be  answered,  was  this  assertion  true  ?  If  yea, 
what  can  be  said  in  favor  of  popular  government  ?  I  confess  I  have  fearful  fore 
bodings.  Of  one  thing  I  am  quite  sure,  that  universal  suffrage  in  our  cities,  with 
our  foreign  and  pauper  population,  whose  votes  are  directed  by  the  worst  men,  is  a 
complete  failure,  and  most  of  the  good  and  sensible  in  New  York  now  believe  it 
to  be  so. 

"Yours  truly." 

JAMES  A.  HAMILTON  TO  HON.  FRANCIS  P.  BLAIR,  Junior. 

"  DOBBS  FERRY  P.  O.,  November  29,  1859. 

"  DEAR  SIR  :  We  look  with  the  deepest  anxiety  to  the  course  of  events  connected 
with  the  organization  of  the  House  of  Representatives. 

"  It  is  frequently  the  case  that  individuals  from  blind  selfishness  lose  the  hap 
piest  opportunities  of  their  lives  to  promote  their  interests  and  characters  ;  and  so  I 
fear  it  will  be  with  the  Kepublican  party  on  this  occasion.  Good  fortune,  in  my 
opinion,  has  placed  them  in  a  position  in  which,  by  a  magnanimous  policy,  they  can 
without  the  sacrifice  of  interest  and  principle  consolidate  a  union  of  all  parties  of 
the  opposition,  and  thus  render  that  opposition  invincible,  not  only  for  the  present, 
but  the  most  important  future. 

"  Let  the  113,  generous  in  their  strength,  say  to  the  Anti-Lecompton  Democrats 
and  the  South  Americans,  numbering  together,  I  believe,  less  than  one  third  of  their 
number  (thirty-one  in  all),  we  will  take  the  speaker  in  the  person  of  Mr.  *  * 
and  propose  to  one  faction  to  nominate  the  clerk,  the  other  the  door-keeper,  libra 
rian,  a  sergeant-at-arms,  and  let  the  fourth  officer  be  disposed  of.  if  necessary,  by 
the  union  of  the  one  third,  thus  proving  that  the  Republicans  are  capable  of  large 
sacrifices  to  carry  out,  with  success,  their  patriotic  efforts  to  rescue  the  country 
from  the  misrule,  nay,  the  corruption  of  the  sham  Democracy. 

"  Should  such  a  course  be  taken  promptly,  openly,  gracefully,  it  would  so  weld 


4:28  REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON. 

the  opposition  together  into  a  solid  mass  as  to  strike  terror  in  the  administration 
and  its  adherents.  It  would,  I  have  no  doubt,  render  certain  our  power  and  con 
trol.  To  do  this  effectually,  it  ought  to  be  done  before  any  attempt  is  made  to 
take  all  the  offices.  If  attempted  after  defeat,  it  would  be  yielding  to  a  necessity, 
and  therefore  without  any  merit. 

"  As  Winter  Davis  well  said,  '  Success  is  a  duty,'  and  consequently  it  is  the  duty 
of  all  the  member?  of  the  opposition,  and  particularly  of  the  strongest  one,  to  make 
all  these  sacrifices  of  interest  or  ambition  by  the  parties  or  individuals  which  may 
be  required  to  perform  that  duty,  that  is,  to  command  success. 

:'  I  most  earnestly  hope  that  our  party  are  up  to  so  enlightened  a  course,  and 
that  they  will  pursue  it. 

"If  the  expression  of  my  opinion  can  be  of  any  use  whatever,  you  are  at  liberty 
to  do  with  this  letter  whatever  will  conduce  to  that  end  most  efficiently. 
"  With  great  respect,  I  have  the  honor  to  be,  yours,  &c." 


HINTS,  1859. 

"  The  following  is  the  President's  reply  to  an  invitation  to  attend  the  recent 
Centenary  Celebration  at  Pittsburgh:  "  'November  22,  1858.  I  shall  assume  the 
privilege,  &c.,  in  referring  to  another  growing  and  dangerous  evil.  In  the  last 
age,  although  our  fathers,  like  ourselves,  were  divided  into  political  parties,  yet 
we  never  heard,  until  within  a  recent  period,  of  the  employment  of  money  to 
carry  elections.  Should  this  practice  increase  until  the  voters  and  their  represent 
atives,  &c.,  shall  become  infected,  the  fountain  of  free  government  will  then  be  poi 
soned  at  its  source.' 

"  This  is  a  distinct  allegation  of  an  existing  practice,  '  a  growing  and  dangerous 
evil ; '  and  I  will  add,  that  it  is  an  admitted  truth.  But  we  have  a  right  to  assume, 
when  the  President  of  the  United  States  asserts  openly  and  plainly  that  there  exists 
as  a  practice  the  employment  of  money  to  carry  elections;  that  upon  investigation 
he  had  ascertained  this  to  be  true,  he  would  never  have  made  so  damaging  an 
accusation  upon  mere  presumption.  Let  us  have  the  truth,  and  the  whole  truth  on 
this  subject.  Let  us  inquire  as  to  the  amount  of  money  which  has  been  assessed 
upon  the  office-holders  in  Washington  and  elsewhere  under  this  Administration  to 
be  employed  in  elections ;  and  whether  this  is  or  is  not  made  under  the  threat  ex 
pressed  or  implied  of  removal  in  case  of  refusal,  and  what  number  of  removals  have 
followed  refusals. 

"  This  practice  of  assessment  creates  the  necessity  for  increase  of  salary,  and  thus 
it  in  effect  is  withdrawing  so  much  money  from  the  public  treasury  by  a  political 
party  to  sustain  itself  in  power. 

"In  the  Democratic  Review  for  August,  1858,  wa  find  in  a  biographical  sketch 
these  remarks:  '  In  October,  1858,  he  (the  object  of  the  sketch)  was  chairman  of  the 
New  York  Hotel  Committee,  composed  of  many  of  the  most  active  and  prominent 
commercial  men  in  the  city  of  New  York,  which  wisely  devoted  its  efforts  to  the 
Pennsylvania  State  election ;  and  in  carrying  the  State,  undoubtedly  contributed 
greatly  to  the  election  of  Mr.  Buchanan.'  That  the  author  of  this  sketch  is  said  to  be 
the  gentleman  who  was  appointed  District  Attorney  of  New  York,  in  place  of  the 


REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON.  429 

Hon.  John  McKeon.  Busy  rumor  has  said  that  a  very  distinguished  member  of 
that  body  was  present  at  that  meeting  at  which  a  very  large  amount  of  money, 
from  $50  to  $150,000,  was  raised  and  employed  in  the  State  election  in  Pennsylvania 
in  October,  1850;  and  that  it  was  in  this  way  that  the  distinguished  men  of  that 
meeting  so  wisely  devoted  its  efforts  to  that  election.  It  may  be  that  Mr.  Buchanan 
may  have  had  this  meeting  in  view  when  he  wrote  that  lutter.  However  all  this 
may  be,  we  want  to  have  the  facts — we  want  to  know  whether  any,  and  what 
amount  was  raised;  how  it  was  employed,  or  in  what  way  those  wise  merchants  of 
New  York  directed  their  efforts  to  the  State  election  in  Pennsylvania,  in  1856,  and 
thus  secured  Mr.  Buchanan's  success  in  the  presidential  election.  And,  as  next  im 
portant  to  this  subject,  we  would  like  to  be  informed  whether  any  and  what  postal 
arrangement  followed  these  wise  efforts,  which  may  have  compensated  the  'active 
and  prominent  commercial  men  of  New  York'  for  their  sacrifices  and  services 
on  that  occasion;  whether  money  or  money's  worth,  the  bestowal  of  offices, 
jobs,  or  contracts  employed  in  elections,  does  not  make  much  difference  as  to 
the  effect  upon  the  character  of  our  elections  and  of  the  people  who  are  engaged  in 
them. 

"  This  practice  enlists  in  this  party  conflict  the  very  worst  class  of  our  citizens  ; 
consequently  as  that  class  must  reap  the  spoils  of  victory,  the  offices  are  given  to 
men  without  any  regard  to  their  character  or  fitness,  and  the  jobs  and  contracts  are 
given  to  the  relatives  and  dependents  of  those  who  hold  offices,  executive  and  legis 
lative,  and  thus  your  legislatures  are  poisoned  at  the  same  time. 

"Another  evil  is,  that  those  who  hold  offices  are  corrupted  by  their  success,  if 
they  were  not  so  before.  As  an  illustration  of  this  truth  :  at  this  moment  those  who 
are  in  office,  observing  with  the  deepest  anxiety  the  signs  of  the  times,  begin  to  be 
lieve  that  their  party  (the  great  Democratic  party)  is  rent  by  dissensions — the  advo 
cates  of  Squatter  Sovereignty  on  one  side  with  a  most  distinguished  chieftain  at  their 
head — and  those  who  well  know  that  should  that  dogma  prevail,  there  is  an  end  of 
all  hope  of  another  slave  State  being  added  to  this  Union.  On  the  other  side,  the 
brothers  are  arraying  their  legions  respectively  for  a  desperate  contest  in  Charles 
ton.  These  portents  are  magnified  by  their  fears  into  inevitable  conclusions,  which 
threaten  destruction  and  defeat.  Again,  keen  hounds  have  scented  the  air,  and  they 
are  reluctantly  beginning  to  fear  that  that  great  party  which  has  inscribed  on  its 
banner  'Free  soil  for  free  men— retrenchment  and  reform,'  may,  in  1860,  be  the 
victors. 

"  These  waiters  upon  Providence  having  but  one  object  in  view,  regardless  of  all 
their  professions  of  faith  in  Democracy,  and  the  party  of  their  political  or  social 
or  any  other  principles  are  preparing  to  betray  their  employers  and  friends  by  be 
coming  informers;  and  at  the  proper  time  to  betray  their  colors. 

"This  is  one  of  the  debasing  consequences  of  these  frequent  changes  of  offices, 
and  making  them  the  reward  of  parfcizan  services. 

"Macaulay,  in  his  History  of  England,  referring  to  the  changes  of  a  political  char 
acter  by  the  frequent  changes  in  Great  Britain  which  marked  its  history  from  the 
beginning  of  the  reign  of  the  first  Charles  to  the  end  of  that  of  the  second  Charles, 
uses  this  emphatic  language  when  speaking  of  the  politicians  : 

"  'During  these  events  no  man  could  be  a  stirring  and  thriving  politician,  who 
was  not  prepared  to  change  with  every  change  of  fortune.  One  who  in  such  an  age 
is  determined  to  attain  civil  greatness,  must  renounce  all  thought  of  consistency. 


430  REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON. 

He  mii?t  seize  the  exact  moment  for  deserting  a  falling  cause.  Having  gone  all 
lengths  with  a  faction  while  it  was  uppermost,  he  must  suddenly  extricate  himself 
from  it  when  its  difficulties  begin — must  assail  it,  must  persecute  it,  must  enter  upon 
a  new  career  of  power  and  prosperity  in  company  with  new  associates.  His  situa 
tion  naturally  developes  in  him  to  the  highest  degree  a  peculiar  class  of  abilities,  and 
a  peculiar  class  of  vices.  He  becomes  quick  of  observation  and  fertile  of  resources. 
He  catches  without  effort  the  tone  of  any  sect  or  party  with  which  he  chances  to 
mingle ;  he  discovers  the  signs  of  the  times  with  a  sagacity  which  to  the  multitude 
appears  miraculous.  But  we  shall  seldom  find  in  a  statesman  (say  placeman  or  parti- 
zan)  so  trained  integrity,  consistency,  or  any  of  the  virtues  of  the  noble  family  of 
truth.  He  has  no  faith  in  any  doctrine ;  no  zeal  for  any  cause.  He  has  seen  so 
many  old  institutions  swept  away  that  he  has  no  reverence  for  prescription.  He 
sneers  alike  at  those  who  are  anxious  to  preserve,  and  at  those  who  are  eager  to  re 
form.  There  is  nothing  in  the  State  which  he  could  not.  without  a  scruple  or  a  blush, 
join  in  defending  or  in  destroying.  Fidelity  to  opinions  and  to  friends  seem  to  him 
mere  dullness  and  wrong-headedness.  Politics  he  regards  not  as  a  science  of  which 
the  object  is  the  happiness  of  mankind,  but  as  an  exciting  game  of  mixed  chance  and 
skill.'  *  *  *  'Ambition,  which  in  good  times  and  in  good  minds  is  half  a  virtue, 
now  disjoined  from  every  elevated  and  philanthropic  sentiment,  becomes  a  selfish 
cupidity,  scarcely  less  ignoble  than  avarice.7  " 


OFFICIAL  DELINQUENCY. 

"The  existing  course  of  party  discipline  and  consequently  of  personal  sub 
serviency  dates  back  to  (1829)  eighteen  hundred  and  twenty-nine,  when  'The 
Northern  man  with  Southern  principles'  was  appointed  Secretary  of  State  by  Gen 
eral  Jackson. 

"  '  The  Albany  Eegency,'  so  famous  and  so  efficient  because  so  implacable  in  its 
resentments,  distinguished  its  reign  of  terror  in  the  State  of  New  York  by  removing 
De  "Witt  Clinton  from  the  office  of  Canal  Commissioner. 

"  The  name  of  that  illustrious  Governor  of  New  York  will  bring  to  the  recol 
lection  of  the  country  the  fact  that  the  foremost  work  of  internal  improvement  in  our 
country  (the  Erie  Canal)  was  due  to  his  sagacity  and  intrepidity  as  a  politician ;  and 
that  he  was  the  victim  under  the  direction,  and  I  may  add  at  the  instigation  of  that 
'  mousing  politician '  who  inaugurated  at  "Washington  the  detestable  and  corrupt 
ing  practice  of  removing  all  men  from  office  who  do  not  cry  hosanna  to  the  existing 
national  administration,  which  is  illustrated  by  the  apothegm  of  party,  which  a  very 
superior  man  to  him  of  Albany  had  the  effrontery  to  announce:  'To  the  victors 
belong  the  spoils.' 

"  I  hold  that  of  all  sayings  uttered  in  the  English  language  there  is  but  one  more 
offensive,  and  that  is,  '  That  the  black  man  has  not  any  right  which  a  white  man  is 
bound  to  respect ; '  these  two  sayings  will,  until  both  are  repudiated  practically,  as 
well  as  by  the  party  and  the  political  intelligence  and  morality  of  the  country,  place 
the  Government  and  people  of  the  United  States  in  a  very  dangerous  as  well  as  dis 
reputable  eminence. 

"Martin  Van  Buren  has  the  merit  or  disgrace  of  having  inaugurated  the  prac 
tice,  at  every  change  of  party  of  making  a  thorough  change  of  officers  of  the  Gov 
ernment.  The  actual  President,  Buchanan,  has  gone  a  step  further,  he  lias  adopted 
the  rule  which  all  the  party  hacks  will  hereafter  insist  upon,  that  at  every  change  of 
President,  a  clean  sweep  must  be  made. 


REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES  A.  HAMILTON.  431 

"It  is  related  that  when  this  course  commenced,  Mr.  Marcy,  reminded  of  his 
saying,  '  To  the  victors  belong  the  spoils,'  promptly  replied  :  '  I  did  not  mean  to  de 
spoil  our  own  camp.' 

"  The  rule  now  is,  that  the  offices  of  the  Government  of  all  ranks  and  di-tinctions 
are  to  be  held  up  as  the  reward  of  party  services  ;  and  that  to  the  President^  as  the 
head  of  the  party  and  the  dispenser  directly  and  indirectly  of  the  vast  patronage  to 
which  I  have  referred,  all  services  are  due. 

"  Without  going  into  the  obviously  injurious  consequences  to  the  public  affairs, 
to  the  fidelity  in  the  just  performance  of  difficult  duties  which  can  only  be  learned 
by  practice,  I  will  merely  refer  to  its  corrupting  influence  upon  the  people  of  the 
country." 

BUCHANAN'S  ADMINISTRATION. 

"behave  seen  that  a  most  efficient  scheme  of  party  discipline,  as  subtle,  as 
absolute,  as  unrelenting  as  that  of  Loyola  has  been  established  at  the  Capitol  of  the 
United  States;  which  permeates  every  part  of  the  body  politic  of  the  country. 

"  Let  us  ascertain  the  aim  and  end  of  this  great  achievement.  Is  it  to  promote 
the  great  economic  interests  of  the  United  States?  To  secure  the  brotherhood  of 
the  people  of  the  State?  To  enlighten  the  masses  as  to  the  true  principles  of  their 
Government  ?  To  elevate  their  moral  and  political  principles  ?  To  teach  them  that 
to  preserve  the  public,  they  must  cherish  personal  liberty,  which  involves  freedom 
of  speech,  of  thoughtr,  of  action,  and  that  the  first  duty  of  a  citizen  of  the  Republic 
is  to  canvass  frankly  and  honestly  the  measures  of  the  National,  the  State,  and  the 
Municipal  administrations ;  and  so  to  exercise  the  right  of  suffrage  as  to  carry  out 
their  honest  convictions,  regardless  of  personal  or  party  influences  or  powers. 

"  We  find  no  one  of  these  great  virtues  and  duties  taught  or  practised,  or  even 
referred  to  in  the  platforms  or  programmes  of  the  parties ;  on  the  contrary,  absolute, 
unhesitating  obedience  to  the  dogmas  of  the  party;  in  the  name  of  the  Democracy, 
and  at  the  shrine  of  its  power,  and  to  the  President  as  its  great  high  priest,  all  free 
dom  of  sympathy,  of  thought,  or  of  action  is  sacrificed;  and  all  this  is  done  in 
order  that  a  few  men  may  enjoy  power  and  place,  and  fatten  on  the  plunder  of  the 
public  Treasury. 

"  The  President,  backed  by  this  great  power,  to  sustain  his  administration  and 
policy,  and  the  Democratic  party,  has,  as  is  demonstrated,  tampered  witli  a  member 
of  this  body,  the  Congress,  and  directly  influenced  his  actions. 

"Let  us  have  a  fair  and  thorough  search  into  the  changes  of  votes  of  members 
upon  the  two  great  measures  before  referred  to,  and  the  influences  which  produced 
such  changes ;  and  I  venture  to  assert  a  scene  of  corruption  will  be  laid  bare,  which 
while  it  justifies  the  anathema  of  the  Senator  from  Georgia,  will  shock  the  public 
sense  more  than  any  other  development  yet  made. 

"  The  President  has  a  propensity  for  interfering  with,  and  giving  a  direction  to 
Legislative  action.  His  efforts  are  not  confined  to  Congress ;  but  at  a  very  early 
dMy  were  directed  to  the  Legislature  of  Pennsylvania  in  the  choice  of  her  Senators. 

"  His  interferences  in  the  popular  elections  have  been  so  frequent  and  so  glaring, 
as  to  render  it  unnecessary  to  dwell  upon  this  branch  of  the  inquiry  proposed  to  be 
made  further  than  to  remark  that  it  is  as  various  as  it  is  corrupting  and  efficient. 
We  will  refer  to  a  few  of  the  most  flagrant  cases  of  recent  occurrence. 


432  REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON. 

"The  success  of  that  party  in  Illinois  which  would  sustain  a  distinguished  gentle 
man,  the  former  chairman  of  the  committee  on  Territories  of  this  body,  was  partic 
ularly  feared  by  the  President ;  and  it  is  believed  he  through  his  offica  holders 
organized  a  party  equal  to  a  corporal's  guard  of  the  Democracy  in  that  State  to 
oppose  him.  How  many  post-masters  he  removed,  who  would  not  be  parties  to 
that  organization,  will  be  shown  by  the  proposed  inquiries;  and  what  amount  of 
money  was  raised  by  official  contribution,  influenced  by  the  President's  example, 
and  with  his  sanction,  to  carry  that  election  \vc  do  not  know;  rumor  says  tens  of 
thousands. 

"  We  have  seen  how  the  future  elections  of  New  York  are  to  be  directed  and 
controlled  under  the  influence  of  the  discipline  administered  to  office  holders  for 
recusancy.  Let  us  here  refer  to  a  marked  case,  not  only  of  direct  interference  with 
a  popular  election,  but  nullifying  the  settled  policy  of  a  State. 

"  The  State  of  New  York  deemed  it  sound  policy  to  separate  the  municipal  from 
the  general  election,  in  the  city  of  New  York;  and  to  that  end  passed  a  law  di 
recting  that  the  former  should  be  held  at  least  one  month  subsequent  to  the  latter. 
This  was  done  expressly  in  order  that  the  choice  of  municipal  officers  might  be  made 
irrespective  of  the  great  party  organizations,  and  uninfluenced  by  their  machinery. 

"  It  was  a  wise  and  necessary  policy,  from  which  great  advantages  were  hoped 
to  result,  and  particularly  that  the  voters  might  be  freed  from  the  action  of  the  gen 
eral  and  State  officers ;  from  the  influence  of  party  excitement  as  to  general  or  State 
policy,  and  from  that  iron  rule  of  party  discipline  which  required  every  man  enlisted 
under  the  banner  of  Democracy  or  Republicanism,  to  vote  the  regular  party  ticket ; 
thus  hoping  and  believing  that  the  choice  of  the  voters  of  all  classes  and  conditions 
would  be  directed  alone  by  the  character  of  the  candidates,  and  their  fitness  for  the 
trusts  to  be  reposed  in  them,  and  as  a  consequence  that  the  city  would  be  secured 
against  the  corruption  and  bribery  to  which  it  has  been  so  long  exposed.  By  this 
law,  the  State  of  New  York  declared  her  policy  to  be  that  the  charter  elections  in 
New  York  ought  not  to  be  and  should  not  be  influenced  and  controlled  by  the 
general  elections. 

"Mr.  Buchanan  seeing,  or  fearing  that  this  new  and  beneficial  course  of  policy 
might  distract  and  les-en  the  trammels  of  party,  determined  that  the  policy  of  the 
State  should  not  be  effective,  if  he  could  thwart  it  through  his  official  dependents. 
And,  therefore,  at  the  very  first  election  when  a  democrat,  Mr.  Tiemann,  was  pre 
sented  as  the  candidate  of  both  parties  for  Mayor,  and  Mr.  Wood  as  the  candidate 
of  the  corrupt  and  corrupting  office-holders  of  the  city,  and  others  his  personal 
adherents,  under  the  name  of  the  Democratic  party,  he  required  his  office  holders 
in  the  city  of  New  York  to  vote  for  what  he  considered  the  regular  Democratic 
candidate,  and  failing  to  do  so,  he  dismissed  the  District  Attorney  of  the  United 
States  from  office. 

ult  is  believed  to  be  susceptible  of  proof,  that  an  order  was  issued  from  head 
quarters  that  the  recruits  on  board  the  receiving  ship  North  Carolina  should  be 
carried,  as  it  was  before  stated  they  were  carried,  to  the  poll  at  Williamsburg,  to 
vote  for  the  Lecompton  Democratic  candidate  at  the  late  election,  in  that  Congres 
sional  District. 

"  Well  knowing  that  this  condition  of  party  demoralization  would  lead  to  that 
which  he  believed  was  the  worst  form  of  government  in  the  "World,  an  unmitigated 
and  uncontrolled  Democracy,  such  as  that  described  by  Madison  in  the  43d  number 


REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES   A.  HAMILTON.  433 

of  the  Federalist.  '  What  bitter  anguish  would  not  the  people  of  Athens  have  often 
escaped,  if  their  Government  had  contained  so  provident  a  safeguard  against  the 
tyranny  of  their  own  passions  (he  refers  as  the  safeguard  to  the  Senate  of  the 
United  States).  Popular  liberty  might  then  have  escaped  the  indelible  reproach  of 
decreeing  to  the  same  citizens  the  hemlock  on  one  day,  and  statues  on  the  next.' 

"  In  the  Federalist  by  Mr.  Madison,  the  Government  of  the  United  States  is 
earnestly  recommended  to  the  people  for  adoption,  because  it  was  not  a  Democracy. 
Most  certainly,  a  pure  Democracy  must  be  a  Government  controlled  by  ignorance  and 
brutality.  Influenced  by  these  considerations,  the  great  question  was,  how  could 
this  great  evil  of  prostituting  the  Government  patronage  to  party  purposes  be  rem 
edied  ?  And  this  led  to  the  inquiry,  '  Has  the  President  the  power  by  the  Constitu- 
tution  of  removal  from  office  ?'  In  the  examination  of  this  question,  reference  was 
made  to  the  Federalist,  which  has  been  called  by  a  distinguished  English  writer 
'  The  Bible  of  Republicans.' 

"In  oSTo.  77  of  that  work,  written  by  Hamilton,  it  is  distinctly  stated  as  one  of 
the  advantages  of  the  cooperation  of  the  Senate  in  the  business  of  appointments, 
that  it  would  contribute  to  stability  of  the  administration.  The  consent  of  that  body 
would  be  necessary  to  displace,  as  well  as  to  appoint.  A  change  of  the  Chief  Magis 
trate,  therefore,  would  not  occasion  so  violent  or  so  general  a  revolution  in  the 
offices  of  the  Government,  as  might  be  expected  if  he  were  the  sole  disposer  of 
offices. 

"  This  eminent  authority  against  the  power  induced  a  thorough  examination  of 
the  laws  passed  on  the  subject,  and  particularly  the  first  act  passed  in  1789,  and  the 
course  of  practice  under  that  act.  lie  found  that  the  whole  number  of  removals 
from  1789  to  1829  did  not  exceed  seventy-three.  More  than  half  of  these  were 
made  by  Mr.  Jefferson. 

"  In  1829,  President  Jackson  introduced  the  practice  of  exercising  this  power,  as 
Calhoun  said,  "to  reward  friends  and  punish  enemies."  His  removals,  according 
to  Parton,  were  estimated  at  two  thousand." 

During  my  examination  of  this  subject,  that  celebrated  philanthropist, 
Mr.  Charles  L.  Brace,  passed  a  night  at  my  house  where  this  subject  was  dis 
cussed  ;  on  his  return  to  the  city  on  the  2d  December,  1858,  he  wrote  to  me 
thus,  "  Your  views  on  the  appointing  power  of  the  President  seem  to  me  very 
important  and  well-timed,  and  I  am  anxious  that  they  should  be  laid  before 
those  who  are  leading  in  politics,  or  who  write  for  the  press."  He  then  suggested 
that  I  should  invite  to  dinner,  on  Friday  of  the  next  week,  Messrs.  Evarts,  D. 
D.  Field,  Godkin,  Dana,  and  others.  This  was  done,  and  these  gentlemen,  with 
Mr.  Brace,  came  after  dinner,  and  the  subject  was  discussed.  My  authorities  were 
at  hand.  The  opinion  of  all  the  gentlemen  was,  that  the  President  had  not  the 
power  to  remove,  and  it  was  understood  that  we  would  endeavor  to  get  a  law 
passed  restraining  the  exercise  of  that  power  by  the  President.  I  was  requested 
to  write  a  pamphlet  on  the  subject,  which  I  did,  which  after  beiog  submitted  to 
Mr.  Evarts,  was  printed.  (See  Appendix  C.) 

In  January,  1859,  I  went  to  Washington  to  get  a  law  passed.  I  first  con 
ferred  with  Mr.  Seward,  then  representing  New  York  in  the  Senate.  He  fully 
28 


434  REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON. 

agreed  -with  me,  and  introduced  me  to  Senator  Wilson,  of  Massachusetts,  as  a, 
proper  person  to  introduce  the  bill.  Mr.  Wilson  entered  into  the  matter  most 
heartily — had  frequent  conversations  with  Mr.  Seward  on  the  subject. 

I  returned  to  New  York,  and  at  the  request  of  Mr.  Wilson,  prepared  and 
sent  to  him  the  following  letter  and  form  of  a  resolution : 


JAMES  A.  HAMILTON  TO  HON.  HENRY  WILSON,  U.  S.  Senator,  Washington,  D.C. 

"NEVIS,  DOBBS  FERRY  P.  O.,  February  12,  1859. 

"My  DEAR  SIR:  Inclosed  with  this  note  you  will  find  the  argument  which  I 
completed  last  night ;  I  cannot  have  it  copied  here,  and  therefore  send  it  as  it  is.  I 
hope  you  will  not  have  too  much  difficulty  in  reading  it.  I  feared  if  I  sent  it  to 
New  York  to  be  copied,  you  might  not  get  it  in  time  for  use. 

"There  are  two  leading  points  which  I  have  endeavored — and  I  believe  with 
success — to  establish :  first,  that  the  President  alone  has  not  the  power  to  remove  by 
the  Constitution,  and  consequently  Congress  may  repeal  such  laws  as  have  been 
passed  sustaining  the  exercise  of  the  power. 

"The  second  point  is,  and  it  is  one  not  raised  before,  that  if  the  President  alone 
has  the  power  to  remove,  he  has  not  the  power  by  the  Constitution  or  laws  to 
appoint  in  order  to  fill  up  such  vacancy,  or  to  appoint  and  thus  remove  ;  because, 
under  the  Constitution,  he  has  power  only  to  appoint  in  order  to  fill  a  vacancy 
which  has  occurred  otherwise  than  by  his  action.  The  last  clause  of  Sec.  2,  Art.  2 
is  conclusive  upon  this  point. 

"  This  point  was  not  made  in  the  decision  \)f  1789,  nor  by  Webster  in  his  speech 
in  1835,  nor  was  that  clause  referred  to  in  either  case. 

"The  argument  is  that  all  officers  of  the  United  States  other  than  those  whose 
appointment  is  provided  for  in  the  Constitution  must  be  nominated  by  the  President, 
consented  to  by  the  Senate,  and  then  appointed  by  the  President.  This  is  the 
general  rule,  the  exceptions  are  'inferior  officers*  whose  appointment  maybe  given 
to  the  President  alone  ~by  CONGRESS,  and  appointments  to  fill  vacancies  during  the 
recess. 

"  The  whole  subject  of  appointments  is  provided  for  by  these  clauses.  There  is 
no  power  by  Congress  to  enlarge  or  abridge  these  provisions ;  they  are  clear  and 
explicit,  and  do  not  authorize  appointments  in  order  to  remove  during  the  recess, 
nor  are  appointments  to  fill  a  vacancy  occasioned  by  a  removal  during  the  recess, 
and  certainly  not  during  the  session. 

"  I  beg  to  call  your  earnest  attention  to  this  view  of  the  subject,  and  congratulate 
you  upon  having  this  opportunity  to  call  the  Senate  and  the  country  to  it. 
"  I  remain,  with  sincere  respect  and  regard, 

"  Your  obedient  servant.'' 

u  Resolved,  That  a  Committee  of  —  be  appointed  to  inquire  into  the  extent 
of  the  patronage  of  the  President  of  the  United  States,  resulting  from  his  exercise 
of  the  power  of  removal  and  appointment  to  office.  And  to  that  end  to  inquire 
nnd  report  the  number  of  offices  or  places  of  trust  or  profit,  under  the  control  of  the 
President,  (exclusive  of  the  regular  officers  of  the  Army  and  Navy),  and  including 
such  as  are  under  the  control  of  the  heads  of  Departments,  subordinate  and  inferior 


REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON.  435 

office?,  with  the  amount  of  salaries,  fees,  or  other  compensation  payable  to  or  received 
under  or  by  virtue  of  such  offices  and  places. 

"  And  further  to  inquire  and  report,  whether  if  any,  and  in  what  case'',  such 
power  and  patronage  has  been  exerted,  or  attempted  to  be  exerted,  or  exercised  to 
influence  the  Legislation  by  Congress,  or  to  direct  or  control  the  votes  and  the 
elections  in  the  States  and  Territories.  And  further  to  inquire  into  the  extent  of 
the  power  and  patronage  of  the  President  of  the  United  States,  resulting  from  the 
expenditure  of  the  public  money  by  or  through  the  heads  of  departments,  subordinate 
and  interior  officers  of  the  Government  of  the  United  States,  who  are  subject  to  the 
removal  and  appointment  by  the  President,  his  Secretaries  and  the  subordinate  and 
inferior  officers  aforesaid,  excluding  the  salaries  and  wages  paid  of  officers  of  all 
kinds  which  are  fixed  by  law,  and  including  salaries,  fees  and  wages,  and  other  com 
pensations  made  to  contractors  for  furnishing  supplies  and  transportation  for  the 
army  and  navy;  for  furnishing  engines,  ordnance,  ordnance  stores,  and  munitions 
of  war;  for  the  purchase  and  sale  of  ships  or  vessels,  for  fitting  out  the  same;  for 
selling  or  purchasing  land,  and  sites  for  civil  and  military  purposes;  for  printing 
and  publishing  of  all  kinds. 

"And  to  inquire  and  report  whether  the  said  expenditures,  and  the  power  or 
patronage  derived  therefrom  by  the  President,  the  heads  of  departments,  by  sub 
ordinate  and  inferior  officers  or  others  are  exerted,  or  attempted  to  be  exerted,  or 
directed  in  such  a  way  as  to  influence  or  control  the  Legislation  by  Congress,  or  the 
votes  or  elections  of  the  States  or  Territories,  or  any  of  them. 

"  To  exhume  this  corruption,  to  awaken  the  public  mind  to  a  just  sense  of  the 
degraded  station  into  which  the  administration  of  the  country  has  fallen,  is  a  painful 
but  a  necessary  duty. 

"  It  has  fallen  to  my  lot  to  present  this  Resolution  calling  for  a  Committee  of 
inquiry  and  reform.  It  will  be  the  mission  of  the  great  Republican  party  to  awaken 
the  conscience  of  the  nation  by  drawing  up  from  their  hidden  and  hideous  haunts 
the  men  and  measures  which  for  the  last  few  years  have  prevailed,  and  which  have 
given  to  the  Congress  of  the  United  States  her  reputation  of  being,  in  the  language 
of  the  gentleman  from  Georgia,  '  The  most  corrupt  body  on  the  face  of  the  earth.' 

"  There  was  a  time  when  we  boasted  that  our  national  assemblies,  our  Congress 
and  our  Conventions,  were  the  most  enlightened,  the  most  incorruptible,  the  most 
patriotic  bodies  of  public  men  the  world  had  ever  seen.  How  have  the  mighty 
fallen  !  Whence,  from  what  mighty  power  of  mischief,  from  what  demon  of  misrule, 
has  all  this  come  1  We  answer  unhesitatingly  and  confidently,  from  the  exercise  of 
the  executive  power,  through  the  bestowal  of  office  and  the  exercise  of  the  power 
resulting  from  a  vast  expenditure  of  money,  by  giving  jobs  and  contracts  as  the 
reward  of  congressional  subserviency  and  party  services. 

"  It  is  well  known,  nay,  it  is  with  much  effrontery  by  some  boasted  of,  as  a 
democratic  principle,  that  all  the  public  offices  are  held  by  the  President  and  other 
departments  of  power  in  the  General  and  State  and  Municipal  Governments  as  the 
reward  of  successful,  skilful,  and  unscrupulous  party  services,  and  that  periodically 
they  must  be  thrown  into  the  arena  to  be  clutched  by  the  gladiators  who  are  most 
distinguished  by  such  qualities  as  will  secure  the  continued  dominion  of  the  party. 

"It  is  established  by  the  contract  of  enlistment  as  a  condition  upon  which 
offices  bestowed  can  alone  be  held,  that  the  officer,  high  or  low,  1st,  must  con 
tribute  a  portion  of  his  official  greed  to  party  uses ;  2d,  must  vote  for  the  party 
candidate ;  3d,  must  work  for  such  candidate  ;  4th,  must  use  his  official  influence 
to  sustain  such  candidate ;  but  more  and  harder  still,  5th,  must,  in  his  views  and 
feelings,  sympathize  with  the  National  Administration,  whatever  its  follies  or  vices 
may  be. 


436  REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON. 

"  That  this  is  the  established  martial  law  which  governs  the  Presidential  army  of 
50,000  office-holders,  regularly  enlisted,  and  of  twice  as  many  volunteer  Hessians 
hired  for  occasions  at  navy  yards,  and  through  jobs  and  contracts,  we  refer  to  the 
letter  of  Hon.  Gouverneur  Kemble,  the  fate  of  Mr.  Ivirsan,  postmaster,  and  Mr.  *  *  * 
light-house  keeper,  recently  drummed  out  for  insubordination  in  not  working  and 
sympathizing,  although  voting  for  the  party  candidate. 

"  "We  will  refer  to  another  case  which  proves  that  this  inexorable  rule  is  applied 
to  officers  of  higher  grades.  Mr.  John  McKeon  was  District  Attorney  of  the  United 
States  for  the  Southern  District  of  New  York,  within  the  city  of  New  York.  Fer 
nando  Wood  was  nominated  for  Mayor  by  a  portion  of  the  Democratic  party, 
although  repudiated  for  his  base  frauds  by  another  and  perhaps  the  greater  section 
of  the  party.  Mr.  McKeon,  agreeing  with  Tammany  Hall,  the  headquarters  of  sound 
Democratic  principles  and  practices,  did  not  vote  for  or  support  Mr.  Wood.  He  was 
dismissed  from  office  by  the  President. 

"  At  this  moment,  such  is  the  sure  fruit  of  vice  and  falsehood,  this  same  Wood, 
once  a  tribune  of  Democracy,  sympathizes  in  defeat  and  impending  political  destruc 
tion  with  a  much  better  man  and  a  far  more  distinguished  public  character." 

MR.  WILSON  TO  JAMES  A.  HAMILTON. 

"WASHINGTON,  February  20,  1859. 

"  DEAE  SIR  :  In  reply  to  your  note  I  have  to  say  that  I  do  not  think  it  would 
be  of  any  service  for  you  to  come  here  at  this  session.  It  is  so  late  that  nothing 
will  be  done  this  session,  but  I  shall  make  the  proposition,  and  at  the  opening  of  the 
.next  session  I  shall  try  to  present  the  whole  case  in  the  best  manner  possible.  I 
shall  be  under  the  greatest  obligations  to  you  for  your  very  valuable  aid  in  the  mat 
ter.  At  any  time  I  shall  be  glad  to  hear  from  you,  and  I  think  I  shall  call  on  you 
.and  talk  the  subject  over  during  the  coming  season. 

"  Yours  truly, 

"H.  WILSON." 

The  threatened  secession  rendered  any  change  for  the  present  hopeless. 
Iln  1866,  my  efforts  were  renewed.  Mr.  Suniner  introduced  me  to  Senator  Hen- 

•  derson  as  a  proper  person  to  bring  the  subject  to  the  notice  of  Congress,  as  he 
Jiad  attempted  to  introduce  something  of  the  same  character  into  the   Post 

Office  Appropriation  Bill.      He  entered  on  the  subject  with  great  earnestness 
.-and  zeal,  and  secured  the  passage  of  "  The  Tenure  of  Civil  Office  Bill  "  on  the 

day  of  March,  1867.     The  Bill  I  submitted  to  Mr.  Henderson  excepted 

<lhe  members  of  the  Cabinet  from  its  operation. 

DANIEL  WEBSTER  TO  JAMES  A.  HAMILTON,  and  other  Lawyers. 

"  WASHINGTON,  January  2V,  1851. 

t;  GENTLEMEN:   I  have  to  acknowledge  the  receipt  of  your  letter  of  the  16th  of 
this  month,  inviting  me  to  attend  a  meeting  proposed  to  be  holden  at  Tarrytown, 
•on  the  30th  instant,  by  the  people  of  Westchester  County  without  any  distinction  of 
party,  wjio  approve  the  compromise  measures  of  the  last  session  of  Congress. 

"  My*  public  duties  do  not  allow  me  to  accept  this  invitation  ;  but  you  need  not 

•  doubt  that  I  cordially  approve  the  objects  and  purposes  for  which  the  people  of 
"Westchester  propose  to  assemble. 


REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON".  437 

"I  hope  the  spirit  of  disunion  may  bo  considered  as  now,  in  some  degree, 
checked  ;  but  that  it  has  existed  both  at  the  North  and  at  the  South,  and  does  still 
exist  to  a  dangerous  extent,  cannot,  as  it  seems  to  me,  be  denied  by  any  honest 
man. 

"  In  the  South,  the  separation  of  the  States  is  openly  proposed,  discussed,  and 
recommended,  absolutely  or  conditionally,  in  Legislative  Halls  and  in  Conventions, 
called  together  by  the  authority  of  law. 

"  In  the  North,  the  State  Governments  have  not  run  into  such  excess,  and  the 
purpose  of  overturning  the  Government  shows  itself  more  clearly  in  resolutions 
agreed  to  in  voluntary  assemblies  of  individuals,  denouncing  the  laws  of  the  land, 
and  declaring  a  fixed  intent  to  disobey  them.  » 

"  I  notice  that  in  one  of  these  meetings,  holden  lately  in  the  very  heart  of  New 
England,  and  said  to  have  been  very  numerously  attended,  the  members  unanimous 
ly  resolved,  '  That  as  God  is  our  helper,  we  will  not  suffer  any  person  charged  with 
being  a  fugitive  from  labor  to  be  taken  from  among  us,  and  to  this  resolve  we 
pledge  our  lives,  our  fortunes,  and  our  sacred  honor.' 

''  These  persons  do  not  seem  to  have  been  aware  that  the  purpose  thus  avowed 
by  them  is  distinctly  treasonable.  If  any  law  of  the  land  be  resisted  by  force  of 
arms,  or  force  of  numbers,  with  a  declared  intent  to  resist  the  application  of  that 
law,  in  all  cases  this  is  levying  war  against  the  Government  within  the  meaning  of  the 
Constitution,  and  is  an  act  of  treason,  drawing  after  it  all  the  consequences  of  that 
offence.  This  is  the  precise  case  in  which  convictions  for  treason  took  place  in 
Pennsylvania  during  General  Washington's  administration,  and  not  only  does  such  a 
spirit  as  this  manifest  itself  in  heated  and  violent  public  assemblies,  but  it  is  also  de 
fended,  encouraged,  and  commended  by  a  considerable  portion  of  the  public  press, 
and  what  is  still  worse,  the  pulpit  has,  in  too  many  instances,  uttered  these  tones  of 
opposition  to  the  laws  instead  of  the  voice  of  Christian  meekness,  repentance,  and 
the  fear  of  God.  Indeed,  occasions  have  happened  in  which  men  and  women  have 
engaged  in  a  sort  of  rivalry  or  contest  to  see  whether  the  laws  of  society,  or  the 
institutions  of  religion,  and  the  authority  of  Divine  Kevelation  could  be  treated  with 
most  contempt. 

"  It  is  evident  that  if  this  spirit  be  not  checked,  it  will  endanger  the  Govern 
ment;  if  it  spread  far  and  wide,  it  will  overthrow  the  Government. 

"  There  are  ample  pledges,  gentlemen,  that  with  you  and  your  fellow-citizens  of 
Westchester  no  other  feeling  will  be  entertained  than  that  of  zealous  attachment  to 
the  Union  and  the  Constitution,  and  a  determination  to  support  both  to  the  last  ex 
tremity.  Among  your  Committee  I  see  the  son  of  a  great  and  an  illustrious  man, 
equally  distinguished  in  the  revolutionary  and  the  constitutional  period  of  his. 
country.  Alexander  Hamilton  was  one  of  the  twelve  Commissioners  who  met 
at  Annapolis,  in  September,  1786,  and  recommended  to  the  country  the  establish 
ment  of  a  Constitution  of  Government  "  adequate  to  the  exigencies  of  the  Union." 
Here  was  the  cradle  of  that  form  of  Government  which  has  so  long  bound  us- 
all  together,  and  made  us  so  prosperous  at  home,  and  so  much  respected  abroad^ 
Where  the  blood  of  Alexander  Hamilton  fills  the  veins,  or  his  example  and  patriotic- 
services  are  remembered,  the  language  of  separation,  secession,  and  disunion  will 
find  no  utterance,  and  purposes  of  violent  resistance  to  the  laws  no  approbation  orr 
tolerance. 

"  Gentlemen,  the  mortal  remains  of  another  great  man,  venerated  and  loved?. 


438  REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES  A.  HAMILTON. 

through  the  whole  course  of  a  long  life,  repose  in  the  county  of  Westchester ;  of 
course,  I  mean  John  Jay.  The  public  life  of  this  illustrious  man  was  almost  entirely 
devoted  to  the  preservation  of  the  Union  of  the  States,  the  establishment  of  the  con 
stitution,  and  the  administration  of  the  powers  conferred  under  it.  ISio  man  saw 
more  clearly  or  felt  more  deeply  the  evils  arising  from  the  exi&tence  of  States  with 
entire  and  distinct  sovereignties.  No  man  appealed  to  his  countrymen  against  such 
a  state  of  things  with  more  earnestness,  eloquence,  or  power.  He  saw  the  beginning 
of  a  spirit  very  much  like  that  which  exists  now ;  he  foretold  its  dangers  and  did  as 
much  as  any  man  to  rescue  the  public  opinion  from  its  pernicious  grasp. 

"In  1785,  he  wrote  to  a  friend,  'It  is  my  first  wish  to  seethe  United  States 
assume  and  merit  the  character  of  one  great  nation  whose  territory  is  divided  into 
different  States  merely  for  more  convenient  government.'  In  1787  he  said,  '  It  has  until 
lately  been  a  received  and  uncontradicted  opinion,  that  the  prosperity  of  the  people 
of  America  depended  on  their  continuing  firmly  united,  and  the  wishes,  prayers,  and 
efforts  of  our  best  and  wisest  citizens  have  been  constantly  directed  to  that  object. 
But  politicians  now  appear  who  insist  that  this  opinion  is  erroneous,  and  that  instead 
of  looking  for  safety  and  happiness  in  union,  we  ought  to  seek  it  in  a  division  of  the 
States  into  distinct  confederacies  or  sovereignties.'  This  country  and  this  people 
seem  to  have  been  made  for  each  other,  and  it  appears  as  if  it  was  the  design  of 
Providence  that  an  inheritance  so  proper  and  convenient  for  a  band  of  brethren, 
united  to  each  other  by  the  strongest  ties,  should  never  be  split  into  a  number  of  un 
social,  jealous,  and  alien  sovereignties. 

"  They  who  promote  the  idea  of  substituting  a  number  of  distinct  confederacies 
in  the  room  of  the  plan  of  the  convention,  seem  clearly  to  foresee  that  the  rejection 
of  it  would  put  the  continuance  of  the  Union  in  the  utmost  jeopardy  ;  that  certainly 
would  be  the  case,  and  I  sincerely  wish  that  it  may  be  as  clearly  foreseen  by  every 
good  citizen,  that  whenever  the  dissolution  of  the  Union  arrives,  America  will  have 
reason  to  exclaim  in  the  words  of  the  poet,  'Farewell!  a  long  farewell  to  all  my 
greatness.' 

"  When  I  am  speaking  of  the  ardent  attachment  of  John  Jay  to  the  Union  of  the 
American  States,  I  cannot  forbear,  even  at  the  risk  of  extending  this  answer  beyond 
its  proper  limits,  from  introducing  another  extract  from  his  admirable  writings,  as 
exhibiting  remarkable  sagacity  and  power  of  illustration.  '  We  have  heard  much,' 
said  he,  '  of  the  fleets  of  Britain,  and  if  we  are  wise,  the  time  may  come  when  the 
fleets  of  America  may  engage  attention.  But  if  one  national  government  had  not 
so  regulated  the  navigation  of  Britain  as  to  make  it  a  nursery  for  seamen — if  one 
national  government  had  not  called  forth  all  the  national  means  and  materials  for 
forming  fleets,  their  prowess  and  their  thunder  would  never  have  been  celebrated. 
Let  Englan'd  have  its  navigation  and  fleet — let  Scotland  have  its  navigation  and  fleet 
— let  Wales  have  its  navigation  and  fleet — let  Ireland  have  its  navigation  and  fleet — • 
let  those  four  of  the  constituent  parts  of  the  British  Empire  be  under  four  independ 
ent  governments,  and  it  is  easy  to  perceive  how  soon  they  would  each  dwindle  into 
comparative  insignificance.' 

"  When  John  Jay  filled  the  seat  at  the  head  of  the  Supreme  Judicature,  how 
would  one  appear  who,  being  charged  with  crime,  should  stand  up  before  his  face, 
beaming  equally  with  intelligence  and  benignity,  and  insist  that  he  had  disobeyed 
the  laws  only  from  the  impulse  of  his  own  individual  conscience,  that  he  had  disre 
garded  plighted  faith,  violated  the  most  important  obligations,  and  contemned  the 


REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON.  439 

sanctity  of  oaths,  only  upon  his  reliance  on  the  superiority  of  his  own  intelligence 
over  that  of  the  community,  and  the  right  of  every  individual  to  judge  of  constitu 
tions,  la\vs,  and  compacts  for  himself.  Citizens  of  Westchester  !  Citizens  of  the  State 
of  New  York  !  the  voice  of  your  own  illustrious  dead  cry  to  you  from  the  ground. 
They  who  are  in  their  graves  beseech  you,  as  you  respect  their  names  and  memories, 
as  you  love  liberty,  as  you  value  your  own  happiness,  as  you  regard  the  hopes  of 
your  children,  to  hold  on  with  unflinching  firmness  to  the  Constitution  and  to  the 
Union  of  the  States  ;  and  as  if  with  lips  still  living,  they  conjure  you  in  tones  of  indig 
nation  to  reject  all  such  ideas  as  that  disobedience  to  the  laws  is  the  path  of 
patriotism,  or  treason  to  your  country  duty  to  God. 

"  Gentlemen,  I  am  sure  that  you  and  your  friends  will  do  your  whole  duty  as  in 
telligent  and  patriotic  citizens  in  upholding  the  institutions  of  your  country.  I 
purpose  to  do  mine,  and  should  not  consent  to  act  with  any  body  who  should  be 
found  to  waver  or  hesitate  on  this  important  question. 

"  The  President's  message  at  the  opening  of  the  present  Session  of  Congress  ex 
presses  fully  and  plainly  his  own  opinion,  and  the  unanimous  opinion  of  all  those 
associates  with  him  in  the  Executive  Administration  of  the  Government  in  regard 
to  what  are  called  the  adjustment  or  compromise  measures  of  the  last  Session. 
That  opinion  is,  that  those  measures  should  be  regarded  in  principle  as  a  final  settle 
ment  of  the  dangerous  and  exciting  subjects  which  they  embrace,  that  though  they 
were  not  free  from  imperfections,  yet  in  their  mutual  dependence  and  connection 
they  formed  a  system  of  compromise,  the  most  conciliatory  and  best  for  the  entire 
country  that  could  be  obtained  from  conflicting  sectional  interests  and  opinions  ;  and 
that,  therefore,  they  should  be  adhered  to  until  time  and  experience  should  demon 
strate  the  necessity  of  further  legislation  to  guard  against  evasion  or  abuse.  That 
opinion,  so  far  as  I  know,  remains  entirely  unchanged,  and  will  be  acted  upon  stead 
ily  and  decisively.  The  peace  of  the  country  requires  this,  the  security  of  the  con 
stitution  requires  it,  consistency  requires  it,  and  every  consideration  of  the  public 
good  demands  it.  If  the  administration  cannot  stand  upon  the  principles  of  the  mes 
sage,  it  does  not  expect  to  stand  at  all. 

"  For  myself,  I  confess  that  if  I  were  to  witness  the  breaking  up  of  the  Union  and 
the  Constitution  of  the  United  States,  I  should  bow  myself  to  the  earth  in  confusion 
of  face,  I  should  wish  to  hide  myself  from  the  observance  of  mankind  unless  I  could 
stand  up  and  declare  truly  before  God  and  man,  that  by  the  utmost  exertion  of 
every  faculty  with  which  my  Creator  has  endowed  me,  I  had  labored  to  avert  the 
catastrophe. 

"  I  am,  gentlemen,  with  entire  regard  and  all  good  wishes,  your  obliged  friend 

and  fellow-citizen, 

"DANIEL  WEBSTER." 
To  Messrs.     JAMES  A.  HAMILTON,  1 


ALBEET  LOCKWOOD. 


CHAPTER      XII. 


THE   REBELLION. 

Preliminary  Observations — Letter  to  the  Hon.  John  Oochrane — The  contest  for 
the  Speakership  in  the  House  of  Representatives  in  1860 — The  Missouri  Com 
promise — Henry  Clay  and  Samuel  L.  Southard — Effect  of  Rebellion  on  State 
Governments — Compromises  of  the  Constitution — Letter  to  Thomas  Coteswood 
Pinckney — Notes  on  Nullification — Memorandum  on  Secession  submitted  to 
President  Buchanan — Letters  from  J.  M.  Read  and  Hon.  John  Cochrane — Letter 
to  Senator  Morgan — Call  for  a  Meeting  to  preserve  the  Union — Letter  to  Presi 
dent  Buchanan — Effort  to  reinforce  Major  Anderson  in  Fort  Sumter — English 
sympathy  with  Southern  Rebellion  explained. 

THE  following  pages  relate  to  the  most  interesting  period  of  my  life — the 
Rebellion.  I  was  sternly  opposed  to  slavery  because  I  knew  it  to  be  a  great 
crime  and  a  great  evil  to  the  oppressor  as  well  as  the  oppressed.  I  had  learned 
this  from  the  writings  of  the  wise  and  good  men  of  all  times. 

SOCEATES. — "  Slavery  is  a  system  of  outrage  and  robbery." 

PLATO. — "  Slavery  is  a  system  of  the  most  complete  injustice." 

LOCKE. — "Every  man  has  a  property  in  his  own  person;  this  nobody  has  a  right 

to  but  himself." 

HAMILTON. — "  Natural  liberty  is  the  gift  of  the  beneficent  Creator  of  the  whole 

human  race." 

Dr.  JOHNSON. — "  No  man,  by  nature,  is  the  property  of  another." 

BEISSOT. — "  Slavery  in  all  its  forms,  in  all  its  degrees,  is  a  "violation  of  divine 

law,  and  a  degradation  of  human  nature." 

POPE  LEO  X. — "Not  only  does  the  Christian  religion  but  nature  cry  out  against 

the  state  of  slavery." 

FEANKLIN. — "The  wise  and  good  men  throughout  all  time,  and  the  Christian 

church  throughout  all  the  world,  with  an  unimportant  exception  during  a  brief 

period  in  our  own  country,  have  denounced  slavery  as  an  atrocious  debasement  of 

human  nature." 

I  also  learned,  from  a  thorough  examination  of  the  Constitution  and  the 
history  of  its  formation,  that  much  was  yielded  to  slaveholders  in  order  to 
secure  the  adoption  of  the  Constitution  by  the  Southern  States,  and  thus  to 
secure  the  union  of  all  the  States,  but  without  establishing  slavery  or  doing 


REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON.  441 

more  than  recognizing  the  fact  that ''  persons  were  held  to  service  and  labor  in 
certain  States  by  the  laws  thereof."  And  it  was  well  understood,  that  slavery 
should  not  be  interfered  with  directly  by  the  Free  States.  I  therefore  did  not 
permit  myself  to  become  an  abolitionist.  As  soon,  however,  as  the  Slave  States 
threw  off  their  allegiance,  freed  from  my  constitutional  obligations,  I  became 
a  most  determined  abolitionist,  and  prepared  by  all  means  in  my  power  to 
abolish  slavery  throughout  the  land.  How  useful  I  was  in  this  direction,  or  in 
any  other,  in  sustaining  the  government,  these  pages  will  indicate.  My  whole 
time  and  all  my  faculties  were  directed  to  the  work ;  stimulated  by  the  con 
viction  that  should  we  abolish  slavery  and  crush  the  rebellion,  cost  what  it 
might,  we  should  thus  be  made  a  wiser,  better,  and  happier  people,  and  a  much 
more  powerful  nation,  among  other  reasons,  because  "  the  Union  of  the 
States  would  be  perpetuated." 

Civil  War  and  Slavery.  Madison. — "  I  take  no  notice  of  an  unhappy  species  of 
population  abounding  in  s6me  States,  who  during  the  calm  of  regular  government 
are  snnk  below  the  level  of  men,  but  who  in  the  tempestuous  scenes  of  civil  vio 
lence  may  emerge  into  the  human  character,  and  give  a  superiority  of  strength  to 
any  party  with  which  they  may  associate  themselves." 

This  is  the  warning  voice  of  wisdom  and  must  ere  long  be  realized  in  all  its 
dreadful  consequences.  Civil  violence  is  gradually,  but  with  unfaltering  steps, 
advancing  into  the  States  where  that  "  unhappy  species  of  population"  abounds. 
Its  first  fruits  are  the  flight,  in  great  numbers,  of  men,  women  and  children,  to 
the  camps  of  those  whom  they  believe  are  sent  to  set  the  captive  free.  As  soon 
as  our  victorious  legions  shall  advance  along  the  borders  of  York  or  James' 
River,  or  those  parts  of  eastern  Virginia  in  which  the  slaves  most  abound, 
when  their  masters  are  called  to  the  field  or  are  drawn  from  their  homes,  they 
will  "  emerge  into  the  human  character,"  and  take  part  against  their  oppressors. 

JAMES  A.  HAMILTON  TO  THE  HON.  JOHN  COCIIRANE,  House  of  Representatives, 

Washington. 

January  27,  I860. 

"  Sm  :  Without  having  the  honor  of  your  personal  acquaintance,  I  address  this 
letter  to  you  without  seeking  an  opportunity  which  I  might  find  in  our  common 
lineage.  The  momentous  condition  of  our  public  affairs  justifies  a  departure  on  my 
part,  and  as  I  hope  to  induce  you  to  believe  on  yours,  from  all  ordinary  modes  of 
proceeding. 

"I  entertain  a  conviction,  the  result  of  much  reflection,  that  your  position  as  a 
representative  of  the  great  seat  of  the  commerce  of  our  country,  imposes  upon  you 
more  than  ordinary  responsibility,  while  your  talents  and  character  givo  you  an  in 
fluence  which  might,  and  I  sincerely  hope  will,  be  used  to  release  the  government 
from  its  existing  embarrassments,  involving  as  it  does  vast  commercial  interests,  but, 
above  all,  the  honor,  and  perhaps  the  safety,  of  the  Commonwealth. 

"  The  occasions  are  of  very  rare  occurrence  when  men,  and  particularly  public 


442  REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON. 

* 

men,  can,  by  rendering  great  services  to  their  country  at  great  personal  sacrifice?, 
secure  to  themselves  immortal  honor ;  such  I  consider  jour  position  at  this  mo 
ment,  and  I  write  this  letter  in  the  hope  of  inducing  you  fearlessly  and  promptly  to 
seize  it,  let  the  cost  he  what  it  may.  I  pray  you  to  allow  the  experience  of  a  long 
life  somewhat  connected  with  public  affairs  to  weigh  with  you,  and  to  intimate  as 
its  teaching  that  such  an  occasion  once  lost  will  never  again  be  presented  to  you. 

"  We  and  all  the  world  witness  the  painful  spectacle  that  for  nearly  two  months 
the  representatives  of  the  people  of  this  great  Eepublic  have  been,  and  now  are  un 
able  to  choose  a  member  of  their  body  to  preside  over  their  deliberations;  and  that 
unless  some  (a  very  few  of  their  number)  can  be  found  who  have  a  higher  sense  of 
their  obligations  to  their  country  than  to  their  party,  this  disorganization  must  con 
tinue  during  their  whole  term  of  office.  To  cast  off  party  obligations,  under  such 
circumstances,  is  not  a  violation  of  party  principles,  but  it  is  an  act  of  the  highest 
public  virtue.  Whenever  the  House  shall  be  organized,  its  rules  and  its  proceedings 
must  be  (as  they  ought  to  be)  dictated  by  the  will  of  the  majority. 

"  I  hope  my  ardent  devotion  to  our  country  and  my  apprehension  of  a  fearful 
crisis  do  not  induce  me  to  use  language  too  strong. 

"  If  you,  or  any  other  gentleman  of  the  Democratic  party  having  as  much  influ 
ence  as  you  have,  would  give  notice  that  should  the  House  not  be  organized  after 
say  ten  more  ballottings,  you  will  be  compelled,  by  your  duty  to  your  constituents, 
but  above  all  by  your  devotion  to  the  honor  and  welfare  of  your  government  and 
country,  to  propose  the  plurality  rule,  and  should  that  be  rejected,  you  will  without 
delay  so  cast  your  vote  as  will  most  promptly  and  certainly  eleet  a  speaker;  — 
this  course,  so  honorable  and  patriotic,  may  subject  you  to  the  objurgation  of 
party  associates;  it  may  destroy  your  hopes  of  future  election  ;  it  may  have  much 
greater  evils  than  those  in  store  for  you :  but  be  assured  that  in  following  out  the 
right,  in  making  so  signal  a  personal  sacrifice,  you  will  have  the  commendation  of 
the  good  and  the  wise  ia  all  parts  of  this  country  and  of  the  world,  and,  above  all, 
of  your  own  conscience. 

"  I  pray  you  to  ponder  well  on  this  subject,  and  to  ask  yourself  what  your  pater 
nal  grandfather,  and  my  maternal  grandfather,  and  their  distinguished  associates 
would  do  under  the  circumstances — would  any  one  of  them  hesitate  between  their 
duty  to  their  party,  and  their  duty  to  their  country?  I  answer  without  hesitation  : 
they  would  not  for  one  moment.  Show  your  blood  ;  march  up  to  the  breach  ;  and 
die,  if  it  may  be  in  the  service  of  your  country,  trusting  to  the  intelligence  and  vir 
tue  of  your  countrymen  for  your  justification  and  reward.  I  cannot  entertain  a 
doubt  that  this  manly,  independent,  and  patriotic  course  would  be  received  in  your 
city,  the  State,  and  country  with  a  burst  of  applause. 

u  This  letter,  written  without  consultation  or  the  knowledge  of  any  man,  expresses 
the  dictates  of  my  head  and  heart ;  you  will  treat  it  as  a  private  one  or  not,  as  you 
please,  and  in  closing  it,  allow  me  to  add  that  although  I  have  particular  views  and 
feelings,  I  have  no  interest  or  ambition  to  be  gratified  by  any  event.  My  age 
forbids  these,  and  my  position  outside  of  the  vortex  enables  me  perhaps  to  see  more 
clearly,  and  to  judge  more  calmly  of  its  course  and  consequences  than  they  can  be 
who  are  carried  along  by  it. 

"I  have  the  honor  to  be,  with  great  respect,  your  well-wisher." 


REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON.  443 

THE  MISSOURI  COMPROMISE— HENRY  CLAY  AND  SAMUEL  L. 

SOUTHARD. 

Mr.  Southard  was  a  member  of  the  Senate  of  the  United  States — young 
and  recent;  Mr.  Clay  an  old,  distinguished  and  influential  member  of  the 
House  of  Representatives,  pending  the  agitation  of  that  question  which  excited 
the  deepest  interest  and  anxiety  in  all  parts  of  the  country.  Mr.  Southard 
prepared  resolutions — the  identical  ones  afterward  introduced  and  passed. 
He  showed  them  to  his  political  friends,  Mr.  Clay  among  others.  They  were 
approved,  and  it  was  agreed  that  Mr.  S.  should  on  a  certain  day,  as  soon  as  the 
morning  business  was  over,  present  them  to  the  Senate.  On  the  morning  of 
that  day,  Mr.  S.  being  prepared  to  move  those  resolutions,  received  a  mes 
sage  from  Mr.  Clay,  requesting  a  meeting  on  the  resolution.  Southard  went 
there.  Clay  urged  that  it  would  be  better  that  the  resolution  should  be  brought 
forward  in  the  House  of  Representatives,  and  desired  Mr.  S.  to  give  him  the 
resolutions,  saying  he  would  with  Mr.  S.'s  consent  bring  something  of  the  same 
kind  forward  in  the  House.  Mr.  S.  assented.  Mr.  C.  took  the  resolutions, 
and  without  change  in  any  respect  whatever,  offered  the  resolutions  in  the  House. 
They  were  carried  in  both  Houses.  The  question  was  settled — the  agitation 
ceased.  Mr.  Clay  has  had  from  that  time  the  whole  merit  of  that  measure. 
He  never  has  given  to  Mr.  Southard  the  credit  of  any  part  of  it.  Authority — 
Ogden  Hoffman,  son-in-law  to  S.,  to  whom  Southard  related  these  facts. 

Jfr.  Clay  and  General  Taylor. — After  General  Taylor's  nomination,  and 
before  his  acceptance,  Mr.  C.  wrote  to  Taylor,  urging  him  to  decline  the  no 
mination,  and  in  his,  Mr.  Clay's,  favor,  putting  it  upon  the  ground  of  Taylor's 
mifitness  for  the  performance  of  the  duties  of  the  office. 

General  Taylor  did  not  accede.  Mr.  Clay,  in  all  his  letters  declining  to  be 
a  candidate,  never  said  a  word  in  favor  of  Taylor ;  he  did  not  vote  for  him. 
Dr.  Hawks  authority. 

REBELLION— ITS  EFFECTS  UPON  STATE  GOVERNMENTS. 

When  the  people  of  a  State  rise  in  rebellion  against  the  Government,  and 
make  their  State  governments  vested  with  their  sovereignty  the  instruments  to 
overthrow  by  force  the  Government  of  the  United  States,  they  are  guilty  of  High 
Treason.  Traitors  forfeit  life  and  property,  they  have  no  rights  of  any  kind. 
Blackstone  says,  "  The  natural  justice  of  forfeiture  and  confiscation  of  property 
for  treason  is  founded  in  this  consideration,  that  he  who  has  thus  violated  the 
fundamental  principles  of  government,  and  broken  his  part  of  the  original  con 
tract  between  King  and  people,  hath  abandoned  his  connections  with  society, 
and  hath  no  longer  any  right  to  those  advantages  which  before  belonged  to  him 
purely  as  a  member  of  the  community." 

If  this  be  true,  how  can  men  so  circumstanced  be  vested  with  sovereign 
power  ?  how  can  they  possess,  individually  or  collectively,  the  attributes  of  gov- 


444  REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON. 

eminent,  or  how  can  a  State  Government  be  admitted  to  exist  when  the 
people  of  the  community,  or  a  majority  thereof,  with  those  who  were  invested 
with  the  offices  of  the  Government,  have  abandoned  all  connections  with 
society  ? 

It  is  a  strange  paradox  to  say,  notwithstanding  all  this,  the  State  govern 
ments  must  be  admitted  to  exist.  Such  governments  were  founded  to  preserve 
the  rights  and  advantages  of  the  communities  which  founded  them. 

It  is  said  that  if  there  are  any  Union  men  in  the  rebellious  States,  the 
Government  continues  in  their  persons.  The  answer  is,  that  the  majority  of 
every  political  community  have  power  in  their  discretion  to  alter  or  abolish 
their  State  Governments,  and  that  the  minority  are  bound  by  the  act  of  the 
majority. 

Under  this  fundamental  rule,  whether  the  State  government  shall  be  dis 
solved  by  treason,  or  by  the  deliberate  act  of  the  majority,  the  Government 
ceases  to  exist ;  it  disappears. 

The  experience  of  our  own  country  teaches  us  that  there  can  be  no  compro 
mise  with  treason. 

When  treason  was  attempted  by  nullification  in  South  Carolina,  the  energy 
of  General  Jackson  arrested  it;  and  he  would  have  hanged  its  author,  but 
Congress  passed  the  Compromise  Tariff  Act  which  was  received  by  Calhoun 
and  his  fellow-traitors  as  a  triumph. 

From  that  time  to  this,  disloyalty  has  been  cherished  until  the  present  gene 
ration  was  bred  up  in  hatred  of  the  Union. 

Restore  the  Constitution,  with  all  the  rights  of  the  people  under  it.  Issue 
a  proclamation  of  amnesty,  and  in  December  next  your  Congress  will  receive 
ninety  felons  as  members  of  the  House  of  Representatives,  and  thirty  members 
of  the  Senate,  to  begin  from  that  moment  the  work  of  the  destruction  of  the 
Government  they  are  sworn  to  obey  and  support. 

THE  COMPROMISES  OF  THE  CONSTITUTION. 

Slavery,  from  its  inherent  feebleness  from  moral  as  well  as  political  causes, 
has  long  been  a  bold  aggressor  upon  the  rights  of  the  North,  and  with  such 
complete  success  as  to  have  become  reckless  of  consequences. 

The  action  of  Congress  and  the  late  decision  of  the  Supreme  Court  in  de 
fiance  of  all  maxims  of  prudence — the  first  in  repealing,  in  utter  disregard  of 
good  faith  ;  and  the  last  in  defiance  of  all  maxims  of  prudence,  in  declaring 
extra-judicially  the  Missouri  Compromise  law  unconstitutional — have  manifested 
so  clearly  the  purpose  of  the  slave  power — we  mean  the  oligarchy  of  slave 
holders — to  govern  the  Union,  not  by  force  of  numbers,  but  by  combinations 
hostile  to  Republican  government ;  that  the  only  division  of  parties  henceforth 
and  as  long  as  the  Union  can  exist,  must  be  geographical  and  sectional,  and  in 
that  spirit  all  party  discussions  will  be  conducted.  Among  others,  each  party 
will  examine  with  keen,  and  probably  intemperate  feelings  how  far  the  compro- 


REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON.  445 

mises  of  the  Constitution  have  been  observed  and  respected,  and  to  that  end 
we  propose  to  show  that  the  oligarchy  have  violated  and  continue  to  violate  one 
of  the  most  important  compromises  of  the  Constitution — enjoying  all  the  advan 
tages  that  such  compromises  gave  to  them  and  not  rendering  the  equivalent. 

The  Constitution,  Article  1st,  Section  2d,  Clause  3d  :  "  Representation  and 
direct  taxes  shall  be  apportioned  among  the  several  States  which  may  be  included 
within  this  Union  according  to  their  respective  numbers,  which  shall  be  deter 
mined  by  adding  to  the  whole  number  of  free  persons,  including  those  bound  to 
service  for  a  term  of  years,  and  excluding  Indians  not  taxed,  three  fifths  of  all 
other  persons."  These  "  other  persons,"  it  it  is  well  known,  are  that  property 
which  the  oligarchy  have  determined  they  will  carry  with  them  in  all  States 
and  Territories  over  which  the  Constitution  extends ;  and  the  Supreme  Court, 
iu  the  Dred  Scott  case,  has  decided  that  they  have  a  right  to  do  so,  and  the 
slave  power  now  have  in  the  House  of  Representatives,  it  is  believed,  not  less 
than  thirty  members,  the  representatives  of  three  fifths  of  those  other  persons. 
To  obtain  this  power,  this  property  is  considered  and  treated  as  persons,  but  they 
do  not  and  have  not,  except  during  a  short  period,  during  the  administration  of 
Washington  and  the  elder  Adams,  paid  the  direct  taxes  as  the  equivalent  of  the 
representation. 

The  facts  arc  these :  By  Act  of  July  9th,  1798,  measures  were  taken  pre 
paratory  to  the  laying  of  a  direct  tax,  and  on  the  14th  of  the  same  month  a 
direct  tax  of  two  millions  was  laid  and  apportioned  to  the  States.  Upon  slaves 
there  was  assessed  fifty  cents  each.  This  act  was  very  soon  repealed.  When 
the  war  of  1812  cut  off  the  receipts  from  imposts,  and  its  expenses  drove  the 
Government  to  resort  to  loans,  to  double  the  imposts  and  establish  a  system  of 
internal  and  direct  taxation  which  reached  excise,  household  furniture,  stamps, 
carriages,  watches,  licenses,  and  in  short  almost  all  kinds  of  tangible  personal 
property,  as  well  as  real  estate,  negroes  were  excluded. 

Here  was  a  case  of  direct  taxation  which  violated  the  great  rule  on  which 
Republican  government  is  founded — representation  and  taxation  shall  be  equal 
— and  thus  the  slave  power,  when  direct  taxes  were  imposed,  enjoyed  the  advan 
tage  of  the  slave  representation,  and  did  not  bear  its  corresponding  burden, 
and  does  not  do  so  now;  and  yet  the  demagogues  have  the  audacity  to  allege 
that  they  pay  all  the  taxes,  whereas  not  being,  to  a  very  great  extent,  consumers 
of  imported  articles,  they  pay  a  very  small  proportion  of  the  taxes. 

Charles  Cotesworth  Pinckney,  son  of  Thomas  Pinckney,  and  nephew  of  the 
illustrious  Charles  Cotesworth  Pinckney,  in  1858,  on  board  ship  returning  from 
Europe,  in  conversation  with  me  on  the  character  of  John  C.  Calhoun  (whom  I 
denounced  as  untruthful  and  seditious,  and  who  directed  the  course  of  South 
Carolina  in  1832),  declared  that  "  the  purpose  of  the  South  was,  and  now  is,  to 
break  up  the  Union ;  they  took  up  the  Tariff  at  that  time  as  the  ground  of 
Nullification,  because  they  believed  it  would  not  look  well  to  go  for  liberty  in 
behalf  of  slavery" 


446  REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES  A.  HAMILTON. 

This  man  was  a  prominent  nullifier  in  1832,  and  a  most  determined  seces 
sionist  in  1861.  The  following  letter  was  addressed  to  and  received  by  him : 

JAMES  A.  HAMILTON  TO  THOMAS  COTESWORTH  PIXCKNEY. 

"  NEW  YOKK,  November  20,  1860. 

"DEAR  SIR:  The  names  of  onr  fathers  were  associated,  in  former  times  of 
anxiety,  of  danger  and  of  struggle,  in  the  service  of  their  country,  and  the  labors  of 
those  whose  names  we  bear,  seventy  years  ago  contributed  in  no  small  measure  to 
form  the  Government  under  which  we  have  grown  to  our  present  stature  among  the 
nations  of  the  world.  United,  we  take  the  rank  of  a  first-class  power ;  respected, 
feared,  and  deferred  to  by  the  rulers  of  Europe,  of  Asia,  and  of  America.  During 
these  seventy  years  (my  life-time  and  perhaps  yours)  our  resources,  physical  and 
mental,  have  been  consolidated,  extended  and  developed  ;  cities  that  rival  those  of  a 
thousand  years  have  been  raised  up  ;  a  marine  second  to  none  has  been  created,  and 
a  military  organization,  superior  (although  militia)  in  moral  strength  to  the  standing 
armies  of  the  most  military  power  in  Europe,  has  been  formed.  Contrast  this  marvel 
lous  advancement  in  all  that  is  deserving  of  consideration  with  the  condition  of  the 
States  of  South  America,  of  Central  America,  of  Mexico.  The  normal  condition  of 
these  is  anarchy,  civil  and  servile  wars,  despotism,  and  military  misrule;  in  most  of 
them  a  continued  state  of  revolution,  by  which  the  people  have  been  degraded  to 
such  an  extent  that  their  subjugation  by  a  foreign  power  appears  to  be  the  only 
hope  for  their  future  welfare.  Mexico  having  adopted  a  Constitution  almost  identi 
cal  with  our  own,  race  and  religion  have  contributed  very  much  to  these  strik 
ingly  different  results  ;  but  our  Union  of  States  and  '  a  National  Government.'  still 
more  that  Union  which  l  constitutes  us  one  people '  is  the  palladium  of  our  liberty, 
our  only  security  against  the  woes  to  which  our  neighbors  have  been  subjected. 

"  The  expectation  of  those  men  in  your  State  who  are  endeavoring  to  plunge 
South  Carolina  into  secession  is,  that  other  States  will  be  drawTn  by  her  into  the 
same  disastrous  condition  ;  and  thus  that  a  Southern  Confederacy  will  be  formed. 
What  would  be  our  future  in  that  event  ? 

It  has  from  long  observation  of  the  progress  of  society  become  a  sort  of  axiom 
in  politics  'that  vicinity  or  nearness  of  situation  constitutes  nations  natural  ene 
mies.' 

"  In  the  event  of  disunion,  what  can  exempt  these  States  from  the  common  lot 
of  other  bordering  nations  ?  Would  they  not  then  have  the  same  inducements  to 
make  war  upon  each  other  which  have  '  at  different  times  deluged  in  blood  all  the 
nations  in  the  world?'  Indeed,  if  our  Union  should  be  destroyed  by  the  subject 
which  now  so  discordantly  excites  the  people  of  one  section  of  our  country,  would 
not  the  causes  of  our  differences  be  much  more  frequent  and  intense  than  in  ordi 
nary  cases  ? 

"  A  patriot  of  the  Revolution  who  from  his  integrity,  knowledge,  and  wisdom, 
enjoyed  as  large  a  share  of  public  confidence  as  any  other  of  those  men  whom  you 
and  I  were  taught  to  respect,  treating  of  this  division  of  the  country,  said,  '  The 
North  is  generally  the  region  of  strength,  and  many  local  circumstances  render  it 
it  probable  that  the  most  northern  of  the  proposed  confederacies  wo  .M,  at  a  period 
not  very  far  distant,  be  unquestionably  more  formidable  than  any  of  the  others.  No 
sooner  would  this  become  evident,  than  the  northern  hive  would  excite  the  same 


REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON.  447 

ideas  and  sensations  in  the  more  southern  parts  of  America,  which  it  formerly  did  in  the 
southern  parts  of  Europe  ;  nor  does  it  appear  to  be  a  rash  conjecture  that  its  young 
swarms  might  often  he  tempted  to  gather  honey  in  the  more  hlooming  fields  and 
milder  air  of  their  luxurious  and  more  delicate  neighbors,'  and  that  our  disunion 
would  place  us  exactly  in  that  position  in  which  we  shall  be  formidable  only  to  each 
other.' 

"  Such  are  the  lessons  of  wisdom  drawn  from  experience.  My  respect  for  your 
character,  my  interest  in  the  descendants  of  those  who  were  the  cotemporaries  of 
our  illustrious  sires,  the  love  I  bear  to  our  common  country  impel  me  to  urge  you 
and  your  associates  to  dwell  upon  these  pictures  with  reference  to  the  future.  My 
devotion  to  the  Constitution,  which  my  father  and  he  whose  name  you  bear  labored 
to  frame,  to  be  adopted,  to  support  and  to  expound,  is  the  strongest  feeling  of  my 
heart,  interwoven  with  every  thought  and  impulse  of  my  life. 

"  The  rights  of  the  South,  of  every  other  part  of  our  country,  and  of  every  man 
in  it,  under  the  Constitution  are  sacred  to  me.  The  right  of  each  State  to  manage 
its  local  institutions  as  it  may  think  proper,  the  rendition  of  persons  held  to  labor 
and  service  in  any  one  State  by  the  laws  thereof  when  escaping  into  another,  I  hold 
to  be  a  duty  which  every  citizen  and  every  State  is  bound  to  observe ;  and  that  all 
laws  tending  to  impair  the  rights  of  any  of  our  fellow-citizens  in  that  respect  are  in 
spirit  unconstitutional,  and  in  fact  unfriendly.  It  is  undeniably  the  equal  right  of 
eacli  State  to  determine  whether  it  will  have  free  or  slave  labor  within  its  borders. 
This  is  a  part  of  my  Republican  creed,  which  I  share  with  a  vast  majority  of  the 
people  of  the  North.  Any  violations  of  these  rights  by  the  Federal  Government 
would  rouse  our  people  to  a  determined  resistance.  In  such  a  case,  we  should  act 
with  you,  and  by  your  side,  in  repelling  any  usurpation,  any  treasonable  interference 
with  the  rights  of  the  States  in  their  internal  arrangements  or  constitutional  guar 
antees.  In  a  case  of  foreign  invasion  or  servile  insurrection,  you  will  find  us  by 
your  side,  imitating  the  bravest  of  your  sons  in  the  face  of  danger. 

"  We  well  know  the  difficulties  and  the  trials  that  are  inseparable  from  your 
domestic  institutions,  and  we  hope  you  will  learn  to  know  and  trust  our  feelings 
toward  you  and  them. 

"Believe  the  assurance  of  your  friend  that  nothing  is  intended  or  can  be  done 
by  the  Republican  party  against  your  safety  or  honor.  The  difficulties  of  enforcing 
the  Fugitive  Slave  Law,  so  repugnant  to  the  feelings  of  our  people,  is  not  as  great 
as  that  which  you  find  in  executing  the  laws  against  the  African  slave  trade.  The 
former  is  generally  carried  out  in  the  Northern  State?,  while  the  latter  is  virtually 
abrogated  in  one  at  least  of  the  Slave  States. 

The  violations  of  the  Fugitive  Slave  Law  do  not  affect  Carolina  as  much  as  they 
do  the  border  States,  or  as  this  revival  of  the  slave  trade  excites  us.  However,  it  is 
best  not  to  refer  to  our  differences  at  present.  Let  us  all  bear  and  forbear  as  Chris 
tian  men  and  good  patriots. 

"  I  speak  with  entire  confidence  when  I  say  the  President  elect  has  no  wish  or 
intention  to  interfere  with  slavery  in  the  States  where  it  exists.  I  say  this  in  justice 
to  myself  and  the  part  I  have  taken  in  the  election,  with  full  knowledge  of  the 
subject. 

"The  false  representations  made  to  your  people  on  this  subject  have  been 
knowingly  and  designedly  made,  to  induce  the  South  to  declare  that  they  would 
secede  in  the  event  of  an  election  of  a  '  Black  Republican  President,'  in  order  that 


448  REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON. 

such  declarations  might  be  used  here  and  elsewhere  to  affect  the  votes  of  electors 
by  intimidation.  This  base  game  has  been  avowed.  '  We  have  played  this  game 
well ; '  '  it  is  played  out,  and  we  are  defeated,'  is  the  language  used  in  making  that 
avowal. 

"Your  prejudices  have  thus  been  excited  by  politicians  to  promote  their  selfish 
ends  ;  and  now  that  the  game  '  has  been  played  out,'  we  ask  you  in  the  name  of  all 
that  is  dear  to  us  both  to  pause  ;  to  trust  to  the  strong  conservative  feeling  of  the 
ISTortb,  to  our  respect  and  affection  for  our  southern  brethren  as  a  part  of  our  glo 
rious  country,  to  our  common  memories  of  the  past  and  hopes  of  the  future ;  to 
await  until  some  act  which  violates  your  rights  shall  be  attempted,  and  thus  to  justify 
your  course  in  the  opinion  of  the  world,  and  of  your  descendants. 
"  I  remain,  with  great  respect, 

"Your  obedient  servant,  &C."1 

I  received  no  reply  to  this  letter  other  than  two  pamphlets  written  with  the 
clear  intent,  by  gross  exaggeration,  to  "  fire  the  Southern  heart." 

THE  KEBELLION, 

During  the  period  of  Nullification,  1832,  I  had  most  earnest  conversations 
with  General  Jackson  in  regard  to  the  purposes  of  the  leading  politicians  of  the 
South.  He  had  no  doubt  that  if  they  failed  on  this  occasion,  they  would,  when 
better  prepared,  carry  out  their  plans  for  a  separation.  He  was,  under  that 
conviction,  most  anxious  to  punish  the  great  leader,  Calhoun,  in  the  most  ex 
emplary  manner,  in  order  that  others  might  be  deterred  from  imitating  their 
treason,  and  as  an  example  for  those  who  should  administer  the  Government 
when  such  an  attempt  should  again  be  made. 

FROM  MY  NOTE-BOOK. — My  conversations  with  President  Jackson  imprinted 
on  my  mind  his  conviction  that  the  tariff  law  was  only  the  pretence  for  nullifi 
cation,  and  that  slavery  was  at  the  bottom  of  the  whole  subject.  That  institu 
tion  had  brought  those  who  owned  slaves  and  controlled  the  Southern  States, 
to  the  conviction  that  they  ought  not  to  submit  to  the  government  of  a  ma 
jority,  who  in  the  free  States  would  give  law  to  the  United  States;  and  that 
they  would  ultimately  excite  their  slaves  to  insurrection.  In  confirmation  of 
this,  on  a  voyage  from  Europe  in  1858,  Charles  Cotesworth  Pinckney  was  a  fel 
low-passenger.  Talking  about  Calhoun's  letters  and  conduct  in  1832,  he  said : 
"  My  dear  Sir,  we  do  not  mean  to  submit  to  the  popular  control  of  the  North. 
We  took  up  the  tariff  as  a  cause  for  secession,  because  we  did  not  think  it  would 
look  well  to  go  for  freedom  in  behalf  of  slavery.  We  intend  to  establish  a  great 
Southern  Empire,  with  slavery  as  a  basis — we  only  wait  our  opportunity."  This 
gentleman  was  one  of  the  leaders  in  the  late  rebellion. 

Mr.  Webster,  referring  to  an  address  of  a  convention  of  slaveholders  at 
Nashville,  said  :  "  That  address  is  a  studied  disunion  argument.  It  proceeds 
upon  the  ground  that  there  must  be  a  separation  of  the  States :  First,  because 
the  North  acts  so  injuriously  to  the  South,  that  the  South  must  secede  ;  and 


REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES  A.  HAMILTON.  449 

Secondly,  even  if  it  were  not  so,  and  a  better  sense  of  duty  should  return  to  the 
North,  such  is  the  diversity  of  interests  that  they  cannot  be  kept  together." 

During  the  election  of  1856,  between  Buchanan  and  Fremont,  it  was  stated 
that  Governor  Wise,  of  Virginia,  called  together  several  of  the  Governors  of  the 
Southern  States  to  determine,  if  Fremont  should  be  elected,  what  their  course 
should  be. 

The  following  letter,  addressed  by  J.  M.  Mason  to  Jefferson  Davis,  in  1856, 
is  important  to  prove  how  earnest  these  traitors  were  in  their  wicked  purposes : 

"  SELMA,  near  WINCHESTER,  VA.,  September  30,  1856. 

"M\*  DEAR  SIR:  I  have  a  letter  from  "Wise,  of  the  27th,  full  of  spirit.  He  says 
the  governments  of  North  Carolina,  South  Carolina,  and  Louisiana  have  already 
agreed  to  the  rendezvous  at  Raleigh,  and  others  will — this  in  your  most  most  private 
car.  lie  says  further,  that  he  had  officially  requested  you  to  exchange  with  Vir 
ginia,  on  fair  terms  of  difference,  percussion  for  flint  muskets.  I  don't  know  the 
usage  or  power  of  the  Department  in  such  cases ;  but  if  it  can  be  done,  even  by 
liberal  construction,  I  hope  you  will  accede.  Was  there  not  an  appropriation  at  the 
last  session  for  convert  ing  flint  into  percussion  arms  ?  If  so,  would  it  not  furnish 
good  reason  for  extending  such  facilities  to  the  States?  Virginia  probably  has  more 
arms  than  the  other  Southern  States,  and  would  divide  in  case  of  need.  In  a  letter 
yesterday  to  a  committee  in  South  Carolina,  I  gave  it  as  my  judgment,  in  the  event 
of  Fremont's  election,  the  South  should  not  pause,  but  proceed  at  once  to  'imme 
diate,  absolute,  and  eternal  separation.'  So  I  am  a  candidate  for  the  first  halter. 

"  Wise  says  his  accounts  from  Philadelphia  are  cheering  for  Old  Buck  in  Penn 
sylvania.  I  hope  they  be  not  delusive.  Vale  et  Salute. 

"  Colonel  DAVIS.  J.  M.  MASON." 

It  was  quite  clear  that  having  made  their  arrangements  to  secede,  they  de 
termined,  by  having  two  candidates,  to  divide  the  vote  of  the  Democratic  party 
in  the  election  of  1860,  so  as  to  render  the  election  of  Abraham  Lincoln  the 
candidate  of  the  Republican  party  certain — they  having  by  various  devices 
"  fired  the  Southern  heart "  to  take  measures  to  dissolve  the  Union. 

Mr.  Calhoun,  in  a  letter  he  wrote,  dated ,  urged  his  correspondent 

to  push  the  pretensions  of  slavery  to  the  greatest  length,  so  as  to  excite  the 
Abolitionists  to  extreme  denunciation,  and  thus  to  "  fire  the  Southern  heart," 
as  he  declared.  In  another  letter,  although  he  voted  against  the  Wilmot  Pro 
viso,  he  expressed  regret  that  it  did  not  pass ;  because,  if  it  had,  it  would  have 
"  fired  the  Southern  heart." 

The  great  plan  was  to  annex  Texas,  to  obtain  Cuba,  and  several  of  the 
Northern  departments  of  Mexico.  The  first  was  accomplished  in  violation  of 
the  Constitution  during  the  last  days  of  Tyler's  administration,  by  Calhoun, 
his  Secretary  of  State.  The  case  is  this :  Texas  was  an  independent  sovereign 
power,  recognized  as  such  by  the  United  States  Government.  No  arrangement 
can  be  made  by  the  United  States  with  another  sovereignty,  except  by  treaty. 
A  treaty  of  annexation  was  negotiated ;  it  was  rejected  by  the  Senate.  The 
29 


450  REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES  A.  HAMILTON. 

plan  then  devised  was  to  induce  Congress  to  pass,  by  a  two-thirds  vote,  resolu 
tions  as  the  foundation  of  an  agreement  for  the  annexation  of  Texas  which, 
when  passed,  should  authorize  an  agreement  of  annexation.  This  was  dooe; 
and  thus  a  sovereign  and  independent  nation  became  one  of  the  States  of  the 
United  States.  When  this  was  first  reported  in  New  York,  I  met  a  distin 
guished  gentleman  from  a  Southern  State  on  the  street  in  New  York.  He 
asked  :  "  Is  there  any  thing  new  ?  "  I  replied,  "  There  is  news  which  I  much 
regret — Texas  is  annexed."  He  replied,  "I  am  rejoiced;  I  am  in  favor  of 
that  great  Southern  Empire.'' 

The  Ostend  Manifesto  in  regard  to  Cuba,  with  the  various  raids  upon  the 
island  from  Southern  ports,  and  the  efforts  made  to  purchase  the  island,  were  a 
part  of  this  deep-laid  plao. 

The  attempt  was  made  by  John  Slidell  and  other  Southern  members  of  Con 
gress  to  pass  an  act  authorizing  an  army  to  be  raised  to  go  to  Mexico  as 
Protectors,  and  thus  to  become  possessors  of  the  Northern  provinces.  Presi 
dent  Buchanan  sent  an  agent  to  those  provinces,  Sonora,  Tehuantepec,  &c.,  to 
ascertain  whether  the  people  were  willing  to  be  annexed  to  the  United  States; 
and  to  examine  the  quality  of  the  mines  of  precious  metals.  This  agent,  whom 
I  met  in  Washington,  told  me  that  he  had  been  sent  on  that  mission  ;  and  found 
that  the  people  were  not  only  willing,  but  anxious  to  be  annexed  to  the  United 
States ;  and  further  that  the  mines  of  silver  were  of  immense  value — that  he 
so  reported  to  President  Buchanan,  and  he  added  emphatically,  "  If  Buchanan 
had  had  as  much  backbone  as  his  Cabinet,  these  provinces  would  have  been 
annexed." 

Thus  it  was  hoped  that  the  great  Southern  Empire  would  have  embraced 
the  Southern  States  of  the  United  States,  Cuba,  the  Territory  of  New  Mexico 
and  the  Northern  departments  of  the  Republic  of  Mexico.  It  certainly  would 
have  embraced  a  vast  extent ;  great  fertility  of  soil,  the  richest  products  in  the 
greatest  abundance ;  but  not  an  empire  of  great  power. 

My  time  was  devoted  to  the  examination  of  the  Constitutional  questions 
connected  with  slavery.  As  a  result,  in  1858,  I  wrote  an  essay  which  was  pub 
lished  in  a  city  paper  entitled,  "  Property  in  Man."  (See  Appendix,  D.)  I 
also  prepared  a  memorial  to  Congress,  calling  for  the  impeachment  of  Mr. 
Buchanan,  founded  upon  facts  established  by  the  Covode  Committee.  I  also 
prepared,  in  1859,  an  essay  entitled,  "  Examination  of  the  Power  of  the  Presi 
dent  to  remove  from  office  during  the  recess  of  the  Senate."  The  circumstances 
under  which  this  paper  was  written  have  already  been  narrated. 

PAPER   ON   THE   TREATMENT    OF    SECESSION,  SENT  TO   PRESIDENT 

BUCHANAN. 

The  President,  although  compelled  by  his  oath  to  protect  and  defend  the 
Constitution,  and  by  that  Constitution  to  take  care  that  the  laws  be  faithfully 
executed,  from  which  duty  no  power  on  earth  can  absolve  him,  may  nevertheless 


REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON.  451 

under  the  conviction  that  a  firm  and  energetic  conduct  does  not  preclude  the 
exercise  of  a  prudent  and  humane  policy,  endeavor  to  arrest  if  possible  by 
moderate  but  firm  measures  the  necessity  of  a  recourse  to  force. 

As  secession  by  South  Carolina  is  now  understood  to  be  a  determined 
purpose,  it  has  become  the  imperative  duty  of  the  President  without  delay 
completely  to  garrison  Fort  Moultrie.  The  feeble  condition  in  which  that 
position  has  been  left,  contrary,  as  is  believed,  to  the  advice  of  Lieut. -General 
Scott,  will  invite  attack  and  cost  the  lives  of  many  gallant  men  on  the  part  of 
its  assailants,  and  probably  of  the  garrison,  amounting  to  about  sixty,  rank  and 
file,  whereas  it  should  have  at  least  five  hundred.  By  so  doing,  the  President 
would  indicate  a  determination  ultimately  to  reduce  the  refractory  to  a  due 
subordination  to  the  laws.  The  whiskey  insurrection  in  1793  was  of  such 
magnitude  as  to  embrace  several  counties  in  Pennsylvania  and  one  in  Virginia. 
The  insurgent  country  contained  sixteen  thousand  men  able  to  bear  arms,  and 
the  computation  was,  they  could  bring  seven  thousand  men  into  the  field. 

Washington,  after  a  proclamation  proffering  a  pardon  to  all  who  should 
return  to  their  duty,  and  sending  Commissioners  to  treat  with  the  insurgents 
called  into  the  field  an  army  of  twelve  thousand  men  which  marched  into  the 
infected  district,  and  by  the  display  of  such  an  imposing  force,  vindicated  the 
laws  and  manifested  the  power  of  the  Government. 

Another  example  for  our  President  is  found  in  the  firm  and  patriotic  course 
of  President  Jackson  in  1832,  when  South  Carolina  attempted  "  Nullification 
and  Secession."  At  that  time,  under  the  direction  of  General  Scott,  the 
military  power  of  Fort  Moultrie  and  other  positions-  was  adequately  increased. 
On  this  occasion,  the  President  proclaimed  that  "  The  dictates  of  a  high  duty 
oblige  me  solemnly  to  announce  that  you  cannot  succeed.  The  laws  of  the 
United  States  must  be  executed.  I  have  no  discretionary  power  on  the  subject 
— my  duty  is  emphatically  pronounced  in  the  Constitution." 

These  examples  of  two  of  the  most  illustrious  predecessors  of  President 
Buchanan  ought  to  command  his  respect. 

It  is  believed  that  South  Carolina  is  induced  to  plunge  into  revolution  under 
the  delusive  hope  by  free  trade  in  imports  to  make  Charleston  a  great  mart  of 
commerce,  and  at  the  same  time  by  a  high  export  duty  upon  cotton  to  obtain 
a  revenue  which  will  support  a  National  Government ;  and  her  agriculturalists  are 
made  to  believe,  by  opening  the  African  Slave  trade,  that  they  will  extend  the 
production  of  that  valuable  product  immeasurably. 

We  can  have  no  doubt  that  the  President,  as  soon  as  he  is  informed  that  the 
act  of  Secession  has  been  passed,  will  instruct  the  representatives  at  foreign 
courts  that  the  people  of  South  Carolina  are  in  a  state  of  rebellion,  that  by  the 
constitution  of  the  United  States  that  State  is  prohibited  from  entering  into 
"  any  engagement  or  compact  with  a  foreign  power,"  and  that  should  any  for 
eign  government  make  any  engagement  or  compact  with  this  rebellious  people, 
it  would  be  considered  a  hostile  measure. 


452  REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES  A.  HAMILTON. 

Secession  by  South  Carolina  must  bring  on  war,  should  she  attack  Fort 
Moultrie,  or  should  the  President  endeavor  to  collect  duties  in  the  ports  of  that 
State  or  to  enforce  the  laws  of  the  United  States  which  affect  the  people  of  that 
State.  These  laws  are  those  which  regulate  commerce,  establish  the  judiciary, 
and  provide  for  the  postal  service. 

Should  Congress  repeal  all  laws  relating  to  these  subjects  so  far  as  they 
affect  the  people  of  South  Carolina,  there  would  be  no  laws  to  be  executed,  and, 
consequently,  the  President  would  be  absolved  so  far  as  South  Carolina  was 
concerned,  from  his  oath  of  office.  The  repeal  of  laws  which  South  Carolina 
had  abjured  could  not  be  considered  as  an  act  of  hostility,  whatever  might  be 
its  consequences  to  her  commerce. 

By  the  Collection  Act  of  1799,  Beaufort,  Charleston,  and  Georgetown  are 
made  collection  districts,  ports  of  entry  and  delivery.  By  the  repeal  of  so  much 
of  that  act  as  relates  to  these  ports,  any  vessel  having  goods  on  board  of  foreign 
growth  or  manufacture  subject  to  payment  of  duties,  going  into  or  attempting 
to  go  into  these  ports,  would,  with  the  goods,  be  subject  to  seizure  and  forfeiture 
under  the  92d  section  of  that  act,  and  by  the  same  act  all  officers  of  the  customs, 
within  or  without  these  districts,  are  required  to  seize  such  vessels.  The  offi 
cers  of  the  revenue  cutters  are  by  law  made  officers  of  the  customs  to  enforce 
the  revenue  laws.  Thus  all  vessels  bound  to  these  ports  or  any  others  which 
are  not  ports  of  entry  and  delivery,  will  be  liable  to  seizure. 

Again,  under  the  laws  of  nations,  any  vessel  found  on  the  high  seas,  or  in  any 
port  of  any  country,  without  a  clearance  and  other  documentary  evidence  of  her 
nationality  received  from  an  officer  of  a  recognized  government,  one  of  the  fam- 
dly  of  nations,  is  liable  to  seizure  by  a  vessel  of  war  of  any  nation  that  might 
-meet  her,  and  to  condemnation  in  any  court  of  admiralty  in  the  world. 

The  sovereign  of  Great  Britain  has  just  extended  a  mark  of  her  royal  favor 
?to  Lord  Brougham  for  his  exertions  in  suppressing  the  slave  trade,  and  so  the 
Emperor  of  France  has,  by  an  autograph  letter  to  a  captain  of  an  American  ves 
sel,  signalized  his  detestation  of  that  trade.  "Will  either  of  these  powers,  or 
-will  the  Emperor  of  Russia,  who  is  emancipating  his  serfs,  be  very  prompt  in 
recognizing  the  independence  of  a  people  who  have  rebelled  against  their  gov 
ernment  in  order  to  extend  slavery  by  the  slave  trade  or  otherwise  ?  The  con 
sequences  of  this  course  would  be  to  leave  South  Carolina  in  a  condition  of 
quasi  independence,  but  of  absolute  isolation.  Her  exports  might  go  through 
Savannah,  from  whence  she  might  receive  all  articles  she  now  imports,  and 
these  would  be  the  inevitable  consequences  of  her  own  actions,  and  they  would 
continue  until  a  convention  could  be  assembled  to  recognize  her  independence. 
This  would  be  a  peaceful  solution  of  the  difficulties  and  dangers  resulting  from 
the  rebellious  course  of  that  or  any  other  state  or  section  of  our  country.  In 
all  this,  our  considerations  are  confined  to  the  present  when  they  ought  to  be 
turned  to  the  future,  which  is  certain  to  produce  almost  incessant  wars  and  per 
haps  much  greater  evils. 


REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES  A.   HAMILTON.  453 

A  distinguished  member  of  the  Chicago  Convention  addressed  the  following 
letter  to  James  A.  Hamilton. 

"  May  31,  1860. 

"DEATC  SIR:  Your  favor  of  the  13th  inst.  was  received  very  opportunely  at 
Chicago,  in  the  midst  of  the  excitements  of  the  convention  there,  and  I  availed  of 
your  permission  by  showing  it  freely  to  many  persons  there  as  evidence  that  every 
one  in  the  state  of  New  York  did  not  consider  Mr.  Seward  was  to  be  nominated 
without  reference  to  any  other  consideration  than  a  personal  preference  for  him. 

"  The  New  England  delegations  generally  went  to  Chicago  with  a  strong  prefer 
ence  for  Mr.  Seward,  and  on  the  way  there  with  delegates  from  other  states,  but 
mostly  from  New  York,  it  seemed  as  if  no  other  name  than  Mr.  Seward's  would  be 
prominently  before  the  convention.  But  at  Chicago  we  first  met  delegates  from 
"Western  States  and  from  Pennsylvania,  who  told  us  distinctly  that  their  delegations 
were  nearly  unanimous  in  the  opinion  that  Mr.  Seward,  if  nominated,  could  not  get 
the  votes  of  Pennsylvania,  New  Jersey,  Indiana,  and  Illinois. 

"  The  prevailing  sentiment  there  seemed  to  be  that  "  success  is  a  duty,"  and  should 
outweigh  personal  preferences  and  prejudices,  but  while  it  was  objected  to  Mr. 
Seward  that  certain  States  could  not  be  carried  with  him  as  the  nominee,  there  was 
no  indication  that  those  States  could  be  carried  by,  or  would  unite  in  the  convention 
on  any  other  one  name.  It  was  believed  that  while  at  least  one  third  of  the  convention 
was  in  favor  of  Mr.  Seward  under  all  circumstances,  the  remaining  two  thirds  were 
divided,  some  preferring  Seward  but  doubtful  in  regard  to  the  expediency  of  nomina 
ting  him,  and  many  advocating  the  nomination  of  Bates,  McLane,  Wade,  Chase, 
Dayton,  Cameron,  and  Lincoln,  with  little  chance  of  concentrating  upon  any  one 
of  them. 

"  Under  these  circumstances  it  seemed  almost  certain  on  Friday  morning  that 
Mr.  Seward  must  eventually  receive  the  nomination  ;  many  of  his  friends  asserted 
that  he  would  be  nominated  on  the  second  ballot  by  the  change  of  votes  to  him 
that  on  the  first  ballot  would  be  given  as  complimentary  votes  for  local  candidates. 

"This  was  the  condition  of  the  convention  on  taking  the  first  ballot;  but  the  sec 
ond  ballot,  while  it  added  only  four  votes  to  Mr.  Seward's  number,  indicated  a  de 
cided  preference  among  those  opposed  to  him  in  favor  of  Mr.  Lincoln,  and  on  the 
third  ballot  this  indication  was  followed,  to  the  astonishment  of  every  one  there,  by 
a  general  concentration  of  all  who  were  opposed,  and  of  all  who  were  doubtful  in 
regard  to  Mr.  Seward,  in  favor  of  Mr.  Lincoln.  I  believe  there  was  not  one  in  the 
convention  more  astonished  at  this  result  than  Mr.  Greeley  of  the  New  York  Tribune, 
and  it  seems  to  me  absurd  to  ascribe  this  result  to  his  efforts  or  to  those  of  any  other 
individual  there.  lie  expressed  his  objection  to  Mr.  Seward  not  more  freely  than 
lie  did  his  preference  for  Mr.  Bates  as  a  more  available  candidate,  and  there  were 
many  others  from  the  State  of  New  York,  who  were  equally  free  in  expressing 
doubts  in  regard  to  the  expediency  of  nominating  Mr.  Seward.  It  seemed  to  me 
that  many  of  those  from  New  York,  who  considered  themselves  the  warmest  friends 
and  advocates  of  Mr.  Seward,  did  more  to  damage  him  at  Chicago  than  those  who 
opposed  him.  Much  was  said  at  Chicago  of  the  corruption  in  the  New  York  Legis 
lature  last  winter,  and  that  Mr.  Seward^  election  as  President  would  transfer  those 
corrupting  influences  to  Washington.  In  view  of  this,  his  friends  damaged  him  by 
their  overbearing  manner  in  asserting  his  claims  to  the  nomination,  and  by  the  free- 


454  REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON. 

dom  with  which  they  boasted,  as  it  was  said,  of  the  votes  they  had  secured  by  man 
agement,  and  their  offers  of  money  to  influence  votes  for  him. 

u  I  went  to  Chicago  entertaining  very  much  the  views  expressed  in  your  note  to 
me  in  regard  to  Mr.  Seward.  I  went  to  the  Convention  with  the  intention  of  voting 
for  Mr.  Seward,  until  there  were  distinct  indications  of  a  majority  of  the  Convention 
uniting  on  some  other  candidate,  and  in  the  three  ballots  I  gave  my  vote  for  Mr. 
Seward ;  but  I  must  say  that  the  nomination  of  Mr.  Lincoln  seemed  to  me  a  fair  and 
unbiassed  expression  of  the  preference  of  a  large  majority  of  the  Convention,  and 
every  thing  I  have  heard  of  him  there  and  since,  has  satisfied  me  that  he  is  in  every 
way  a  suitable  candidate,  and  that  the  Convention  acted  wisely  in  selecting  him. 

"  Yours,  &c." 

JAMES  A.  HAMILTON  TO  WILLIAM  M.  EVARTS,  ESQ. 

"DOBBS  FERRY,  June  19,  1800. 

"MY  DEAR  SIB:  The  report  of  the  Covode  Committee  which  I  have  read  to 
day  affords  all  that  we  wanted  in  July  last,  in  order  to  prepare  a  petition  for  signa 
ture,  calling  upon  the  House  of  ^Representatives  to  impeach  the  President,  one  or 
more  of  his  secretaries,  the  commissioner  of  Customs,  and  the  collector  of  Customs 
of  Philadelphia ;  and  I  feel  that  it  is  my  duty  and  your  duty,  and  the  duty  ©f  every 
citizen  to  whom  the  honor  of  our  country  is  dear,  to  assist  in  doing  this  work. 

"  I  believe  these  men  ought  to  be  impeached,  and  that  they  will  be  at  the  next  ses 
sion,  if  a  respectable  number  of  people  call  for  it.  Whether  this  will  be  so  or  not,  or 
what  will  be  the  result  in  the  Senate,  must  be  left  with  those  upon  whom  these 
duties  are  imposed  by  the  constitution.  I  am  ready  to  prepare  such  a  petition  and 
sign  it,  although  I  am  diffident  of  my  ability  to  do  it  properly,  and  therefore  I  invoke 
your  assistance.  [The  petition  was  prepared  and  printed.] 

"  The  fact  that  the  term  of  the  President  will  expire  on  the  4th  of  March  next, 
and  that  his  accessories  will  retire  at  the  same  time,  is  no  reason  why  they  should 
not  be  held  up  as  the  objects  of  punishment.  A  man  is  liable  to  impeachment  when 
he  has  ceased  to  hold  office." 

LUTHER  BRADISII  TO  JAMES  A.  HAMILTON. 

"July5,  1860. 

"MY  DEAR  SIR:  I  have  just  finished  the  reading  of  your  admirable  letter*  on 
'the  Doctrine  of  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States  concerning  Slavery,'  and  can 
not  resist  the  strong  impulse  of  a  first  impression  to  make  you  my  cordial  acknow 
ledgments,  as  a  citizen  of  the  United  States,  for  this  patriotic  and  much-needed 
labor  of  yours,  so  ably,  and  in  all  respects  so  admirably  performed. 

"  Such  have  been  the  gross  errors  with  which,  for  some  time  past,  particularly  it 
has  suited  the  new  views  of  interested  parties  and  designing  men  to  Jnvest  this 
subject,  that  some  such  clear  and  forcible  exposition  of  it  as  yours  was  much 
needed.  These  errors  have  appeared  in  various  forms,  from  the  gratuitous  dicta  of 
assumed  authority  down  to  the  ranting  declarations  of  the  ultraists  of  the  day.  All 
these  errors  have  rested  upon  the  one  assumed  but  false  basis,  that  the  Constitu 
tion  of  the  United  States  recognizes  the  principle  of  '  Property  in  Man,'  and  author- 

*  "  Property  in  Man."     See  Appendix  D. 


REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.   HAMILTON.  455 

izes  slavery.  You  have  well  exposed  the  fallacy  of  these  errors,  and  have  clearly 
shown,  not  only  what  the  Constitution  does  provide  in  this  regard,  but  what  its 
wise  and  patriotic  framers  intended  it  should  provide." 

JOHN  M.  READ,  of  Philadelphia,  Pa.,  TO  JAMES  A.  HAMILTON. 

"July  6,  1860. 

"  DEAR  SIR  :  I  read  this  morning  in  the  New  York  Times,  with  great  pleasure 
and  profit,  your  excellent  letter  upon  the  action  of  the  Constitution  of  the  United 
States  upon  the  subject  of  slavery.  The  argument  is  unanswerable,  and  I  have  never 
seen  it  stated  in  so  logical,  so  convincing,  so  temperate,  and  so  brief  a  form. 

"  Truly  your  obedient  servant." 

PRESTON  KING,  ESQ.,  TO  JAMES  A.  HAMILTON 

"  "WASHINGTON,  D.  C.,  August  14,  1860. 

"  DEAR  SIR  :  I  thank  you  for  the  article  in  the  Times  (Property  in  Man)  ;  it  is 
clear,  logical,  and  conclusive.  The  positions  of  Chief  Justice  Taney  fall  dead  be 
fore  it. 

"  I  am  very  glad,  too,  to  find  you  employing  a  leisure  hour  or  two  in  this  way,  at 
a  time  when  such  ideas  nre  required  to  meet  the  sophistry  by  which  the  slave 
propagandists  attempt  to  sustain  their  new  and  absurd  theories.  The  attention  of 
the  public  mind,  directed  as  it  is  now  to  this  subject,  will  never  rest  till  the  truth  is 
reached,  and  reestablished  more  firmly  than  heretofore. 

"  Mr.  Calhoun  conceived  the  idea  of  liberty  founded  on  and  sustained  by  slavery. 

"  Respectfully." 

HON.  JOHN  COCHRANE  TO  JAMES  A.  HAMILTON. 
"  HOUSE  OF  REPRESENTATIVES,  WASHINGTON,  December  15,  1860. 
"  MY  DEAR  SIR  :  Your  favor  of  12th  instant  is  received.  I  have  not,  because  of 
great  draughts  upon  my  time,  been  able  to  answer  you  before.  I  am  truly  obliged 
to  you  for  your  paper.  It  is  terse,  simple,  and,  I  think,  conclusive  upon  the  points 
of  which  it  treats  (secession  is  State  suicide).  I  may,  upon  exigency,  find  great  use 
in  its  argument.  The  country  begins  to  sway  fearfully  in  the  storm  that  is  upon  us. 
Party  should  be  forgotten  now,  let  it  again  revive  when  it  may.  I  cannot  write 
you  of  any  definite  prospect.  Indeed  there  is  none.  A  thousand  schemes  give  way 
in  a  day  to  a  thousand  others.  Yet  all  have  their  use  in  mellowing  and-  preparing 
the  public  mind  for  the  adoption  of  the  measure  of  relief  adapted  to  the  emergency, 
when  it  shall  be  providentially  offered.  I  myself  perceive  no  probability  of  arrest 
ing  the  outward  tendency  of  the  Gulf  States.  I  rely  greatly,  however,  upon  the 
restoring  powers  and  disposition  of  the  tobacco-growing  States.  It  is  upon  their 
prudential  conservatism,  after  all,  that  we  must  rely  for  the  reassembling  of  our 
dismembered  parts.  Nor  will  we,  as  I  think,  be  disappointed.  But  in  the  mean 
time  much  can  and  should  be  done  in  the  North  through  meetings  (chiefly  of  Re 
publicans),  to  support  the  conservatism  of  these  Border  Slave  States.  Opinion  fluc 
tuates  here  exceedingly,  but  the  steady  tendency  is  toward  the  inevitable  approach 
of  dissolution. 

u  I  am,  very  truly  yours,  &c." 


456  REMINISCENCES    OF  JAMES   A.  HAMILTON. 

JAMES  A.  HAMILTON  to  His  Excellency  E.  D.  MORGAN,  Governor,  &c.,  Albany. 

"  DOBBS  FERRY  P.  O.,  December  IV,  I860. 

"  DEAR  SIR  :  Amid  the  perils  of  our  country,  it  becomes  every  one  to  express  his 
views  in  regard  to  such  measures  as  may  be  considered  proper  and  useful.  I  there 
fore  make  no  apology  for  addressing  this  letter  to  you. 

;1  Your  position  is  a  most  commanding  one,  and  your  message  to  the  Legislature 
at  its  next  session  may  be  most  potential  as  to  the  Border  Slave  States,  and  useful  to 
the  Conservatives  of  the  Cotton  States.  South  Carolina  is  given  up  to  her  idols.  A 
gentleman  of  the  South  of  great  influence,  referring  to  the  necessity  for  a  strong 
Northern  expression  of  opinion  in  favor  of  the  repeal  of  the  Personal  Liberty  Bills, 
says,  '  Such  declarations  proceeding  from  a  voice  so  potential  as  that  of  the  drier 
magistrate  of  New  York,  would  strengthen  the  hands  of  the  Union  men  through 
out  the  South,  and  would,  I  think,  go  far  to  retain  the  border  slave-holding  States  in 
their  loyalty  to  the  Government.' 

"  It  is  admitted  that  the  Cotton  States  are  notinjured  by  the  Bills ;  but  it  is  quite 
certain  that  these,  and  the  election  of  Mr.  Lincoln,  are  mere  pretexts  for  carrying 
out  the  treasonable  purposes  of  the  leaders  in  South  Carolina  and  elsewhere.  I  be 
lieve  these  traitors  broke  up  the  Democratic  party  in  order  that  the  success  of  the 
Republican  might  be  assured,  and  then  by  misrepresenting  our  purposes  in  regard 
to  slavery,  to  blind  and  madden  their  people,  and  thus  plunge  them  into  immediate 
revolution. 

"The  Personal  Liberty  Bills  are  denounced  by  all  the  wise  and  conservative  men 
of  our  party  with  whom  I  converse  (and  they  are  not  a  few)  as  in  spirit  and  pur 
pose  of  such  a  character  as  to  stimulate  the  people  to  resist  the  constitutional  pro 
vision  for  the  return  of  fugitive  slaves  ;  and  at  the  same  time  they  are  so  drawn  as 
not  to  be  judicially  considered  as  unconstitutional.  They  certainly  manifest  a  hostile 
temper  which  ought  not  to  be  indulged  by  some  members  toward  others  of  the 
same  family ;  and  consequently  all  who  are  truly  alive  to  their  duty  to  the  con 
stitution,  and  loyal  to  the  Union,  but  particularly  such  as  are  governed  by  those 
principles,  inculcated  by  that  gracious  Providence  which  so  signally  displays  its 
goodness  to  our  country,  are  bound  to  unite  when  great  earthly  interests  are  at 
stake,  in  the  performance  of  their  whole  duty,  which  is  most  certainly  in  this  case 
to  induce  the  repeal  of  this  pernicious  legislation.  Allow  me  here  to  remark  that  the 
great  Republican  party,  consolidated  as  it  now  is,  and  you  as  its  leader,  may  well  in 
its  hour  of  triumph,  magnanimously  come  up  to  this  work  of  sacrifice,  superior  to  all 
personal  and  party  considerations.  I  take  this  opportunity  to  say  in  all  sincerity, 
if  I  did  not  consider  you  alive  to  such  high  impulses,  I  should  not  address  this  letter 
to  you. 

"  After  profound  reflection,  I  would  suggest  that  in  your  message  to  the  next 
Legislature  you  express  the  opinion  that  all  such  enactments  are  unwise  and  im 
proper  in  view  of  our  Constitutional  duties ;  and  that  you  consider  it  your  duty  ear 
nestly  to  recommend  the  Legislature  to  repeal  without  delay  the  act  of  this  State 
passed  on  the  —  — . 

"As  the  State  of  New  York  has  at  all  times  been  truly  loyal  to  all  her  federal 
duties  and  to  the  great  principles  of  liberty,  she  may  therefore,  without  presumption, 
raise  her  voice  in  behalf  of  peace  and  conservatism,  and  lead  off  in  doing  justice  to 
herself  and  to  others. 


REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON.  457 

"I  do  not  intend,  in  what  I  am  now  about  to  write,  to  mingle  with  the  high  and 
patriotic  motives  which  will  govern  you  on  this  occasion  any  of  an  inferior  char 
acter;  and  yet  in  deliberating  much  on  what  I  have  suggested,  it  has  occurred  to  me 
that  it  rarely  falls  to  the  lot  of  public  men  to  hold  their  destinies  in  their  own  hands, 
and  even  when  it  is  so  far  known  that  such  is  their  condition,  to  appreciate  it,  and 
thus  lose  the  opportunity  to  associate  their  names  imperishably  with  the  destiny  and 
honors  of  their  country. 

"  If  I  can  be  useful  on  this  occasion,  I  will  cheerfully  go  to  Albany  in  order  to 
serve  you. 

"With  sincere  regard  and  respect,  I  have  the  honor  to  be, 

"  Your  friend  and  humble  servant." 

CALL  FOR  A  MEETING  TO  PRESERVE  THE  UNION. 

"  The  subscribers,  influenced  by  their  painful  conviction  that  the  present  condition 
of  our  common  country  is  one  of  imminent  peril,  a  conviction  forced  upon  them  by 
the  fact  that  several  of  the  States  of  the  South  have,  with  the  sanction  of  the  Legis 
latures,  called  a  convention  of  delegates  to  assemble  in  Nashville,  Tennessee,  in  June 
next,  to  deliberate  upon  the  measures  to  be  adopted  to  dissolve  this  Union, — a  course 
of  legislation  by  Congress  in  the  Territories  upon  the  happening  of  any  one  or 
more  of  various  contingencies,  to  wit :  Upon  the  admission  of  the  State  of  Cali 
fornia  into  the  Union  ;  upon  the  abolition  of  slavery,  or  the  slave  trade  in  the  Dis 
trict  of  Columbia;  upon  the  adoption  by  Congress  of  the  Wilmot  Proviso:  by  the 
fact  that  in  other  sections  of  the  country  at  large  public  meetings  held  by  individ 
uals  responsible  by  their  condition  and  acquirements,  resolutions  are  deliberately 
adopted  denouncing  the  constitution  of  the  United  States,  because  it  recognizes  the 
existence  of  slavery  in  a  portion  of  the  Union,  and  calling  upon  their  Legislatures 
and  people  to  dissolve  the  Union  ;  from  the  fact  that  the  customary  and  necessary 
legislative  business  is  arrested  by  this  one  exciting  topic,  and  by  the  fact  that  the  best, 
the  foremost,  the  most  experienced  statesmen  of  the  country  express,  in  their  places 
in  the  Senate  and  House  of  Representatives,  the  most  serious  apprehensions  that  the 
Union  will  be  dissolved  ;  while  others  do  not  hesitate  under  the  like  responsibilities 
to  declare  that  is  no  longer  possible,  consistently  with  the  integrity  of  the  slave- 
holding  States,  that  they  should  remain  united  to  the  free  States;  we  believe  the 
time  has  arrived  when  the  voice  of  the  people  of  this  city  and  State  and  of  the 
whole  nation  should  be  heard.  We  therefore  invite  our  fellow-citizens  of  this  me 
tropolis  without  respect  to  party  divisions,  uninfluenced  by  party  obligations,  to  meet 
in  council  in  order  to  express  devotion  to  the  Union,  and  to  devise  such  measures 
as  may  be  necessary  to  enable  the  whole  nation  to  deliberate  upon  the  vital 
questions  which  so  deeply  agitate  the  whole  country:  but,  above  all,  to  express 
what  we  believe  to  be  the  deliberate  purpose  of  the  People,  North,  South,  East,  and 
West,  to  preserve  this  Union  ;  for  we  venture  to  assume  that  the  dearest  interests 
and  brightest  hopes  of  the  masses  of  mankind  depend  upon  the  union  of  these  States 
and  the  glorious  system  of  self-government  under  which  we  now  live  so  happily, 
and  have  prospered  so  surpassingly. 

"We  believe  that  to  dissolve  this  Union  involves  the  greatest  injury,  not  only  to 
the  people,  but  to  the  human  race,  and,  as  we  verily  believe,  it  would  be  the  greatest 
crime  that  any  nation  has  yet  committed. 

"In  this  great,  this  sacred  work,  we  do  not  desire  the  cooperation  of  men  who 


458  REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON. 

have  personal  or  party  ends  to  accomplish,  whose  patriotism  centres  in  themselves, 
their  party,  their  county,  or  their  State,  but  we  do-desire  and  expect  the  assistance 
of  the  wise,  the  good,  and  the  patriotic  of  all  parties,  classes,  and  occupations. 
"We,  in  a  word,  ask  the  aid  of  the  people  of  the  Empire  city  to  originate  such  meas 
ures  as  will  enable  the  people  of  the  Empire  State  to  meet  the  people  of  the  other 
States  in  convention  in  the  city  of  Washington  at  some  convenient  day,  not  only  to 
express  their  determination  that  the  Union  shall  be  preserved,  but  to  devise  such  a 
course  of  measures  on  the  existing  subjects  to  which  we  have  referred,  as  in  a 
spirit  of  forbearance,  of  justice,  of  patriotism  will  heal  our  wounds,  and  reunite  this 
people  as  they  once  were,  as  members  of  one  great  family.  And  we  do  not  hesitate 
to  declare  that  the  people  influenced  by  such  a  spirit,  by  these  or  some  other  means, 
can  well  settle  all  exciting  questions  to  the  satisfaction  of  all.  Or  should  it  be  found 
that  these  difficulties  are  too  mighty  for  their  grasp,  that  they  will  manifest  such  a 
determination  to  perpetuate  the  Union,  that  the  Government  of  the  country  will  be 
encouraged  and  sustained  in  putting  forth  all  it3  energies  to  that  end. 

'•JAMES  A.  HAMILTON." 

JAMES  A.  HAMILTON  TO  PRESIDENT  JAMES  BUCHANAN. 

"December  24,  1860. 

u  SIR  :  Under  a  sense  of  duty  I  address  this  letter  and  submit  the  inclosed  paper 
to  you,  in  order  to  call  your  deliberate  attention  to  a  course  of  measures  which  will 
relieve  you  from  a  part  of  your  most  painful  responsibilities,  and  may  bring  about 
a  pacific  solution  of  our  fearful  difficulties. 

41  The  more  I  turn  this  subject  in  my  mind,  the  better  satisfied  I  am  that 
to  suspend  or  repeal  the  laws  referred  to  would  not  only  relieve  the  Executive  from 
the  duty  of  enforcing  the  laws,  but  that  it  would  so  immediately  and  seriously  affect 
the  material  interests  of  the  people  of  South  Carolina,  as  to  induce  them  to  pause 
and  weigh  well  the  consequences  of  the  unwise  course  they  have  entered  upon. 

"The  people  of  Georgia,  of  Alabama,  of  Louisiana  and  Mississippi  would  imme 
diately  see  nnd  feel  that  the  same  course  taken  with  them  would  lead  to  the  most  disas 
trous  consequences.  The  last  two  States  could  not  get  one  pound  of  cotton  or  sugar 
to  a  market,  as  they  have,  I  believe,  no  other  outlet  except  by  the  mouths  of  the  great 
river,  or  at  great  expense  sending  these  bulky  articles  to  the  North  and  East  by 
railroad.  All  this  loss  would  result  alone  from  the  attitude  they  would  assume  in 
case  of  secession.  There  would  be  no  relief  by  war  or  any  other  aggressive  meas 
ure  toward  the  United  States.  No  foreign  power  would  interfere  in  such  a  case. 

"The  President  will,  of  course,  either  by  proclamation  or  through  his  Ministers, 
give  notice  to  the  world  that  the  people  of  South  Carolina  are  in  a  condition  of 
rebellion,  and  particularly  that  the  ports  referred  to  are  no  longer  ports  of  entry  or 
delivery. 

"  My  duty  to  the  President,  to  my  country,  and  to  the  truth  compels  me  to  in 
form  you  that  very  many  intelligent  and  discreet  men  of  all  parties  in  this  State, 
condemn  the  inaction  of  the  Secretary  of  War  in  relation  to  the  forts  in  Charleston 
harbor.  They  declare  that  should  they  be  surrendered  without  a  struggle,  or  fall 
in  consequence  of  the  absence  of  an  efficient  force,  there  can  be  no  hope  of  conces 
sion  or  compromise  at  the  North  until  these  forts  are  retaken  or  restored.  It  is 
generally  believed  that  an  imposing  force  thrown  into  these  garrisons  two  months 
ago,  would  have  prevented  bloodshed,  and  have  secured  those  works. 


REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON.  459 

"  It  will  be  said,  and  no  doubt  with  truth,  that  an  attempt,  at  this  time,  to  in 
crease  those  garrisons  would  induce  a  collision.  I  beg  to  suggest  a  remedy. 

"  If  the  laws  should  not  be  repealed,  as  I  have  suggested,  and  as  you  have  de 
cided  that  the  President  is  bound  to  collect  the  revenues  at  the  port  of  Charleston, 
you  must,  to  effectively  do  this,  send  there  a  corps  of  officers — a  collector,  naval 
officer,  inspectors,  appraisers,  weighers,  gangers,  &c.,  &c.  (All  these  persons  are  indis 
pensable.)  They,  with  their  desks  and  books,  and  the  space  necessary  to  examine 
goods,  would  require  a  much  larger  space  than  a  revenue  cutter  or  any  ordinary  vessel 
could  provide.  It  would  therefore  become  necessary  to  employ  a  steam  ve?sel  of 
war  to  be  stationed  near  Fort  Houltrie.  Should  the  commanding  officer  of  such 
vessel  be  instructed,  upon  the  requisition  of  the  commanding  officer  of  Fort  Moul- 
trie,  to  assist  him,  such  assistance  would,  I  am  informed,  from  the  nature  of  the 
approaches  to  the  fort,  be  effectual,  and  thus,  in  the  performance  of  an  indispensable 
duty,  "without  the  danger  of  inviting  attack,  secure  that  place  beyond  all  peradven- 
ture.  As  to  the  other  forts,  Sumter  and  Pinckney,  as  their  munitions  of  war  cer 
tainly  belong  to  the  United  States,  it  would  be  not  only  discreet,  but  necessary  to 
remove  or  destroy  them  that  they  might  not  fall  into  the  hands  of  an  enemy  and  be 
turned  against  the  ships  or  fort. 

"  I  have  the  honor  to  be.  your  obedient  servant,  &c." 

The  following  suggestions  were  enclosed  in  the  above  letter : 

SECESSION— ITS  TREATMENT— A  PEACEFUL  SOLUTION. 

"  The  right  of  secession  cannot  be  proved  to  be  constitutional.  The  Constitution 
clearly  intends  to  repress  such  action  by  a  State,  when  it  declares,  '  No  State  shall, 
without  the  consent  of  Congress,  keep  troops  or  ships  of  war  in  time  of  peace — enter 
into  any  agreement  or  compact  with  another  State,  or  with  a  foreign  power.'  These 
restrictions  upon  the  sovereignty  of  the  States  could  have  had  no  other  object.  It 
must  therefore  be  exercised  under  that  higher  law — the  right  of  revolution — which 
is  war  against  the  oppressor. 

"  The  people  of  the  United  States  having  ordained  and  established  the  Constitu 
tion  for  themselves  and  their  '  posterity,'  there  is  no  power  short  of  that  which 
established  it  capable  of  destroying  it ;  consequently,  the  people  of  any  State  who 
may  attempt  to  secede,  must  continue  in  rebellion  until,  by  war,  they  have  con 
quered  their  independence,  or,  by  a  convention,  it  is  accorded  to  them. 

"  The  President  is  bound  by  the  Constitution  '  to  take  care  that  the  laws  be  faith 
fully  executed,'  and  by  his  oath  '  to  preserve  and  defend  the  Constitution.'  There 
is  no  power  under  heaven  that  can  absolve  the  President  from  these  obligations. 

"  When  South  Carolina  shall,  by  her  Convention,  declare  that  her  people  are  no 
longer  subjected  to  the  Constitution  and  laws  of  the  United  States,  they  will  be  in 
the  condition  of  rebellion. 

"  The  laws  which  affect  the  people  of  South  Carolina  are  those  particularly 
which  regulate  commerce,  establish  the  judiciary  and  the  mail  service. 

"  Should  Congress  suspend  such  parts  of  the  law  relating  to  these  subjects  so  far 
as  they  affect  the  people  of  South  Carolina,  the  President  would  be  absolved,  as  far 
as  the  people  of  that  State  are  concerned,  from  this  part  of  his  duty. 

"  The  repeal  or  suspension  of  laws  which  South  Carolina  abjures,  cannot  be  con 
sidered  as  an  act  of  hostility.  It  is  the  contrary,  when  done  to  avoid  collision 


460  REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES  A.  HAMILTON. 

between  the  Executive  power  of  the  United  States  and  the  people  of  South  Caro 
lina. 

"By  the  18th  section  of  the  Collection  Law  of  March,  1799,  Beaufort,  Charles 
ton,  and  Georgetown  are  made  ports  of  entry  and  delivery.  By  the  repeal  or  sus 
pension  of  that  clause,  the  President  would  be  absolved  from  the  necessity  of  col 
lecting  the  duties,  a  proceeding  which  would  inevitably  produce  a  collision.  The 
legal  effect  of  this  course  would  be,  that  every  vessel  which  should  thereafter  enter, 
or  attempt  to  enter,  these  ports  with  with  dutiable  goods,  would  be  subjected  to 
seizure  and  forfeiture. 

"Under  the  laws,  all  officers  of  the  Customs  are  required  to  seize  such  vessels. 
The  officers  of  the  revenue  cutters  are  made  officers  of  the  customs  for  that  pur 
pose,  and  thus  all  vessels  bound  to  those  ports  as  to  any  others  which  are  not  ports 
of  entry  and  delivery  would  be  seized. 

"The  effect  of  such  liability  would  be  that  clearances  would  be  refused  in  the 
ports  of  foreign  powers  to  vessels  bound  for  these  ports.  Another  consequence  of 
such  repeal  would  be,  that  under  the  law  of  nations  any  vessel  found  on  the  high 
seas  or  in  any  port  of  any  country  without  a  passport,  sea  letter,  and  clearance  by 
the  proper  officer  of  a  recognized  government — one  of  the  family  of  nations — is 
liable  to  seizure  by  a  vessel  of  war  of  any  nation  that  might  meet  her,  and  to  con 
demnation  in  any  Court  of  Admiralty  in  the  world. 

Such  a  course  would  leave  South  Carolina  in  a  condition  of  quasi  independence, 
but  of  absolute  isolation.  Her  exports  might  be  taken  to  Savannah,  and  from  thence 
she  might  receive  all  articles  she  now  imports,  each  burdened  with  the  heavy 
expenses  of  land  transportation,  and  the  latter  to  duties  paid  to  the  United  States. 
These  would  be  the  necessary  consequences  of  her  own  action,  and  they  would  con 
tinue  until  a  convention  could  be  assembled  to  recognize  her  independence.  It  would 
be  a  pacific  solution  of  the  great  difficulties  and  dangers  to  result  from  the  course 
South  Carolina  has  determined  to  take. 

This  course  would,  by  giving  great  commercial  advantages  to  Savannah,  tend  to 
induce  Georgia  to  defer  secession.  It  might  also,  by  showing  Louisiana  and  Ala 
bama  the  injuries  which  would  result  from  a  like  course  in  regard  to  their  respective 
ports  of  New  Orleans  and  Mobile,  induce  these  States  to  hesitate.  It  would  cer 
tainly  strengthen  the  hands  of  the  Conservative  portions  of  those  States. 

"  JAMES  A.  HAMILTON." 

EFFOET  TO  REINFORCE  MAJOR  ANDERSON. 

After  the  ordinance  of  secession  was  passed  by  South  Carolina,  on  the  'JOth 
December,  I860,  I  was  convinced  that  by  force  alone  could  the  Union  be  pre 
served;  and  recollecting  the  advantages  we  had  in  1832  when  nullification 
was  attempted  by  the  same  State,  by  having  possession  of  the  forts  in  the  harbor 
of  Charleston,  I  formed  a  plan  on  the  28th  December  by  which  Fort  Moultrie 
could  be  provisioned  and  reinforced  (the  news  of  Major  Anderson's  having 
evacuated  Fort  Moultrie  and  taken  possession  of  Sumter  had  not  then  been  re 
ceived),  which  was  to  charter  a  steamer  to  go  to  Charleston,  taking  on  board  of 
her  three  or  four  hundred  men  and  provisions  for  six  months.  I  immediately 
addressed  the  following  letter  to  Major-General  C.  W.  Sandford,  commanding 
the  militia  of  New  York  : 


REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES  A.  HAMILTON.  461 

"  (Private.)  DOEBS  FEREY,  1ST.  Y.,  December  28,  I860. 

"  DEAR  GENERAL  :  I  write  to  you  in  the  strictest  confidence,  because  what  I  am 
about  to  propose  might  be  defeated  by  premature  disclosure. 

"The  President  Laving  exposed  a  handful  of  brave  men  no\v  in  Fort  Moultrie  to 
slaughter,  and  the  flag  of  our  country  to  disgrace,  there  can  be  no  violation  of  law 
or  duty  of  any  kind,  should  citizens  volunteer  to  go  to  Charleston  harbor  in  a 
steamer,  chartered  for  the  purpose,  in  order  to  reinforce  Major  Anderson.  Such  a 
course  taken  by  a  few  hundred  brave  men  would  rescue  the  garrison  and  save  the 
fort;  and  this  having  been  done  without  any  participation  on  the  part  of  the  Gov 
ernment,  could  not  be  considered  by  South  Carolina  as  an  act  offensive  to  her  which 
would  invite,  much  less  justify,  an  assault.  Think  of  this;  and  if  you  approve,  turn 
in  your  mind  whether  so  many  men  could  be  induced  to  volunteer?  We  would 
have  no  ditliculty  in  getting  money  to  charter  a  steamer,  and  to  put  on  board  of  her 
a  store  of  provisions.  Absolute  secrecy  must  be  observed.  Let  me  know  where  I 
can  find  you.  I  will  be  in  the  city  to-morrow  (Saturday). 

"  Yours,  &c., 

"JAMES  A.  HAMILTON. 
"Major-General  SANDFORD,  New  York." 

The  next  day,  Saturday  the  29th,  I  went  to  New  York,  found  the  General 
at  his  office,  talked  the  project  all  over  with  him.  He  fully  approved  what  I 
proposed,  and  engaged  to  give  me  four  hundred  men,  as  good  artillerists  as  could 
be  wished.  Having  that  assurance,  I  went  to  Wall  street  to  make  my  arrange 
ments  ;  saw  Moses  H.  Grinnell,  who  said  at  once,  "  Go  on — you  shall  have  as 
much  money  as  you  want."  I  told  him  I  would  contribute  one  third,  he  one 
third,  and  Mr.  J.  E.  Williams  another  third;  that  it  would  not  do  to  let  any 
others  into  the  secret.  He  then  told  me  to  send  for  a  particular  agent  to  char 
ter  a  steamer,  purchase  the  provisions,  &c. 

I  went  to  my  sou's  office  in  Wall  street  to  send  for  the  broker  and  prepare 
written  directions.  While  so  engaged,  General  Sandford  came  to  see  me  with 
the  following  letter  in  hand  : 

"  (Private.)  NEW  YORK,  December  29,  1860. 

"Mr  DEAR  SIR  :    There  would  be  no  difficulty  about  the  men,  if  the  arrange 
ment  could  be  made  under  the  sanction  of  General  Scott.     A  confidential  person 
conld  be  sent  on  to  see  him ;  and  with  his  approval  the  scheme  would  be  perfectly 
legal,  and  acceptable,  no  doubt,  to  the  officer  in  command. 
"  I  am,  very  respectfully,  your  obedient  servant,  &c., 

"  CHA.RLES  "W.  SANDFOED. 
'  JAMES  A.  HAMILTON,  Esq." 

I  urged  that  such  a  consent  was  wholly  unnecessary ;  when  the  work  was 
done,  General  Scott  would  hear  of  it  and  be  rejoiced  that  it  was  done.  I  en 
gaged  to  take  the  whole  responsibility.  All  this  was  in  vain,  and  I  was  conse 
quently  under  the  necessity  of  writing  to  General  Scott  the  following  letter  : 


462  REMINISCENCES    OF  JAMES  A.  HAMILTON. 

u  (Private.)  DOBBS  FERKY  P.  O.,  December  29, 1860. 

"  DEAR  GENERAL:  It  is  proposed  to  reinforce  Major  Anderson  by  volunteers,  to 
be  sent  from  the  city  of  New  York  by  a  steamer  to  be  chartered  for  that  purpose — 
the  funds  to  be  raised  by  private  subscription.  General  Sandford  promises  to  pro 
vide  as  many  good  men  and  true  as  may  be  required ;  say  from  one  to  four  hun 
dred.  He,  however,  suggests  that  this  enterprise  should  receive  your  sanction,  so 
far  at  least  as  by  your  giving  me  a  letter  of  introduction  to  Major  Anderson,  inti 
mating  to  him  that  those  who  accompany  me  will  be  his  guests,  and,  of  course,  sub 
ject  to  his  command.  If  it  is  proper  that  you  should  countenance  the  enterprise,  do 
me  the  favor  to  send  me  such  a  letter  addressed  to  the  Major  as  you  please;  and 
also  to  inform  me  of  the  number  of  men  required,  and  of  the  kind  and  quantity  of 
provisions  to  be  taken  with  us.  As  I  am  the  originator  of  this  project,  of  course  I 
intend  to  be  one  of  the  volunteers. 

"  "With  my  best  wishes  for  your  continued  health  and  usefulness  to  our  beloved 
country,  I  remain, 

"Your  friend  and  servant, 

"JAMES  A.  HAMILTON. 
"To  Lieutenant-General  SCOTT,  Washington." 

On  the  2d  January,  1861,  I  received  in  reply  the  following  letter,  dated 
Washington,  January  1st,  1861 : 

"  WASHINGTON,  January  1,  1861. 

"  SIE  :  Lieutenant-General  Scott  desires  me  to  acknowledge  your  letter  of  the 
29th  ult.,  and  to  inform  you  that  he  has  read  it  to  the  President  of  the  United  States. 
Both  appreciated  the  patriotic  spirit ;  but  they  coincided  in  the  opinion  that  the  im 
mediate  military  needs  of  the  country  require  no  appeal  to  militia  or  volunteers  in 
aid  of  the  regular  force. 

"I  am,  respectfully,  your  obedient  servant, 

"GEO.  W.  LAY,  Lieut.-Col.,  A.  D.  C. 
"JAMES  A.  HAMILTON,  Esq." 

I  was  deeply  disappointed  in  being  thus  deprived  of  an  opportunity,  in  a 
noteworthy  manner  of  rendering  an  essential  service  to  my  country ;  and  of 
connecting  my  name  creditably  with  this  the  greatest  chapter  in  the  history  of 
our  country. 

With  such  an  accession  of  force  I  believed  Major  Anderson  would  not 
have  permitted  the  fort  to  be  beleaguered  by  his  enemy,  as  it  was ;  and  that  he 
would  thus  have  commanded  the  port  and  city  of  Charleston. 

General  Scott,  some  time  afterward,  in  conversation  with  me  on  this  sub 
ject  expressed  his  deep  regret  that  the  President  (Buchanan)  should  have 
inhibited  the  enterprise;  because  he  believed  if  the  Secessionists  had  been  de 
feated  in  their  attack  upon  Sumter,  the  rebellion  would  not  have  been  carried 
further. 


REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES   A.  HAMILTON.  463 

ENGLISH  SYMPATHY  WITH  SOUTHERN  REBELLION  EXPLAINED. 

ALEXIS  DK  TOCQUEVILLE'S  OPINION  OF  THE  ENGLISH  MINT). 

The  opinions  of  this  most  impartial  and  acute  observer  of  men  and  govern 
ments  have  at  all  times  commanded  attention  and  respect  in  this  country  and 
Great  Britain. 

In  a  letter  to  Mme.  Grote,  written  in  1857,  speaking  of  the  nature  of  the 
English  mind,  he  says  :  "  It  consists  in  a  downright  perception  somewhat  nar 
row,  but  distinct,  which  enables  you  to  see  thoroughly  what  you  have  in  hand, 
but  not  to  see  several  things  at  once.  This  is  probably  the  cause  of  a  perti 
nacity  of  the  English  mind  in  politics,  which  has  always  surprised  me.  In  the 
eyes  of  the  English,  that  cause  which  is  most  useful  to  England  is  all  the  cause 
of  justice;  the  men  or  the  governments  which  serve  the  interests  of  England 
have  all  sorts  of  good  qualities  ;  he  who  hurts  these  interests,  all  sorts  of  defects, 
so  that  it  would  seem  that  the  criterion  of  what  is  right,  or  noble,  or  just,  is  to 
be  found  in  the  degree  of  favor  or  opposition  to  English  interests." 

How  manifestly  just  and  true  is  this  appreciation  of  the  English  mind,  as 
proved  by  the  sympathy  of  the  government  or  the  people  with  the  assumed 
Southern  Confederacy. 

English  interests,  promoted  by  cotton  and  free  trade,  have  made  it  "  right, 
and  just,  and  noble  "  to  rise  in  rebellion  without  cause  against  a  most  beneficent 
Government,  to  erect  a  government  founded  on  human  bondage.  English  in 
terests  have  made  it  right,  noble,  and  just  to  wish  to  sustain  a  government  which 
forbade  to  one  half  of  its  people  education  and  the  rights  of  property ;  forbade  by 
its  laws  the  marriage  rites  ;  refused  to  one  half  of  its  people  the  right  to  be  wit 
nesses  against  their  oppressors,  thus  sheltering  from  punishment  crimes  at  which 
humanity  shudders  ;  all  these  things  are  made  the  criterion  of  what  is  "  right, 
and  noble,  and  just,"  if  they  are  supposed  to  be  in  favor  of  English  interests ; 
and  therefore  in  this  great  contest  which  the  North  has  undertaken,  to  sustain 
human  rights  and  the  liberty  of  mankind,  Great  Britain's  interests  are  with  the 
former. 

All  De  Tocqueville's  sympathies  were  in  favor  of  the  English  people ;  he 
has  enjoyed  the  friendship  and  hospitality  in  no  measured  degree  of  the  Lans- 
downe  and  Holland  houses  for  many  years  of  his  life  ;  he  has  enjoyed  the  society 
and  confidence  of  the  best  people  in  London ;  his  constant  companion,  counsel 
lor,  and  friend,  who  became  his  wife,  was  an  Englishwoman,  worthy  in  all  respects 
of  the  affection  of  this  wise  and  good  man  and  this  unimpeachable  witness.  God 
save  the  bulwark  of  the  Christian  Religion. 

This  paper  was  prepared  in  1860,  and  sent  to  President  Buchanan  : 

SECESSION :  ITS  TREATMENT. 

No  intelligent  man  who  has  taken  trouble  to  inform  himself,  but  must  be 
convinced  that  a  State  of  this  Union  has  no  right  to  withdraw  from  the  United 


464  REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON. 

States — a  union  formed  in  1776,  proclaimed  as  a  union  of  the  Thirteen  States, 
and  which  declaration  made  in  1776  formed  a  nation  and  one  of  the  family  of 
nations,  which  was  made  perpetual  b}^  the  articles  of  confederation,  ratified  by 
all  the  States  in  March,  1781,  and  made  by  the  Constitution,  ordained  and  de 
clared  by  the  people  of  the  United  States,  in  order  among  other  benefits  "  to 
form  a  more  perfect  union ;  "  and  in  framing  that  Constitution,  it  was  declared  by 
the  Convention  that  the  people  of  the  several  States  had  yielded  a  part  of  their 
rights  in  order  to  "  consolidate  the  union,"  and  which  the  States  solemnly 
pledged  each  to  the  other  to  preserve  forever,  in  and  by  the  articles  of  the 
Confederation.  It  was  declared  by  the  members  of  Congress  representing  the 
different  States,  as  follows :  "  It  hath  pleased  the  great  Governor  of  the  world 
to  incline  the  hearts  of  the  legislatures  we  respectively  represent  in  Congress  to 
approve  of  and  authorize  us  to  ratify  the  said  articles  of  Confederation  and 
perpetual  union."  "  Know  ye,  that  we  the  undersigned  delegates,  &c.,  *  *  *  in  the 
name  and  on  behalf  of  our  respective  constituents,  fully  and  entirely  ratify  and 
confirm  each  and  every  of  the  said  articles  of  Confederation  and  perpetual  union, 
and  we  do  further  solemnly  plight  and  engage  the  faith  of  our  respective  con 
stituents,  *  *  *  that  the  union  shall  be  perpetual." 

It  is  not  possible  to  find  language  more  conclusive  than  that  which  is  used 
in  all  these  instruments  to  bind  the  States  and  the  people  of  the  United  States 
more  solemnly  and  more  indissolubly.  On  the  other  hand,  where  can  be  found 
any  article  of  these  instruments,  or  any  fact  or  circumstance  connected  with  their 
formation,  which  can  be  tortured  into  an  admission  of  the  right  of  a  State,  or 
the  people  thereof,  to  secede  ? 

It  is  said  that  the  States  are  independent  sovereignties,  and  that  the  right 
of  secession  is  a  sovereign  right,  to  be  exercised  at  any  moment,  and  under  any 
circumstances  at  the  will  of  each  State,  and,  of  course,  as  all  sovereign  rights  are 
perfect,  this,  if  a  right  at  all,  must  exist  and  may  be  exercised  independently  of 
the  will  and  power  of  the  Government  of  the  United  States,  or  of  the  other 
States. 

In  examining  this  assumed  sovereign  right,  it  becomes  necessary  to  ascer 
tain  what  part  of  their  sovereignty  the  States  have  surrendered,  and  what 
part  they  have  retained ;  and  consequently  how  far  they  can  be  considered 
independent  sovereignties.  The  people  of  the  States,  when  they  declared  that 
"  In  order  to  form  a  more  perfect  union  for  ourselves  and  our  posterity,  do 
ordain  and  establish  this  Constitution  of  the  United  States  of  America,"  they 
surrendered  the  following  rights  of  sovereignty  :  to  make  war  or  peace ;  to 
enter  into  any  treaty,  alliance,  or  confederation ;  to  grant  letters  of  marque 
or  reprisal ;  to  coin  money,  emit  bills  of  credit ;  to  make  any  thing  but  gold 
and  silver  coin  a  tender  in  payment  of  debts ;  to  pass  any  bill  of  attainder, 
ex  post  facto  latv,  or  law  impairing  the  obligation  of  contracts;  to  grant  any 
title  of  nobility ;  to  lay  any  duty  on  imports  or  exports  ;  to  lay  any  duty  of 
tonnage  "  keep  troops  or  ships  of  war  in  time  of  peace ;"  to  enter  into  any 


REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES  A.  HAMILTON.  465 

agreement  or  compact  with  another  state,  or  with  a  foreign  power,  or  engage 
in  war,  unless  actually  invaded ;  to  regulate  commerce  with  foreign  nations, 
among  the  several  states  or  with  the  Indian  tribes;  to  fix  the  standard  of 
weights  and  measures;  to  promote  the  progress  of  useful  arts  by  securing 
exclusive  rights  to  authors  and  inventors ;  to  establish  uniform  laws  on  the 
subject  of  bankruptcies  and  naturalization ;  to  define  and  punish  piracies  and 
felonies  committed  on  the  high  seas,  and  offences  against  the  laws  of  nations ; 
to  provide  for  organizing,  arming,  and  disciplining  the  militia  ;  the  power  to 
decide  whether  any  and  what  states  shall  associate  with  them,  and  brought  into 
the  union  with  them. 

They  surrendered  their  right  to  make  a  constitution,  or  to  pass  laws  accord 
ing  to  their  own  will  and  pleasure  when  they  ordained  that  «  the  constitution,  laws, 
and  treaties  made  by  the  United  States  should  be  the  supreme  law  of  the  land; 
and  that  the  Judges  in  every  state  shall  be  bound  thereby,  any  thing  in  the 
laws  or  constitution  of  any  State  to  the  contrary  notwithstanding ;  and  when 
they  further  ordained  that  the  officers  of  the  State  legislatures,  executive  and 
judicial,  shall  be  bound  by  oath  to  support  this  Constitution."  They  declared 
that  the  allegiance  of  every  citizen  of  any  State  was  fir&t  due  to  the  United 
States.  After  having  surrendered  these  various  minute  and  most  important 
attributes  of  sovereignty,  how  can  it  without  a  gross  perversion  of  language  be 
said  that  the  states  are  independent  sovereignties;  on  the  contrary,  it  may 
truly  be  said  that  they  are  most  dependent  communities;  at  the  same  time  it 
id  true  that  they  retained  those  attributes  of  sovereignty,  and  tlo^e  alone 
which  authorized  the  establishment  of  the  rights  and  regulations  of  property 
within  their  limits,  and  the  punishment  of  crimes  committed  within  their  juris 
diction. 

After  a  careful  examination  of  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States,  and 
the  sovereign  rights  of  States,  we  are  compelled  to  declare,  that  after  surrender 
ing  specifically  the  sovereign  powers  above  enumerated,  it  is  absurd  to  speak 
of  the  States  of  this  union  as  sovereign. 

As  to  the  treatment  of  secession,  the  Constitution,  Article  2,  Section  3,  says 
the  President  "  shall  take  care  that  the  laws  be  faithfully  executed,"  and  by 
Section  2d :  He  shall  take  the  following  oath  or  affirmation,  "  I  do  solemnly 
swear  or  affirm  that  I  will,  faithfully  execute  the  office  of  President  of  the 
United  States;  and  will,  to  the  best  of  my  ability,  preserve,  protect,  and  defend 
the  Constitution  of  the  United  States." 

When  South  Carolina  secedes,  which  she  will  do  about  the  17th  or  18th 
December,  1860,  it  will  become  the  duty  of  the  President  to  take  care  that  the 
laws  be  faithfully  executed,  and  thus  to  execute  the  office  of  President,  and  to 
protect  and  defend  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States,  that  is  of 'all  the 
States,  and  in  all  the  States,  which  by  its  adoption  became  the  United  States ; 
and  to  execute  all  the  powers  of  the  government  upon  the  people  of  such 
seceding  States. 
30 


466  EEMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES  A.   HAMILTON. 

POETS  OF  ENTRY-TREATMENT  OF  SOUTH  CAROLINA. 

SUGGESTED    TO    THE    IIOX.    JOHN  COCIIEAXE,  M.  C.,  IX    DECEMBER,  18GO. 

It  is  the  ridit  and  the  duty  of  every  nation  to  regulate  by  law  its  com 
mercial  intercourse  with  other  nations.  By  the  Constitution  of  the  United 
States,  "  The  Congress  shall  have  power  to  regulate  commerce  with  foreign 
nations,  and  among  the  several  States  and  with  the  Indian  tribes."  Under  this 
power  the  whole  coast  of  the.  United  States  was  divided  into  "  Collection  Dis 
tricts  "  by  the  Act  of  March  2d,  1799.  This  act  is  the  foundation  of  "  the 
revenue  system  of  the  United  States." 

The  18th  Section,  clause  2d,  declares,  "  None  but  vessels  of  the  United 
States  shall  be  permitted  to  unlade  in  any  other  than  the  ports  following,  to 
wit  "  beginning  with  "  Portsmouth  in  the  State  of  New  Hampshire,"  it  extends 
to  "  St.  Mary's  in  the  State  of  Georgia,"—"  or  to  make  entry  in  any  other  dis 
trict  than  in  the  one  in  which  they  shall  be  admitted  to  unlade." 

By  Section  18th,  clause  1st  of  the  same  act,  it  is  declared  that  "  No  vessel 
which  shall  arrive  from  any  foreign  port  or  place  within  the  United  States, 
or  the  cargo  on  board  of  such  vessel,  shall  be  entered  elsewhere  than  at  one  of 
the  ports  of  entry  established  ;  nor  shall  such  cargo  or  any  portion  thereof  be 
unladen  elsewhere  than  at  one  of  the  ports  of  delivery.  Every  port  of  entry 
shall  also  be  a  port  of  delivery." 

By  Section  92  of  the  same  act  it  is  declared  as  follows  :  "  Except  into 
the  districts  on  the  northern,  northwestern,  and  western  boundaries  of  the 
United  States,  adjoining  to  the  dominion  of  Great  Britain  in  Upper  and  Lower 
Canada,  and  in  the  districts  on  the  rivers  Ohio  and  Mississippi,"  "  No  goods 
of  foreign  growth  or  manufacture,  subject  to  the  payment  of  duties,  shall  be 
brought  into  the  United  States  from  any  foreign  port  or  place  in  any  other 
manner  than  by  sea,  nor  in  any  other  ship  or  vessel  of  less  than  thirty  tons 
burden,"  *  *  *  "  Nor  shall  be  landed  or  unladen  at  any  other  port  than  is 
directed  by  law,  under  a  penalty  of  seizure  and  forfeiture  of  all  such  vessels 
and  of  the  goods  imported  therein,  landed  or  unladen  in  any  other  manner." 

By  the  70th  Section  of  the  same  act  it  is  declared,  "  The  several  officers 
of  the  Customs  shall  make  seizures  of,  and  secure  any  vessel  or  goods  which 
shall  be  liable  to  seizure  by  virtue  of  any  act  of  the  United  States  respecting 
the  revenue,  as  well  without  as  within  their  respective  districts." 

By  section  99th  it  is  declared  that  "  the  officers  of  the  Revenue  Cutters" 
shall  respectively  be  deemed  officers  of  the  Customs  u  with  power  to  board  all 
vessels  which  shall  arrive  in  the  United  States  or  within  four  leagues  of  the 
coast  thereof,  if  bound  for  the  United  States,  and  search  and  examine  the  same." 
The  seizures  thus  authorized  to  be  made  are  founded  on  the  assumption  that  a 
vessel  bound  for  a  port  or  place  which  is  not  a  "  port  of  entry  "  is  a  smuggler. 

It  is  the  practice  of  nations  to  give  to  each  other  notice  of  the  ports  or 
places  in  their  respective  dominions  which  are  ports  of  entry,  and  the  comit'e 
of  nations  forbids  any  collector  or  other  officer  of  the  Customs  of  any  govern- 


REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON.  467 

mcnt  to  give  a  clearance  to  a  vessel  of  his  country  to  any  port  or  place  other 
than  such  as  is  by  law  made  a  port  of  entry  of  another  country ;  should  the 
Congress  of  the  United  States  repeal  or  suspend  so  much  of  the  act  of  March 
2d,  1799,  or  of  any  other  act,  as  declares  a  port  or  place  in  any  one  of  the 
states  in  actual  rebellion  a  port  of  entry,  and  give  notice  of  such  repeal  or 
suspension,  no  collector  of  any  other  government  would  give  a  clearance  for 
any  port  or  place  which  had  ceased  to  be  a  port  of  entry  ;  and  if  any  vessel 
should  be  found  with  or  without  a  clearance  bound  for  such  port  or  place,  she 
would  be  liable  to  seizure  and  forfeiture. 

The  effect  of  this  would  be,  that  the  collectors  of  every  foreign  government 
would  be  instructed  by  their  respective  governments  to  refuse  clearances  to 
vessels  intending  to  sail  for  a  port  or  place  in  any  of  those  States  which  had 
ceased  to  be  ports  of  entry;  and  thus  all  foreign  trade  with  the  States  in  the 
Slave  Confederacy  would  be  cut  off  more  effectually  than  by  a  blockade,  inas 
much  as  that  no  vessel  of  any  country  is  allowed  to  sail  from  any  port  iu  the 
world  without  a  clearance. 

Adopting  such  a  course,  we  should  be  required  only  to  have  a  sufficient 
force  to  cruise  off  such  harbors  in  order  to  seize  any  vessel  bound  for  the  ports 
of  the  Slave  States,  and  to  prevent  the  egress  of  privateers  which  might  be 
fitted  out  in  the  ports  of  those  states.  By  the  same  act  all  vessels  of  the  United 
States  should  be  prohibited  from  going  to  such  ports  under  pain  of  forfeiture 
of  such  vessel  and  her  cargo,  and  of  the  penalty  of  treason  by  the  owners  and 
crew  of  every  vessel  which  should  sail  for  such  port  and  thus  "  give  aid  and 
comfort  to  the  enemy." 

Under  this  state  of  things,  Great  Britain  and  France  would  be  compelled 
to  take  their  ground,  either  by  instructing  collectors  to  give  clearances  to 
Southern  ports,  and  thus  directly  to  recognize  the  Slave  Confederacy ;  or  by 
instructing  them  to  refuse  clearances,  and  thus  to  declare  that  they  considered 
these  States  as  within  the  jurisdiction  and  subject  to  the  laws  of  the  United 
States.  This  would  blast  the  last  hopes  of  the  traitors. 

Should  the  ports  of  entry  in  South  Carolina  be  thus  closed,  the  trade  of  that 
State  by  sea  would  be  immediately  broken  up ;  and  her  citizens  would  be  com 
pelled  to  transport  their  exports  to  the  ports  of  entry  of  another  state,  thus 
giving  to  such  State  advantages  of  a  superior  character.  This  course  would  bo 
more  effectual  than  a  blockade,  and  would  avoid  the  evils  of  treating  the  rebel 
lious  States  in  this  respect  as  public  enemies. 


CHAPTER    XIII. 

THE  REBELLION,    CONTINUED. 

An  appeal  to  arms  inevitable — Letters  to  President  Lincoln,  Secretary  Chase,  &c. — 
Letter  from  George  Sumner — Offer  of  services — Visit  to  Washington — Inter 
view  with  President  Lincoln — Plan  of  operations  suggested — Proposal  to  free 
the  Negroes — Return  to  New  York — Meeting  with  financiers — Results  reported 
— Democratic  Association  of  the  Friends  of  Freedom — Suggestions  to  Mr.  Chase 
—Letters  to  Sees.  Cameron  and  Wells— Letter  from  Washington  Hunt— Dr. 
Lieber — Kentucky. 

As  long  as  there  was  a  hope  of  avoiding  an  appeal  to  arms,  I  was  earnest  in 
my  endeavors  by  compromise  to  avoid  that  dire  necessity,  and  at  the  same  time 
to  preserve  the  Union  and  the  Constitution. 

I  remembered  that  those  who  were  the  leading  men  in  the  formation  of  the 
latter  yielded  much  in  regard  to  slavery  in  order  to  preserve  the  union  of  the 
States ;  the  rendition  of  slaves,  the  three-fifths  representation,  and  the  per 
mission  for  twenty  years  to  carry  on  the  Slave  trade,  were  all  sacrifices  made  to 
•that  great  end — the  union  of  States. 

The  following  letters  were  written  under  that  influence. 
Under  the  conviction  that  the  Southern  States  would  make  a  well-prepared 
-and  desperate  effort  to  secede,  and  thus  to  establish  "  that  great  Southern 
Empire,"  I  addressed  one  or  two  letters  to  Mr.  Lincoln  as  soon  as  it  was  ascer 
tained  he  was  elected,  to  induce  him  to  believe  that  there  was  to  be  a  desperate 
war,  and  that  if  the  Democratic  party  of  the  North  should  sustain  the  Govern 
ment,  the  issue  could  not  be  doubtful.  To  that  end,  I  urged  him,  in  forming  his 
-Cabinet,  to  take  at  least  two  of  its  members  from  that  party.  His  path  was  full 
of  difficulties,  and  among  others  this  most  fatal  one — Seward  and  General  Scott 
believed  it  would  be  best  to  "  let  the  wayward  sisters  go."  Scott's  letter  pre 
senting  that  alternative  delivered  to  him  on  his  arrival  in  Washington,  and  writ 
ten  after  consultation  with  Seward,  was  intended,  by  magnifying  the  difficulties 
of  successful  coercion,  to  induce  him  to  come  to  the  conclusion  which  Seward 
had  already  arrived  at,  under  the  absurd  assumption  that  if  the  traitors  were 
allowed  to  go  unharmed,  they  would  return  in  "  sixty  or  ninety  days."  Indeed, 
it  is  now  (as  I  am  told)  well  known  that  the  President  was,  immediately  after 
his  inauguration-,  so  earnestly  pressed  to  take  that  course,  by  gentlemen  who 


REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON.  469 

were  entitled  to  his  confidence,  that  Mr.  Blair,  senior,  felt  it  was  his  duty  to  go 
to  him  and  tell  him,  if  he  took  that  course  he  "  would  commit  perjury  and  be  a 
traitor  to  his  country." 

JAMES  A.  HAMILTON  TO  HON.  A.  LINCOLN. 

"January  9,  1861. 

"  As  I  am  sure  you  will  not  attribute  this  letter  to  any  other  than  a  patriotic 
motive,  I  make  no  apology  for  addressing  it  to  you. 

UI  am  a  Republican  from  conviction,  and  as  you  have  been  informed  by  a  previ 
ous  letter,  I  have  no  personal  object  in  view.  Hove  the  Union  and  the  Constitution, 
as  I  do  the  memory  of  my  father  (Alexander  Hamilton,)  one  of  the  chief  architects 
of  the  last. 

"  The  object  of  deepest  interest  now  is,  to  hold  fast  the  Border  States,  and  first  of 
all  of  these  is  the  State  of  Maryland  (see  Gov.  Ilicks's  address  to  his  people,  where 
the  great  battle  of  secession  is  now  being  fought).  I  feel  bound  to  urge  you  to  raise 
your  potential  voice  to  aid  in  making  a  settlement  with  her,  and  the  work  will 
be  done. 

"  Mr.  Rice  of  the  Senate  (a  Democrat)  proposed  in  the  Committee  of  thirteen  of 
the  Senate  the  resolution  I  annex,  which  was  accepted  by  Mr.  Seward  and  the 
representatives  of  that  Committee.  If  Kansas  was  excepted  from  its  action,  it  then 
appears  no  principle  is  required  to  be  yielded  by  its  adoption,  but  a  mere  question  of 
expediency. 

"  In  view  of  the  great  interest  at  stake,  I  must  frankly  say  that  our  friend,  Mr. 
Seward,  committed  in  this  a  grievous  mistake.  It  was  certainly  unstatesmanlike  to 
risk  the  settlement  of  a  vital  dispute  by  insisting  upon  that  which  was  a  mere  mat 
ter  of  expediency  :  how  unimportant  it  is  whether  Kansas  should  be  admitted  a  few 
months  sooner  or  later.  Indeed,  it  is  hardly  possible  that  a  law  admitting  her  as  a 
State  will  be  passed  at  the  present  Session.  The  adoption  of  this  project,  she  having 
all  the  conditions  required  for  admission,  would  probably  bring  her  in  at  an  earlier 
period  than  otherwise. 

"If  you  take  this  view  of  the  subject,  and  would  write  a  letter  to  some  friend  in 
Congress,  expressing  your  approval  of  Rice's  resolution,  it  would  settle  the  whole 
question  immediately. 

"  A  correspondent  in  Maryland  of  the  first  rank  leads  me  to  speak  confidently 
on  this  subject. 

"  The  accord  of  the  Northern  and  Western  Governors  of  States  in  relation  to> 
the  Personal  Liberty  Bill ;  the  certain  action  of  the  Committee  of  the  House  in  re 
lation  to  slavery  in  the  States,  and  to  the  Fugitive  Slave  Law  ;  Adams'  resolution  to* 
make  Xe\v  Mexico  a  State,  would  most  certainly,  with  your  approval  of  the  Rice 
proposition,  pure  and  simple  give  absolute  security  as  to  the  Border  States. 

"  Allow  me  to  say  further  that,  under  existing  circumstances,  involving  so  much- 
that  is  dear  to  us  all,  it  does  not  become  our  party,  or  its  successful  and  illustrious 
Chief,  even  to  seem  to  stand  aloof.  To  be  indifferent  is  impossible. 

"  As  to  Carolina  and  the  other  States  in  rebellion,  there  is  no  other  course  after 
all  measures  of  isolation  and  repression  are  exhausted,  than  to  appeal  to  the  ultima 
ratio  regum. 


470  REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.   HAMILTON. 

"The  secession  of  Louisiana  inevitably  involves  a  conflict.  The  "Western  States 
never  will  and  never  ought  to  permit  the  mouth  of  the  Mississippi  Paver  to  be  in 
the  hands  of  a  foreign  power. 

"  I  have  the  honor  to  be,  with  great  respect,,  your  obedient  servant/' 

JAMES  A.  HAMILTON  TO  THE  HON.  EDWARD  HAMMOND. 

"  HOWARD  COUNTY,  MARYLAND,  January  10,  1861. 

"  SIR:  I  take  the  liberty  to  address  this  letter  to  you  as  a  representative  man, 
who  can  exert  a  salutary  influence  upon  your  fellow-citizens,  by  correcting  the 
erroneous  opinions  they  now  entertain  in  consequence  of  the  (wilful)  misrepresen 
tations  by  their  opponents  in  the  late  canvass  of  the  opinions  and  purposes  of  the 
Republican  party,  and  its  candidate  for  the  Presidency  in  regard  to  slavery. 

"  As  a  member  of  that  party,  I  speak  with  entire  confidence  when  I  say  that  a 
vast  proportion  of  that  party  were,  like  myself,  induced  to  exert  themselves  in  the 
recent  contest  in  order  to  break  down  the  Democratic  party,  and  thus  change  the 
administration  under  a  well-founded  belief  that  it  was  thoroughly  corrupt.  The  me 
morial  inclosed  prepared  by  myself  (not  now  intended  for  publication),  will  give  you 
the  evidence  in  part  upon  which  that  belief  was  founded.  It  is  taken  from  the  in 
vestigations  made  by  the  House  of  Representatives. 

"  The  course  of  Mr.  Buchanan  in  regard  to  Kansas,  prompted  by  his  democratic 
advisers,  and  sustained  by  that  party  of  the  South,  governed  by  that  lust  of  power 
which  instigated  the  repeal  of  the  Missouri  Compromise,  necessarily  brought  the 
question  as  to  the  power  of  Congress  to  prohibit  slavery  in  the  territories  promin 
ently  into  the  discussion. 

"  The  question  as  to  slavery  in  the  ill-fated  territories  having  been  settled  by  the 
people  thereof  two  years  before,  there  really  was  no  practical  question  on  that  sub 
ject  before  the  people.  That  is  to  say,  there  was  no  territory  in  relation  to  which, 
in  establishing  a  government,  the  question  of  slavery  could  come  before  Congress.  A 
territorial  government  had  been  established  in  Xew  Mexico  without  any  prohibition 
of  slavery  which  settles  that  question  as  to  the  country  south  of  the  compromise 
line  30°  30',  and  as  to  the  territories  north  of  that  line,  the  contest  on  that  subject  in 
Kansas  rendered  a  prohibition  by  Congress  unnecessary. 

"  Your  fellow-citizens,  as  well  as  those  in  all  Southern  States  have  been  told,  and 
they  believe  that  the  Republican  party  intend  to  exclude  you  and  your  party  from 
the  territories.  This  cannot  be  said  with  propriety,  the  Republican  party  have  not 
the  power  to  do  so ;  they  insist  that  under  the  Constitution,  Congress  has  the  power 
when  a  law  is  passed  establishing  a  territorial  government,  to  inhibit  slavery.  That 
power  having  been  exercised  under  the  administration  of  Washington,  Jeffer 
son,  Madison,  and  Monroe,  in  1820,  when  the  question  was  fairly  and  squarely  sub 
mitted  to  his  Cabinet,  Calhoun,  Crawford,  and  Wirt,  all  Southern  men  and  slavehold 
ers,  including  the  President,  gave  their  opinions  in  writing  admitting  the  power. 
It  is  believed  that  a  sanction  so  eminent  and  so  well  established  had  settled  the 
question. 

"  But  let  it  be  remembered,  in  order  to  exercise  the  power  to  exclude,  there  must 
be  a  majority  in  the  Senate  and  House  of  "Representatives,  which  should  entertain 
the  same  opinion,  and  with  tlie  President  should  consider  its  exercise  expedient ;  this 
is  all  the  Republican  party  have  said  on  this  subject;  no  more. 


REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON.  471 

"  ]STo  such  law  could  be  passed  by  this  Congress  or  the  next,  or  during  Lincoln's 
administration  ;  and  by  that  time  it  is  quite  certain  that  governments  for  all  existing 
Territories  will  be  established  without  that  prohibition  ;  consequently,  this  question 
is  of  no  practical  importance.  We  further  insist  that,  while  persons  are  held  to  ser 
vice  or  labor  in  a  large  number  of  the  States  by  the  laws  thereof,  they  cannot  be 
held  as  such  beyond  the  jurisdiction  of  these  States.  If  the  Supreme  Court  of  the 
United  States  has  decided  differently,  we  submit  to  such  decision  whenever  we  are 
called  to  act,  or  to  suffer  under  it ;  but  we  still  retain  our  opinion  and  the  right,  by 
argument  and  other  lawful  means,  to  change  such  decision  if  one  has  been  made 
which  is  denied. 

"  Again,  as  to  slavery  in  the  States  where  it  is  established  or  recognized  by  law, 
your  fellow-citizens  have  been  taught  to  believe  that  the  Republican  party  and  Mr. 
Lincoln,  the  President  elect,  intend  to  abolish  slavery.  This  is  a  misrepresentation 
made  by  men  at  the  North  in  order  to  elect  the  candidate  of  their  party,  and  by  men 
of  the  South  for  that  purpose,  and  to  excite  their  people  to  madness,  in  order  that  in 
the  event  of  the  election  of  the  Republican  candidate,  they  might  under  that  excite 
ment  plunge  them  into  rebellion. 

"  T5c  assured  that  there  is  no  such  purpose,  and  if  there  were,  there  is  no  power  to 
effect  it,  and  further,  that  whenever  Mr.  Lincoln  shall  address  his  fellow-citizens, 
he  will  repeat  in  the  most  emphatic  manner  what  he  has  said  before,  that  he  will 
most  scrupulously  guard  all  the  rights  of  the  people  of  all  the  States. 

u  For  myself,  I  have  no  hesitation  to  repeat  after  much  reflection  what  I  said  in 
a  letter  published  four  years  ago:  that  to  free  the  slaves  now  in  the  United  Slates, 
would  be  productive  of  greater  crime  and  greater  misery  to  both  races  than  can  be 
imagined  ;  humanity  would  shudder  at  the  consequence  of  such  an  act. 

"I  would  willingly,  and  I  believe  an  overwhelming  majority  of  the  Republican 
party  would,  adopt  the  propositions  for  a  settlement  published  in  the  National  Intel 
ligencer  of  the  12th  inst.,  to  wit:  By  amendments  to  the  Constitution. 

"  When  I  express  the  conviction  that  a  vast  majority  of  the  Republican  party 
would  adopt  these  propositions,  it  is  proper  to  say  that,  in  various  ways,  leading  men 
of  that  party  have  approved  of  these  propositions  ;  as  to  the  last,  Mr.  Seward  and 
the  Republicans  of  the  Committee  of  Thirteen  of  the  Senate  declared  that  they  would 
accept  the  last  proposition  as  to  the  Territories  if  Kansas  was  excepted  from  it, 
thus  showing  that  no  principle  of  the  party  was  abandoned,  and  that  the  exception 
was  a  mere  question  of  expediency.  If  it  were  becoming  in  one  as  humble  as  I  am 
to  question  the  course  of  the  Republican  members  of  that  committee,  I  would  say 
that  it  appears  to  me  not  to  be  the  course  of  wise  statesmen  to  reject  a  proposition 
for  the  settlement  of  this  vital  conflict,  as  that  which  is  the  only  point  of  real  diffi 
culty,  for  a  matter  of  mere  expediency — the  point  of  time  as  to  the  admission  of 
Kansas — and  particularly  when,  as  she  has  both  the  conditions  for  admission  required 
by  the  proposition,  she  would  probably  be  admitted  at  as  early  a  period,  if  not  ex 
cepted  as  she  will  now. 

"  When  we  look  at  the  questions  between  the  different  sections,  and  the  facility 
of  their  solution  when  taken  up  in  a  patriotic  spirit ;  it  is  hardly  to  be  conceived 
that  a  people  as  practical  and  as  well-balanced  as  we  are,  should  be  guilty  of 
jeopardizing  the  admitted  advantages  of  our  Union,  under  that  constitution  which 
may  be  said  to  be  'the  happiest  device  of  human  ingenuity  '  to  secure  the  welfare 
of  a  great  nation,  or,  on  the  other  hand,  to  incur  the  miseries  which  will  eventually 
attend  its  disruption. 


472  REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON. 

"  I  trust  tli.it  we  are  incapable  of  such  madness  and  such  wickedness.  If  this 
question  of  slavery  is  to  produce  such  results,  it  may  be  reverently  and  truly  said, 
this  is  another  evidence  that  '  Heaven  ^vorks  its  purposes  through  human  folly.' 

"As  to  the  Border  States,  and  particularly  the  people  of  the  State  of  Maryland, 
I  cannot  believe  that  they  will  be  dragged  by  the  Gulf  States  into  such  vast  and 
calamitous  complications  as  would  result  from  disunion,  and,  above  all,  when  the  real 
or  imaginary  wrongs  may  be  righted  more  regularly  and  satisfactorily  within  than 
without  the  Union.  As  to  the  seceders,  let  them  be  given  over  to  their  idols — free 
trade  and  the  slave  trade — whenever  any  scheme  can  be  devised  under  which  they 
can  le  independent.  In  the  mean  time,  as  I  go  for  conciliation  before  coercion,  I 
would  try  the  experiment  of  repealing  all  the  laws  which  affect  these  people,  par 
ticularly  the  laws  regulating  commerce,  and  establishing  the  postal  service;  and  thus 
let  them  enjoy  the  advantages  of  a  supposed  independence,  and  be  exposed  to  the  evils 
of  total  isolation  ;  let  them  carry  their  own  mails ;  and  their  harbor?,  no  longer  being 
ports  of  entry  and  delivery,  would  be  closed  without  being  blockaded  ;  let  them 
send  their  products  to  market,  as  they  would  be  compelled  to  do  or  starve,  by  the 
Ohio  Railroad  to  Baltimore. 

"The  expense  of  this  circuitous  transportation  would  fall  upon  the  producers, 
and  the  trade,  external  and  internal,  of  those  ports  to  which  the  products  should  be 
sent,  and  from  which  they  would  draw  their  supplies,  would  be  vastly  increased. 

u  I  hope  you  will  excuse  this  very  long  letter,  as  the  subject  compelled ;  and 
allow  me  to  tender  to  you  my  best  wishes  for  your  health  and  happiness. 

"  Your  Fellow-Citizen." 

[The  above  letter  was  written  at  the  request  of  a  Southern  gentleman  resid 
ing  in  New  York. — J.  A.  IT.] 

JAMES  A.  HAMILTON  TO  HON.  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

"  WASHINGTON,  D.  0.  February  27,  1861. 

"Sin:  I  again  have  the  honor  to  present  to  your  consideration  an  important 
suggestion  upon  which  the  more  I  reflect,  the  more  confirmed  I  am  of  its  wisdom. 

"  Assuming  that  you  are  still  uncommitted  as  to  the  Treasury  Department,  I  sub 
mit  to  you  whether  it  would  not  be  a  dictate  of  wisdom  and  good  policy  to  offer 
that  place  to  the  previous  incumbent,  Mr.  Dix.  I  am  aware  of  the  objections  which 
will  be  made  to  this  course,  but  I  am  sure  they  are  not  insuperable  ;  in  most  of  the 
aifairs  of  life  and  particularly  in  those  of  public  concern,  in  your  own  words,  '  this  is 
a  world  of  compensations;'  we  must  balance  difficulties,  and  hazard  something  to 
to  arrive  at  the  greatest  good.  It  will  be  said  two  departments  are  filled  by  New 
York,  be  it  so ;  Mr.  Seward  is  indispensable,  his  wisdom  and  virtue,  public  and  pri 
vate,  will  command  the  confidence  of  men  of  all  parties,  Mr.  Dix  represents  the  best, 
because  the  most  conservative,  portion  of  the  Democratic  party.  New  York,  the 
great  centre  of  the  wealth  and  commerce  of  the  whole  Republic,  may  be  considered 
rather  as  representing  the  whole  of  these  great  interests  throughout  the  country  than 
those  of  New  York  alone,  and  therefore  the  selection  for  that  department  which 
especially  d?als  with  these  great  interests,  may  be  independent  of  the  general  rule. 

"  It  will  be  objected  that  you  take  a  man  who  is  not  of  the  Kepublican  party  as 
one  of  your  cabinet. 


REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON.  473 

"  Frequent  reference  is  made  to  the  platforms  of  the  Republican  party  in  1856. 
One  of  the  great  purposes  proclaimed  was  that  of  restoring  the  action  of  the  Federal 
Government  to  the  principles  of  Washington  and  Jefferson  ;  taking  this  as  your  guide, 
the  actions  and  principles  of  both  these  men  forbade  removals  to  promote  and  sub 
serve  party  ends.  You  will,  therefore,  be  sustained  in  the  course  I  suggest  by  one  of 
the  great  principles  upon  which  our  party  was  founded. 

"  As  to  the  expediency  of  this  course,  the  future  of  events  will  disclose  a  necessity 
for  such  strong  measures  of  the  Executive,  as  to  be  successful  must  be  sustained  by 
the  head  of  the  nation.  The  Republican  party  is  already  divided  between  those 
who  are  for  disunion  because  they  are  abolitionists,  and  those  who  are  in  favor  of 
sustaining  the  Government  by  conciliation  from,  and  by  the  exertion  of,  a  mighty 
and  overwhelming  energy,  when  imperatively  necessary,  as  it  certainly  will  be 
should  Louisiana  continue  in  rebellion.  The  great  father  of  waters  will  demand  in 
imperative  tones,  uttered  in  behalf  of  the  millions  who  inhabit  its  borders  and  those  of 
its  tributaries,  that  no  foreign  power  shall  hold  its  mouths.  Here  is  an  inevitable 
conte-t. 

"  Nothing  could  be  done  which  would  bring  to  us  so  large  a  portion  of  the 
Democratic  party  of  the  nation  as  such  an  appointment  would ;  it  would  be  received 
as  the  herald  of  a  policy,  which  by  calling  all  Union  men  '  without  regard  to  past 
political  differences  and  divisions,'  into  one  association,  would  be  entitled  equally  to 
public  favor. 

"  I  have  the  honor  to  be,  with  great  respect, 

"  Your  obedient  servant." 

JAMES  A.  HAMILTON  TO  THE  PRESIDENT  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES. 

"DOBBS  FEREY,  N.  Y.,  March  6,  1861. 

"  SIE  :  I  have  taken  the  liberty,  on  two  or  three  former  occasions,  to  express  my 
views  to  you,  as  I  intend  to  do  now,  with  candor  and  frankness,  without  any  other 
view  than  to  promote  the  success  of  your  administration,  so  happily  commenced  by 
your  admirable  inaugural.  Nothing  could  be  better  ;  I  pray  God  to  give  you  power 
to  defend  and  preserve  our  Union  and  glorious  Constitution. 

"I  was  District  Attorney  of  the  United  States  from  1829  to  1834.  I  called 
President  Jackson's  attention  to  Swartwout's  embezzlements  at  their  commencement. 
I  resisted  his,  Price's,  and  Iloyt's  appointments  to  office  because  they  were  bankrupts, 
and  all  experience  proves  that  it  is  a  grave  mistake  to  appoint  any  one  to  an  office 
connected  in  any  way  with  revenue,  who  is  indebted.  Poverty  is  not  an  objection  ; 
but  a  man's  indebtedness  is,  because  he  cannot  be  said  to  be  a  free  man.  It  is 
always  to  be  feared  that  he  will  not  have  power  to  resist  the  threats  or  importuni 
ties  of  creditors. 

"  There  are  persons  in  this  condition  who  are  to  be  applicants  for  the  principal 
places  in  the  New  York  Custom  House,  toward  whom  I  have  any  other  than  un 
friendly  feelings. 

"I  make  one  other  suggestion;  in  the  existing  disastrous  condition  of  the  coun 
try,  and  the  discords  in  our  party,  would  it  not  be  wise  and  politic  to  select  some 
distinguished  man  of  the  Democratic  party,  and  tender  to  him  an  appointment?  I 
am  satisfied  that  such  a  course  toward  General  Dix  or  Mr.  Holt  would  reach  the 
hearts  of  the  people,  and  give  great  strength  to  your  administration. 


474  REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON. 

"Exceptional  circumstances  of  great  public  interest  justify,  nay,  demand  bold 
and  extraordinary  measures. 

"  I  Lave  the  honor  t;)  be,  with  great  respect, 

"  Your  obedient  servant.'' 

JAMES  A.  HAMILTON  TO  SALMON  P.  CHASE,  Secretary  of  the  Treasury, 

Washington,  D.  0. 

"  XEVIS,  DOBES  FERRY,  March  18,  1861. 

"SiR  :  Having  been  District  Attorney  of  the  United  States  for  the  Southern  Dis 
trict  of  ISTew  York  for  five  years,  I  acquired  some  knowledge  of  the  Collection  Laws 
and  the  details  of  proceeding  under  them.  I  therefore  speak  with  confidence  when  I 
say  it  is  hardly  possible,  consistent  with  laws,  to  collect  duties  on  water,  and  particu 
larly  on  board  a  vessel  in  an  open  roadstead  or  bay. 

"  Every  vessel  with  dutiable  goods  on  board,  as  soon  as  she  comes  within  the 
jurisdiction  of  the  United  States,  and  the  bounds  of  a  port  of  entry,  is  held  (judi 
cially)  to  be  in  the  actual  possession  of  the  Collector  of  such  port,  and  so  to  continue 
until  the  duties  are  paid,  and  she  is  discharged.  To  secure  the  faithful  ascertainment 
and  payment  of  such  duties,  and  to  prevent  smuggling,  an  inspector  is  to  go  on 
board  such  vessels  as  soon  as  she  enters  the  bounds  of  such  port,  there  t.)  remain 
until  the  cargo  is  discharged.  It  is  the  duty  of  the  master  of  the  vessel  to  deliver  a 
manifest  of  his  cargo ;  a  copy  is  afterward  sent  to  and  delivered  at  the  Custom  House  ; 
the  goods  on  board  must  correspond  with  this  manifest,  and  (either  more  or  less 
under  penalties)  the  master  is  forbidden  to  open  hatches,  or  to  take  out  cargo  except 
under  a  permit  and  in  the  presence  of  an  inspector.  When  the  importer  goes  to  the 
Collector  (which  he  is  not  required  to  do  within  a  certain  number  of  days)  to  make 
entry,  if  the  goods  are  subject  to  an  ad  valorem  duty,  one  or  more  out  of  every  twenty 
packages,  as  indicated  by  the  Collector  or  his  Deputy,  must  be  sent  to  the  appraiser's 
office  to  be  examined  and  appraised  ;  here  is  a  great  difficulty,  to  get  at  the  goods 
the  ship  must  l  break  bulk.'  The  goods  must  be  taken  out  and  put  into  a  store  to 
be  examined,  appraised,  weighed,  or  gauged  ;  this  requires  much  time  and  more 
space  than  could  be  commanded  afloat.  Every  consignee  has  the  right  to  elect  to 
send  his  goods  to  the  public  store,  there  to  remain  for  a  month  or  a  year,  before 
he  can  be  required  to  pay  the  duties;  this  cannot  be  done  afloat,  or  in  the  harbors 
of  the  rebellious  States. 

"  If  the  vessel,  the  whole  or  any  part  of  the  cargo,  should'  be  liable  to  seizure  on 
account  of  any  attempt  to  defraud  the  Government,  a  seizure  must  be  made  under 
a  warrant  (to  be  issued  on  the  affidavit  of  the  Collector)  by  the  marshal  who  is  to 
keep  the  vessel  or  goods  in  a  secure  place  ;  and  such  legal  proceedings  must  be  taken 
within  the  judicial  district  where  the  seizure  is  made. 

"I  could  point  out  other  difficulties  were  it  necessary,  to  show  that  duties  can 
not  be  so  collected.  Again,  although  Congress  may,  under  peculiar  circumstances, 
alter  the  Collection  laws  to  meet  an  emergency,  they  cannot,  under  clause  5,  article 
1,  section  9,  require  cash  duties  to  be  paid  in  one  port,  and  not  in  all.  'Ko  prefer 
ence  shall  be  given  by  a  regulation  of  commerce  or  revenue  to  ports  of  one  State 
over  those  of  another.' 

"  The  only  remedy  under  existing  difficulties  is  to  suspend  or  repeal  such  parts 
of  the  Collection  Law  of  March,  1799,  as  make  the  ports  of  the  States  in  rebellion 


ItEMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES  A.   HAMILTON.  475 

ports  of  entry  and  delivery,  the  whole  law  referring  to  such  ports  must  not  be  re 
pealed  ;  by  the  92d  Section  of  that  law,  vessels  having  dutiable  goods  on  board  at 
tempting  to  enter  a  port  or  place  which  is  not  a  port  of  entry  or  delivery,  are  liable 
to  seizure  and  forfeiture,  and  by  another  section  the  officers  of  the  revenue  service 
are  made  Custom-house  officers  for  that  purpose.  It  is  essential  that  the  provisions 
remain  intact. 

'•  On  the  11  th  of  December  last,  I  requested  the  lion.  John  Cochrane,  of  the 
House  of  Representatives  (Chairman  of  the  Committee  on  Commerce),  to  introduce 
a  bill  to  suspend  or  repeal  the  law  relating  to  Charleston,  Georgetown,  and  Beau 
fort,  and  the  other  ports  of  entry  as  soon  as  South  Carolina  should  secede,  and  on 
the  24th  of  December  I  suggested  the  same  to  Buchanan  as  a  proceeding  which 
would  relieve  him  conscientiously  from  his  oath  to  enforce  the  collection  of  duties. 
If  this  had  been  promptly  done,  South  Carolina,  in  a  state  of  quasi  independence, 
would  be  in  total  isolation,  and  other  States  pursuing  the  same  course  would  have 
hesitated. 

"  Allow  me  to  touch  upon  another  subject — appointments  to  office.  Your  Deputy 
Collectors  ought  to  be  men  of  established  integrity  ;  they  have  greater  opportunities 
to  cheat,  and  are  consequently  more  exposed  to  be  corrupted  than  any  others  ;  for 
instance,  an  invoice  of  goods,  subject  to  ad  valorem  duty,  is  presented  to  the  Deputy ; 
he  is  to  designate  the  packages  to  be  examined  as  samples  of  the  whole.  The  im 
porters,  and  particularly  those  who  are  the  agents  of  foreign  manufacturers,  bring  out 
a  certain  number  of  packages  which  are  of  the  value  at  which  they  are  entered  on 
their  invoices;  there  is  a  private  understanding  and  mark  which  is  known  to  the 
Deputy,  and  he  indicates  such  as  the  packages  to  be  examined ;  this  being  done,  all  are 
passed,  and  a  large  amount  of  duties  lost  to  the  Government.  This  trick,  I  know, 
was  successfully  practised  in  New  York. 

"  The  same  as  to  weighers  and  gangers  ;  integrity  is  the  only  security  against  such 
practices.  Again,  no  man  who  is  deeply  in  debt  should  ever  be  appointed  to  a 
place  connected  with  the  public  money.  I  want  no  office,  and  would  not  receive  one. 
Although  advanced  in  years,  I  am  anxious  to  promote  the  success  of  this  Republican 
administration  and  the  public  interests.  What  there  is  left  of  me  at  73,  is  at  your 
service. 

"  I  have  the  honor  to  be,  with  respect,  your  obedient  servant." 

GEORGE  SUMNEII,  ESQ.,  TO  JAMES  A.  HAMILTON. 

"March  2G,  1801. 

"  MY  DEAE  SIR  :  I  have  a  letter  from  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  Mr.  Chase, 
in  which  he  asks  an  outline  of  the  plan  submitted  to  Mr.  Cochrane.  I  had  told  him 
of  your  work  in  December,  and  that  you  induced  John  Cochrane  to  bring  in  the  bill 
authorizing  the  President  to  close  ports;  and  had  drawn  his  attention  to  this  in  a 
measure  which,  if  passed  in  due  time,  would  have  spared  this  Administration  the 
sad  position  it  now  appears  to  be  in :  left  naked  to  its  enemies. 

"  Now  will  you  write  to  Mr.  Chase  (S.  P.  Chase)  and  give  him  your  plan,  and 
also  any  further  suggestions  upon  its  operation  which  time  may  have  developed.  I 
have  told  Mr.  Chase  that  I  would  ask  you  to  write  to  him. 

"  What  I  fear  is,  that  the  long  delay  may  lead  to  some  action  in  Europe,  which 
will  establish  a  disastrous  precedent  against  us.  The  "  Tariff  Bill "  was  unfortunate ; 


47G  REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON. 

but  tins  may  be  counterbalanced  by  the  tarring  and  feathering  of  the  British  Cap 
tain  Vaughan  at  Savannah,  the  result  of  which  in  England  we  have  yet  to  hear. 
"  Ever,  my  dear  Sir,  with  much  respect,  faithfully  yours." 


JAMES  A.  HAMILTON  TO  THE    HON.    SALMON  P.  CHASE,  Secretary  of  the 

Treasury. 

"  KEVIS,  Dobbs  Ferry  P.  O.,  March  27,  1861. 

"Sin:  I  have  the  honor  to  address  this  letter  at  the  request  of  my  friend,  Mr. 
George  Sumner. 

"The  plan  to  which  I  called  the  attention  of  the  Hon.  John  Cochrane,  Chairman 
of  the  Committee  on  Commerce  of  the  House  of  Bepresentatives,  on  the  llth  De 
cember  last,  looking  to  the  probability  that  South  Carolina  would  adopt  an  ordi 
nance  of  secession,  was  this  : 

"  To  repeal  or  suspend  the  18th  Section  of  the  Collection  Laws  of  1799,  which  made 
the  ports  of  Charleston,  Beaufort,  and  Georgetown  ports  of  entry  and  delivery,  the 
effect  of  which  would  be  to  cut  off  all  commerce  with  these  places  in  vessels  having 
dutiable  goods  on  board,  that  is  to  say,  all  foreign  vessels.  Another  section  of  that 
law  subjects  all  vessels  having  dutiable  goods  entering,  or  attempting  to  enter  such 
ports  or  places,  to  seizure  and  forfeiture  by  the  officers  of  the  customs,  and  another 
section  makes  the  officer  of  the  revenue  cutter  officer  of  the  customs  for  that  pur 
pose. 

"  Mr.  Cochrane  (as  did  other  members)  introduced  a  bill  for  that  purpose,  which, 
as  I  was  informed,  would  have  been  passed  by  the  House  without  any  difficulty,  but 
for  Mr.  Seward's  opposition  to  it.  Such  a  course  could  not  be  considered  by  States 
which  have  seceded  as  hostile  or  coercive,  because  it  would  be  in  the  interest  of 
peace,  and  could  be  recommended  particularly  as  a  measure  which  would  relieve  the 
President  from  the  necessity,  under  his  oath,  of  attempting  to  collect  the  duties,  which 
would  almost  necessarily  induce  collision,  and  also  inasmuch  as  such  ports  are  by 
the  Acts  of  the  seceding  States  no  longer  ports  of  entry  of  the  United  States,  it 
would  be  doing  no  more  than  they  have  attempted  to  do.  It  would,  in  effect,  leave 
the  traitors  in  a  condition  of  quasi  independence  and  total  isolation. 

"  Should  this  be  done,  I  would  advise  that  the  President,  by  proclamation  or  in 
struction  to  Ministers,  give  notice  to  all  the  world  that  such  ports  are  no  longer  ports 
of  entry;  the  consequence  of  which  would  be,  under  the  comity  of  nations,  that  no 
clearance  would  be  given  at  any  foreign  port  for  such  ports  or  places.  A  vessel  with 
dutiable  goods  on  board  going  to  a  place  not  within  a  Collection  District,  is  deemed 
a  smuggler,  and  by  the  law  referred  to,  no  nation  will  give  assistance  to  smugglers. 
Again,  I  believe  the  law  of  nations  authorizes  the  seizure  of  any  vessel  found  on  the 
high  seas  which  has  left  a  port  or  place  without  the  passport  of  an  officer  of  the  cus 
toms  of  a  recognized  government.  There  could  be  no  such  officer  in  a  port  or  place 
which  was  not  a  port  of  entry,  or  within  a  Collection  District  ns  established  by  law. 

"  In  a  former  letter  I  had  the  honor  to  address  you,  I  pointed  out  the  insur 
mountable  difficulty  of  collecting  duties  on  the  water  even  if  a  custom-house  or  col 
lection-office  should,  by  Act  of  Congress,  be  authorized  to  be  held  on  board  of  a 
vessel. 

"  This  and  the  danger  of  collision  would  furnish  good  grounds  for  urging  upon 


REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON.  477 

Congress  the  propriety  of  authorizing  the  President  by  proclamation  to  declare  that 
the  ports  in  the  States  of  Louisiana,  South  Carolina,  Alabama,  Mississippi,  Texas, 
and  Georgia  are  no  longer  ports  of  entry  and  delivery." 

JAMES  A.  HAMILTON  TO  LIEUTENANT-GENERAL  WINFIELD  SCOTT. 

"New  YORK,  April  16,  1861. 

"DEAR  GENERAL:  I  am  gratified  beyond  measure  to  inform  you  that  there  is  a 
degree  of  loyalty  in  this  community  which  is  equal  to  any  thing.  I  have  passed 
some  days  here,  and  have  taken  pains  to  ascertain  the  truth.  The  energy  of  the 
President  has  touched  the  heart  of  the  nation.  All  party  distinctions  appear  to  be 
swallowed  up  in  devotion  to  the  Union  and  our  country. 

"Permit  me  to  ask  if  a  hale  man,  of  seventy-three  years  of  age,  can  be  useful  in 
any  way,  that  you  will  command  my  services? 

"  To  cut  off  the  remnant  of  an  inglorious  life  by  a  glorious  death  in  the  service 
of  our  country  to  which  my  ancestors  of  two  generations  devoted  their  best  services, 
ought  not  be  considered  as  an  event  to  be  avoided. 

"I  have  the  honor  to  be,  with  great  respect,  your  friend  and  servant,  &c." 

In  April  I  was  informed  by  note,  that  I  had  been  appointed  a  member  of  a 
committee  to  go  to  Washington  to  see  and  advise  with  the  President  as  to  the 
course  to  be  pursued  to  suppress  the  rebellion.  At  that  time  I  was  engaged  in 
aiding  General  Wool  and  others,  and  particularly  Mr.  Wadsworth,  in  provid 
ing  supplies  of  all  kinds  to  be  sent  to  Washington.  It  being  considered  im 
portant  that  the  dispatches  from  General  Wool  should  be  conveyed  to  the 
Secretary  of  War — the  regular  postal  intercourse  having  been  interrupted  by 
the  way  of  Baltimore — I  left  New  York  without  delay,  and  made  my  way  by 
Annapolis  to  Washington.  On  the  evening  of  my  arrival,  I  called  upon  the 
President;  presented  myself  to  him,  stating  in  what  capacity  I  came  ;  was  in 
troduced  by  him  to  Secretary  Chase,  whom  I  then  saw  for  the  first  time.  I 
told  the  President  that  my  business  was  to  know  from  him  whether  he  "  in 
tended  to  give  as  well  as  receive  blows,  in  order  that  my  fellow-citizens  of  New 
York  might  understand  what  their  duty  was,  and  be  prepared  to  perform  it." 
He  said,  "  I  intend  to  give  blows.  The  only  question  at  present  is,  whether  I 
should  first  retake  Fort  Sumter  or  Harper's  Ferr37."  I  said  I  was  glad  to  hear 
that  he  had  determined  to  coerce  the  rebels  into  obedience;  and  to  that  end, 
with  his  permission,  I  would  read  a  plan  of  military  operations  I  had  prepared. 
He  assented,  and  I  read  the  following  : 

'NO  TRUCE,  NO  COMPROMISE— ONE  OR  THE  OTHER:  SLAVERY  MUST 
CONQUER  FREEDOM,  OR  FREEDOM  MUST  CONQUER  SLAVERY. 

"A  PLAN  OF  MILITAEY  OPERATIONS.     A  SHORT  WAR  is  THE  MOST  IIUMANE  AXD  LEAST 

EXPENSIVE  IN  BLOOD  AND  TREASURE. 

"•First. — An  immediate  and  effectual  blockade  of  all  ports  South  of  the  Delaware, 
if  Maryland  secedes,  or  if  by  an  attitude  of  neutrality  she  disobeys  the  laws,  which 
is  nullification : 


478  REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON. 

"First. — In  a  military  point  of  view  this  measure  is  called  for.  By  destroying 
commerce,  the  pecuniary  resources  of  the  enemy  are  cut  off. 

"  Second  — The  flying  squadron  of  steamers  and  others  vessels  which  Commodore 
Breeze  is  fitting  out  with  great  expedition  at  Brooklyn  must  be  ordered  to  invade 
every  assailable  point  on  the  Southern  coast.  By  rapid  and  threatening  movements 
from  place  to  place,  the  whole  people  will  be  kept  under  arras  and  in  alarm.  First, 
Jefferson  Davis  began  the  war  by  calling  for  privateers  to  attack  private  property. 
The  slaves  are  property  by  the  laws  of  the  Southern  States.  This  example  prompts 
us  to  exercise  the  right  of  attacking  the  private  property  of  the  enemy  of  every 
kind,  whenever  it  can  be  reached.  Second,  In  order  to  create  immediately  the  ut 
most  alarm,  it  would  be  judicious  on  the  very  first  opportunity  to  enlist  some  of  the 
slaves  (they  are  held  by  us  (o  be  men — we  have  the  same  right  to  enlist  men  in  the 
South  that  the  rebels  have  to  do  so  in  the  North),  and  to  'give  them  their  freedom 
with  their  swords.'  These  recruits,  carried  along  with  the  squadron,  could  be  made 
useful  by  being  thrown  into  the  plantations  with  the  soldiers. 

*'  Third — This  movement  would  diminish  the  army  of  the  rebels  by  requiring 
one  half  of  their  men  to  remain  at  home  to  keep  the  negroes  in  subjection,  or, 

"Fourth. — By  driving  the  negroes  from  their  work,  it  would  cut  off  their  crop?, 
and  thus  impoverish  and  distress  the  whole  Southern  Atfantic  region. 

"Fifth. — It  is  probable  that  the  negroes  would  be  removed  from  the  coast  to  the 
interior.  This  would  require  large  mean?,  and  thus  diminish  contributions  to  the 
public  chest. 

"Sixth—  Attack  Charleston  with  a  force  of  10,000  men  to  be  landed  on  the 
coast.  There  are  deep  estuaries  north  and  south  of  the  city.  The  flying  squadron 
being  heavily  armed  and  of  light  draft  could  be  usefully  employed  in  the  landing  of 
troops  under  cover  of  their  guns.  First,  Thus  punishment  would  be  carried  into 
the  hotbed  of  treason  and  to  the  hearths  of  the  authors  of  all  this  mischief.  Second, 
It  would  call  all  the  chivalry  from  the  central  army,  and  Fort  Sumter,  by  starvation, 
would  fall  ir.to  our  hands.  Third,  This  measure  should  be  deferred  until  the  winter. 
"Seventh. — Virginia  to  be  made  the  battleground.  First,  An  army  of  10,000 
to  enter  (as  a  friend)  Western  Virginia,  to  protect  and  encourage  the  Union  senti 
ment  there,  and  then  to  recruit  a  sufficient  force  to  march  to  Richmond.  Second, 
An  army  of  10,000  men  to  be  landed  on  the  eastern  shore,  say  at  Norfolk  or  some 
other  convenient  point,  to  march  up  on  the  north  side  of  the  James  River  (a  level 
country)  to  Richmond.  Third,  An  army  of  sufficient,  force  to  be  concentrated  at, 
and  to  march  from  Washington  to  Richmond.  These  several  bodies  converging 
upon  the  capital  of  the  State  would  drive  out  Letcher  and  the  other  rebels,  and 
put  the  government  into  the  hands  of  the  loyal  men  and  people — the  Capital  to  be 
held  until,  by  the  votes  of  the  people,  new  officers  are  chosen. 

"Eighth. — New  Orleans  to  be  taken.  The  States  of  Louisiana  and  Mississippi 
to  be  attacked  along  their  river  borders.  First,  To  do  this,  flat  boats,  rough,  heavy, 
and  of  great  strength  should  be  built  immediately  on  the  upper  Mississippi  to  carry 
heavy  guns.  A  fleet  of  thirty  to  be  manned  by  sailors  and  artillerists.  These  boats 
would  be  moved  by  steam-vessels  on  which  soldiers  could  be  carried  and  landed  at 
any  point  down  stream,  particularly  at  New  Orleans.  Second,  A  considerable  force 
would  be  required  which,  it  is  believed,  could  be  raised  in  Kentucky  and  Tennessee, 
but  certainly  in  the,  free  "Western  States.  Third,  The  gunboats  would  destroy  all 
batteries  which  might  be  erected  to  oppose  the  passage  of  the  army,  and  if  neces- 


REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES  A.  HAMILTON.  479 

sary,  a  sufficient  force  could  be  landed  to  attack  such  forts  in  the  rear.  Fourth, 
Whenever  practicable,  by  destroying  the  levees  on  both  sides  of  the  river,  the 
country  should  be  inundated.  Fifth,  The  slaves  on  both  sides  of  the  river  should 
be  treated  in  the  manner  indicated  in  the  second  article.  Sixth,  By  destroying  the 
property  of  individuals,  the  contributions  to  the  public  chest  would  be  diminished. 
Seventli,  This  operation  would  call  the  fighting  men  of  Mississippi  and  Louisiana 
from  the  central  army  to  protect  their  slaves  and  other  property.  Eighth,  From 
the  imminent  danger  of  servile  insurrection  it  would  soon  bring  the  people  to  their 
senses ;  and  by  raising  up  the  Union  men  to  assert  their  rights,  the  leading  traitors 
would  be  destroyed. 

"  S'inth. — The  course  proposed  in  regard  to  the  slaves  is  justified  as  a  necessity 
of  war  which,  as  Mr.  Jefferson  says,  "  is  that  condition  of  two  parties  where  both 
are  trying  which  can  do  the  other  most  harm."  Such  an  example  would  compel 
the  Southern  braggarts  to  realize  that  Slavery  is  an  element  of  weakne^s.  These 
measures  taken  promptly ;  effectively  and  unrelentingly  carried  out,  would  crush 
the  enemy  in  one  year. 

"JAMES  A.  HAMILTON." 

I  find  the  following  indorsement :  "  This  paper,  prepared  by  James  A. 
Hamilton,  was  taken  by  him  to  Washington,  read  to  the  President,  Mr.  Chase 
being  present,  and  a  copy  delivered  to  the  President  in  May,  1861.  Signed 
JAMES  A.  HAMILTON." 

When  it  was  read,  Mr.  Chase  said,  "  Capital !  And  you  intend  to  free  the 
negroes  as  you  go  along  ?  >'  I  replied,  "  Certainly,  and  to  make  them  soldiers." 

The  President,  when  I  was  about  to  take  leave,  requested  me  to  call  upon 
him  the  next  day  at  ten  o'clock.  Mr.  Chase  proposed  to  take  me  to  his 
lodgings  in  his  carriage,  I  assented.  As  we  went  to  the  door,  he  said,  "  Have 
you  any  objection  to  call  upon  General  Scott  ?  "  I  replied,  "  On  the  contrary,  I 
should  like  to  see  him." 

The  General  was  out  of  health.  He  complained  of  his  back.  He  was 
complaining  of  his  want  of  a  sufficient  force  to  defend.  Washington  ;  querulous 
and  fault-finding  with  his  aids.  We  left  him  ere  long ;  after  we  got  into  the 
carriage,  Mr.  Chase  said,  "  Well !  what  do  you  think  of  the  General  ? "  I 
replied,  "  I  think  it  would  be  a  great  blessing  to  the  country  if  he  should  die." 

When  the  Secretary  left  me  at  Willard's,  he  said,  "  When  do  you  go  to  New 
York  ?  "  I  said,  "  To-morrow,  if  the  trains  go."  He  said,  "  I  wish  you  would  call 
at  my  office  after  you  have  seen  the  President."  I  did  so.  He  then  asked  me 
if  I  would  attend  on  his  behalf  a  meeting  of  bankers  in  New  York  in  relation 
to  raising  money.  I  assented,  and  he  engaged  to  get  an  order  from  General 
Scott  to  give  me  a  special  train  for  Annapolis,  and  a  letter  to  General  Butler 
to  facilitate  my  getting  by  steamer  to  French  Town,  opposite  to  Havre  de 
Grace.  This  was  done,  and  I  was  to  leave  in  the  evening  for  New  York. 

I  called  upon  the  President,  who  received  me  in  the  most  cordial  manner. 
We  talked  over  the  condition  of  the  country  with  much  interest.  He  was 
hesitating  as  to  when,  how,  and  v.hire  he  was  to  make  an  attack.  I  took  the 


480  REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON. 

liberty  to  intimate  that  he  had  the  power  to  call  out  as  many  of  the  militia  as 
he  chose ;  but  that  Congress,  at  an  extra  session,  would  give  him  all  the  men 
and  means  necessary  to  put  down  the  rebellion.  He  said  he  had  read  iny  paper 
with  much  interest — it  was  very  comprehensive ;  and  when  I  was  about  to  take 
leave,  he  expressed  the  hope  that  I  would  return  to  Washington  shortly,  and 
whenever  I  did  so,  to  come  and  see  him. 

I  met  the  bank  gentlemen  in  New  York,  and  after  much  conversation  be 
came  satisfied  that  the  Secretary  could  not  expect  aid  from  that  source.  Mr. 
Belmont  was  present  and  took  a  leading  part  in  the  discussion.  I  afterwards 
met  Mr.  S.  Hooper,  of  Boston,  who  came  to  New  York  on  the  same  business. 
We  conferred  together,  and  concluded  that  the  banks  could  not  give  the  gov 
ernment  the  extensive  means  the  condition  of  the  country  would  require.  I 
addressed  the  following  letter  to  Mr.  Chase  : 

"  SIR  :  I  was  unfible  to  get  here  until  to-day  at  noon.  The  train  did  not  leave 
"Washington  until  6£  o'clock,  P.  M.,  Saturday,  and  I  did  not  arrive  at  Annapolis 
until  the  same  time  on  Sunday  morning.  By  telegraph  I  asked  the  Committee  to 
meet  me  to-day  at  noon.  Your  letter  was  read  and  discussed.  I  regret  to  say,  after 
the  most  earnest  eiforts,  the  decision  was,  that  it  was  not  possible  to  get  bids  for  the 
balance  of  the  loan,  under  the  act  of  June  22d,  1860,  at  par  or  at  any  amount  above 
the  market  price.  It  was  suggested  that  you  should  adverti-e  for  the  loans  of  June 
22d,  1860,  and  of  February  8th,  1861,  ;>t  once,  and  thus  secure  to  yourself  the 
advantage  of  paying  out  Treasury  notes  or  offering  them  for  bids  to  the  public. 
This  decision  was  the  result  of  discussion,  and  was  adopted  by  the  gentlemen  present 
with  entire  unanimity. 

"I  hope  you  will  continue  to  use  me  if  I  can  be  useful  to  you.  Your  letter  to 
Mr.  Hooper,  with  an  addition  by  me,  was  pot  in  the  post  office  here  on  my  arrival. 

'•  Yours,  &c." 

JAMES  A.  HAMILTON  TO  HON.  SALMON  P.    CHASE,  Secretary  of  Treasury. 

"  May  7,  1SG1. 

"  SIR  :  I  have  the  honor  to  inform  you  that  I  had,  by  appointment,  an  interview 
this  morning  in  New  York  with  Mr.  S.  Hooper  and  Col.  Lincoln,  of  Boston.  These 
gentlemen  informed  me  that,  on  the  previous  day,  they  had  seen  several  of  the  Presi 
dents  and  Directors  of  the  New  York  Banks  and  other  persons,  and  had  urged  them 
to  take  the  loan  now  advertised  at  par,  without  any  approach  to  success.  They 
fully  confirmed  the  impression  I  had  before  received  from  the  same  parties :  that  it 
was  not  possible  to  obtain  bids  for  that  lorn  or  any  part  of  it  at  par.  The  state 
ments  made  by  the  Presidents  to  me  when  I  urged  them  to  take  the  loan  at  par,  was 
this:  '  We  cannot  take  that  loan  at  par.  We  are  willing  to  unite  with  others  in 
taking  Treasury  notes  at  par.  You  urge  us,  by  our  duty  to  our  country,  to  violate 
our  duty  as  trustees  of  our  stockholders  to  take  this  stock  at  par,  when  we  can  get 
a  stock  of  equal  value  in  market  at  88  to  90  per  cent.  To  do  so,  would  impair  the 
credit  of  our  institutions,  and  would  destroy  our  usefulness  and  deprive  us  of  the 
ability  to  serve  the  Government  in  future.' 

"I  deemed  it  most  prudent,  after  hearing  these  emphatic  declarations,  not  to 


REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON.  481 

press  your  views  further,  because  I  considered  it  of  great  importance  that  a  seeming 
want  of  sympathy  on  the  part  of  the  Treasury  with  these  sentiments  should  not 
diminish  the  inclination  of  those  gentlemen  to  serve  the  Government. 

"  Mr.  Ilooper  showed  me  a  letter  from  General  Wilson,  expressing  the  anxiety  of 
the  President  that  your  views  should  be  adopted,  which  only  increased  our  regret 
that  we  could  not  meet  his  wishes. 

"Messrs.  Ilooper  and  Lincoln  requested  me  to  communicate  the  conclusion  at 
which  they  had  arrived,  and  to  say  that  it  became  a  necessity  for  the  Government 
to  submit  to  the  actual  condition  of  the  market,  and  to  suggest,  as  an  easy  mode  of 
avoiding  the  appearance  of  defeat,  that  it  would  be  well  a  few  days  before  the  time 
for  opening  the  bids  should  arrive,  to  add  a  postcript  to  the  advertisement,  author 
izing  the  bids  of  persons  who  would  prefer  Treasury  notes  at  par,  &c.,  to  be  made  at 
the  s"ame  time  with  offers  for  the  stock.  They  believe  in  this  way  you  would  get 
offers  for  two  or  three  times  the  amount  of  the  proposed  loan ;  that  it  would  be 
unnecessary  to  give  tiny  other  notice  than  that  the  offers  for  Treasury  notes  had  been 
made  to  the  amount  of  several  millions,  and  that  such  bidders  would  receive  respect 
ively  such  a  portion  of  their  bids  as  the  amount  of  the  proposed  loan  bore  to  the 
amount  offered. 

u  Upon  the  publication  of  Mr.  Seward's  letter  to  Mr.  Dayton,  the  Government 
stocks  went  up  to  2  per  cent.  An  invasion  of  Virginia  by  attacking  Harper's  Ferry, 
commanding  a  force  to  be  collected  on  the  western  boundary  of  Virginia  to  advance 
upon  Richmond  in  that  direction,  and  thus  give  strength  to  the  Union  sentiment  of 
that  part  of  the  State,  would  give  such  confidence  of  energy,  and  thus  that  the  war 
was  to  be  a  short  one,  as  would  immediately  raise  the  stock  to  par. 

"  I  have  the  honor  to  be,  with  respect,  your  friend,  &c." 

JAMES  A.  HAMILTON  TO  WILLIAM  CAULDWELL,  ESQ.,  Sec'y,  &c, 

"  DOBBS  FERRY,  April  21,  1861. 

"SiR:  I  had  the  pleasure  to  receive  your  circular  yesterday.  I  much  regret 
that  I  cannot  be  with  you  in  person,  although  I  shall  be  in  spirit. 

"Public  duty  requires  me  to  go  to  Washington  on  Monday  (22d  inst.).  I  hope 
you  will  appoint  a  Committee  of  Public  Safety  to  act  with  and  in  subordination  to 
the  public  authorities  to  prevent  all  traitorous  action. 

"  The  eastern  border  of  our  county  may  be  used  to  fit  out  privateers ;  the  Com 
mittee  may  be  useful  in  looking  after  all  such  crafts  as  would  be  adapted  to  such  pur 
poses,  and  immediately  giving  information  to  the  Marshal  of  Kew  York,  or  in 
an  emergency  making  a  seizure. 

"  I  wish  you  success  in  your  manly  efforts  to  maintain  the  Union  and  to  reach 
all  the  people,  regardless  of  former  party  distinction. 

"  Yours  truly." 

JAMES  A.  HAMILTON  TO  THE  HON.  SALMON  P.  CHASE,  Sec'y  of  the  Treasury. 

"  NEW  YORK,  April  30,  1861. 

"  DEAR  SIR  :  I  addressed  a  letter  to  you  yesterday  after  meeting  with  the  Com 
mittee  of  the  Chamber  of  Commerce,  which  was  forwarded  by  a  special  messenger, 
informing  you  that  the  Committee,  had  decided  unanimously  that  it  would  not  be 
31 


482  REMINISCENCES   OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON. 

possible  to  obtain  par  or  any  bids  much  over  the  market  price.  They  advised  im 
mediate  advertisement  under  the  Acts  of  June  22,  I860,  and  February  8,  1861 ;  also 
the  like  course  under  that  of  March  2,  1861,  in  time  to  avail  yourself  of  Treasury 
notes  on  the  1st  July  next.  I  afterward  conferred  with  two  other  gentlemen,  Mr. 
John  E.  Williams,  a  President  of  a  Bank,  and  the  other  a  most  influential  officer  in 
one  of  the  great  Trust  Companies.  Mr.  Williams  is  esteemed  one  of  the  best  finan 
ciers  of  the  city  ;  both  these  gentlemen  informed  me  that  it  would  be  impossible  to 
obtain  par.  Mr.  Williams  suggested  that  it  would  be  well  to  advertise  under  Act 
of  February  8,  1861,  for  $8,994,000  to  be  taken  at  a  price  to  be  named  by  the  Secre 
tary,  say  at  9  per  cent,  or  less,  and  to  offer  to  take  the  Treasury  notes  redeemable 
1st  July  next  at  par,  in  part  payment  at  once.  This  would  be  a  fair  price  for  the 
loan,  a  liberal  offer  to  the  holders  of  the  Treasury  notes,  and  prove  to  the  world  that 
the  Government  was  in  a  condition  to  anticipate  its  payments.  I  present  this  to 
you  at  his  request,  as  he  wishes  it  done.  Allow  me  to  suggest  that  Congress  ought, 
as  soon  as  it  meets,  to  authorize  a  loan  of  one  hundred  millions  at  an  interest  of  not 
more  than  7  per  cent,  not  redeemable  before  ten  years,  and  to  pledge  the  proceeds 
of  the  public  lands  to  pay  the  principal,  and  the  proceeds  of  certain  imposts  revenue 
for  payment  of  the  interest,  say  those  which  are  derived  from  imports  from  the 
Mediterranean,  or  from  France  or  Great  Britain.  There  were,  I  believe,  about 
thirty  laws  passed  during  the  early  period  of  the  Government,  giving  such  security, 
and  there  were  such  laws  passed  during  the  war  of  1812,  and  that  with  Mexico. 
There  is  high  authority  for  believing  that  it  would  be  wise  to  make  this  the  rule  of 
the  Government  in  reference  to  all  loans.  I  have  no  doubt  that  with  such  a  scheme 
I  could  place  the  whole  loan  of  $20,000,000  sterling  in  London  without  any  diffi 
culty.  If  I  can  serve  you  here,  or  by  going  to  Washington,  or  elsewhere,  I  hope 
you  will  command  me  without  hesitation. 

"  I  have  the  honor  to  be,  with  great  respect,  yours,  &c." 

JAMES  A.  HAMILTON  TO  THE  PRESIDENT  OF  TIIE  UNITED  STATES. 

"  WASHINGTON,  D.  0.,  June  5,  1861. 

"DEAR  SIR:  There  are  strong  reasons  and  high  authority  for  believing  that  the 
President  has  not  power  to  make  'original  appointments  '  to  office  during  the  jecess 
of  the  Senate,  and  without  its  '  advice  and  consent.'  I  send  you  a  pamphlet  where 
this  subject  is  considered  at  large. 

"  But  in  reference  t o  the  appointment  of  officers  in  the  regular  army  which  you 
have  very  properly  called  into  being,  without  the  authority  of  the  law,  I  beg  to  call 
your  attention  to  a  letter  written  by  Alexander  Hamilton,  in  1799,  to  the  Secretary 
of  war  on  this  subject. 

"  Congress,  you  will  recollect,  had  in  1798  authorized  a  provisional  army  to  be 
raised  in  anticipation  of  a  war  with  France,  and  particularly  to  add  a  battalion  to 
the  second  regiment  of  artillerists  and  engineers.  Mr.  Henry,  Secretary  of  War,  ad 
dressed  a  letter  to  Alexander  Hamilton  who  had  been  appointed  a  Major-General  of 
that  army,  by  and  with  the  advice  and  consent  of  the  Senate,  requesting  his  opinion 
as  to  whether  the  officers  in  that  battalion  could  be  appointed  by  the  President  dur 
ing  the  recess  of  the  Senate,  or  without  the  advice  and  consent  of  that  body,  under  arti 
cle  second,  section  second,  and  clause  third  of  the  Constitution  which  is  in  these  words, 
*  The  President  shall  have  power  to  fill  up  all  vacancies  that  may  happen  during  the 


REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON.  483 

recess  of  the  Senate,  by  granting  commissions  which  shall  expire  at  the  end  of  their 
next  session.' 

"  Hamilton  in  reply  says,  '  After  mature  reflection  on  the  subject  of  your  letter 
of  the  26th  of  last  month,  I  am  clearly  of  opinion  that  the  President  has  no  power 
to  make  alone  the  appointment  of  officers  to  the  battalion,  &c.,  &c.  In  my  opinion 
"  vacancy  "  is  a  relative  term,  and  presupposes  that  the  office  has  been  once  filled.  If 
so,  the  power  to  fill  a  vacancy  is  not  the  power  to  make  an  original  appointment ; 
the  terms  "  which  may  have  happened  "  serve  to  confirm  this  construction,  they  im 
ply  casualty  and  denote  such  offices  as  having  been  once  filled  have  become  vacant 
by  accidental  circumstances.' 

"  Allow  me  to  add,  that  inasmuch  as  that  the  enlistment  of  soldiers  for  the 
additional  regular  army,  cannot  be  so  promptly  made  as  to  require  that ;  they  should 
be  immediately  officered,  it  would  not  be  '  advisable  to  exercise  a  doubtful  authority,' 
particularly  as  the  Senate  will  be  in  session  within  one  month  from  this  time. 

"Should  more  be  enlisted  than  are  required  to  fill  up  the  ranks  of  the  old  force, 
the  surplus  can  be  drilled  preparatory  to  being  arranged  in  different  corps ;  and 
officers  can  be  appointed  to  fill  vacancies  which  have  happened  by  resignation  or 
death. 

"I  have  the  honor  to  be,  with  great  respect,  yours,  &c." 

CHARLES  SUMNER,  ESQ.,  TO  JAMES  A.  HAMILTON. 

"JuneS,  1861. 

"  MY  DEAR  SIR:  I  thank  you  very  much  for  your  patriotic  and  clear  paper  upon 
the  port  question.  Since  I  saw  you,  I  have  worked  constantly  in  bringing  it  before 
those  who  can  act,  and  I  think  there  is  now  no  doubt  that  the  President  will  recom 
mend  it  in  his  message. 

"  I  have  ventured  to  suggest  to  M"r.  Chase  that  the  bill  should  contain  provision 
by  which  the  President  might  by  proclamation  reestablish  as  a  port  of  entry  any 
one  which  had  been  closed  by  the  act,  thus  enabling  him  to  appoint  Custom  House 
officers  with  the  march  of  the  army. 

"  I  am  glad  that  the  secession  game  of  getting  up  a  war  with  England  is  likely  to 
fail.  The  President,  at  his  first  diplomatic  dinner  last  week,  said,  '  He  had  no  com 
plaints  to  make  of  any  power ;  that  in  the  delay  attending  a  new  organization  here, 
it  is  very  natural  they  could  not  see  their  way  clearly  as  to  its  footing,  but  that 
time  would  make  all  things  right.' 

"Lord  John  Eussell's  account  to  Lord  Lyons  of  the  visit  to  him  of  the  secession 
Commissioners  shows  a  very  decided  snubbing  for  them.  He  refused  to  see  them 
at  his  office  ;  they  called  at  his  house  after  breakfast  and  urged  a  recognition,  which 
he  positively  refused.  He  spoke  to  them  of  the  feelings  of  England  upon  slavery, 
and  they  replied  evasively.  These  are  Lord  John's  own  words.  Now  these  men  have 
not  been  so  evasive  outside,  but  have  persuaded  innocent  John  Bull  that  slavery,  cir 
cumscribed  as  it  will  be  by  them,  can  be  easily  managed  and  finally  extinguished. 
So  they  really,  in  the  absence  of  action  on  our  side,  have  disarmed  those  who  would 
have  stood  by  us. 

"  To  return  to  the  Port  Bill.  Had  that  been  passed,  all  this  discussion  about  belli 
gerents  and  neutrals  would  have  been  avoided.  Two  mistakes  have  been  made  : 
1st,  In  neglecting  this  key  to  the  situation ;  2d,  In  declaring  in  the  proclamation  of 


484  REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES   A.  HAMILTON. 

blockade,  that  it  would  be  {  according  to  the  law  of  nations.7  The  law  of  nations 
should  not  have  been  mentioned,  for  it  implies  the  recognition  of  the  rebels  as  a 
nation.  The  blockade  is  entirely  a  municipal  affair ;  the  unhappy  expression 
once  used,  we  cannot  ask  England  to  be  more  rigid  or  more  virtuous  than,  we  are 

ourselves. 

"Faithfully  yours." 

1861.    DRAFT  OF  ARTICLES  OF  ASSOCIATION. 

THE    DEMOCBATIO    ASSOCIATION    OF    THE    FKIENDS    OF   FEEEDOM. 

"  Article  1st. — This  Association  has  adopted  the  name  of  Democratic,  not  in 
reference  to  former  party  distinctions  which  they  entirely  ignore  and  eschew  until 
this  wicked  war  shall  be  ended ;  but  because  the  form  of  our  government  being 
emphatically  in  its  spirit  and  organization  a  '  Representative  Democracy,'  it  becomes 
all  men  who  recognize  this  distinctive  characteristic  to  assume  its  name. 

"  Article  *2d. — The  great  and  leading  purpose  of  the  Association  is  to  secure  the 
freedom  of  the  whole  human  race  ;  to  promote  the  progress  of  Christian  civilization, 
and  '  the  unity  of  brethren,  and  love  of  neighbors.'  Although  our  means  may  be  in 
adequate  to  this  great  end,  the  effort  is  worthy  of  our  age  and  our  country,  and  we  rely 
upon  our  people,  inviting  all  persons  of  all  parties,  of  all  religions  denominations, 
and  of  all  social  conditions  to  unite  with  us  in  the  hallowed  work,  by  their  sympa 
thies,  their  countenance,  and  their  personal  efforts.  We  intend  to  go  forward  in  this 
great  work  with  courage  and  confidence. 

"  Article  3d. — First  we  propose  to  bring  about  ultimate  emancipation  throughout 
the  United  States ;  to  support  the  President  in  this  war  until  its  successful  termina 
tion  ;  to  preserve  and  maintain  the  Union  in  its  integrity  ;  to  procure  such  amend 
ments  to  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States  as  will  eradicate  all  such  parts  of  it 
as  convey  the  idea  of  slavery,  or  the  laws  of  State  which  recognized  or  established 
such  a  condition  of  any  human  being;  to  in4st  that  the  slaves  who  become  practi 
cally  freed  by  the  advance  of  our  armies,  or  by  acts  of  confiscation,  shall  never  be 
reduced  to  bondage;  and  that  no  treaty  of  peace  be  made  except  on  condition  that 
the  rebel  states  shall  establish  the  emancipation  of  all  persons  held  to  service  or  labor 
within  their  borders. 

11  Article  ^tli. — We  propose  that  these  objects  shall  be  obtained  by  peaceful  and 
lawful  regulations,  by  public  meeting,  by  discussions  in  the  newspapers,  by  tracts 
and  essays  freely  distributed,  by  efforts  to  form  auxiliary  and  cooperative  societies 
throughout  the  land,  and  by  giving  our  cordial  and  effective  support  in  the  service 
of  our  rights  as  citizens  to  the  President  and  Congress,  in  all  such  measures  as  will 
promote  the  great  and  leading  object  cf  our  Association. 

"Article  5t7i. — Any  person  who  agrees  to  contribute  one  dollar  annually  to  the 
funds  of  the  Association,  shall  be  a  member,  and  upon  payment  of  five  dollars 
shall  be  a  life  member,  and  exempt  from  further  payment. 

"  Article  6th. — Auxiliary  and  cooperative  associations  formed  in  the  other 
States,  having  the  same  objects  in  view,  may  be  received  in  full  communion  with 
this  Association  and  become  members  thereof,  through  their  representatives,  upon 
such  terms  as  the  Executive  Committee  may  prescribe. 


REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON.  485 

THIS  PAPER  PREPARED  FOR  MR.  CHASE. 

June,  1861. 
First. — AMOUNT  OF  LOANS.     Second. — THEIR  CHARACTER.      Third. — RATE  OF 

INTEREST  AND  SECURITY.       FoUTtJl. WlIERE  AND  WHEN  TO  BE  OBTAINED. 

First. — ^Amount  of  loans.  At  tliis  moment,  expediency  and  duty  to  our  coun 
try  indicate  the  propriety  of  asking  for  power  to  raise  the  extreme  amount 
required.  To  do  so  is  most  expedient,  First,  Because  the  existing  enthu 
siasm  of  the  people  will  lead  them  cheerfully  to  meet  all  the  burdens  and  con 
sequences  of  this  war  of  rebellion.  Second,  Because  to  assume  a  large  respon 
sibility  inspires  respect  and  confidence.  It  is  the  best  assurance  to  our  people 
that  the  contest  will  be  conducted  with  all  the  energy  required  to  command  suc 
cess  in  the  shortest  possible  time,  and  thus  to  relieve  the  producing  classes  from 
the  evils  of  that  suspension  of  their  powers,  which,  at  this  moment,  is  the  great 
est  calamity  to  the  country  as  well  as  to  themselves.  Third,  Its  moral  effect 
upon  the  enemy  will  be  overwhelming  by  inducing  the  conviction  that  they 
cannot  resist,  with  the  hope  of  success,  the  overwhelming  power  of  men  and 
money  which  is  called  into  action  against  them.  Fourth,  In  Europe  it  will 
give  confidence  that  we  are  equal  in  our  resources  and  in  the  vigor  of  our 
administration  to  the  occasion.  Fifth,  To  England  and  France  it  will  afford 
reason  to  hope  that  cotton  may  shortly  be  at  their  service.  This  considera 
tion,  skilfully  used,  will  give  great  advantage  in  the  endeavor  to  obtain  foreign 
loans. 

It  may  be  assumed  that  not  less  than  one  hundred  and  fifty  millions  will  be 
required. 

Second. — Their  Character.  Ask  for  the  power  to  issue  stock  for  one  hun 
dred  millions,  and  under  the  discretion  of  the  President  to  issue  Treasury 
Notes  for  fifty  millions  in  denominations,  say  of  5's,  10's,  and  20's,  and  without 
interest ;  the  object  being  to  afford  a  circulation,  particularly  in  our  Western 
States,  where  that  is  much  needed.  Interest  ought  not  to  be  allowed  on  these, 
because  its  effect  is  to  deprive  them  of  the  quality  of  circulating  as  bank-notes. 
These  should  be  made  redeemable  by  being  received  in  payment  of  duties,  taxes, 
and  payments  for  public  lands,  and  also  giving  the  holder  the  power  to  convert 
them  into  $100  notes,  bearing  interest  at  every  Sub- treasury.  Such  conversion 
would  not  increase  the  amount  of  the  debt  but  would  merely  change  its  form,. 
The  lowest  denomination  might,  with  safety,  be  made  convertible  into  specie. 
These  qualities  would  give  them  an  additional  value  as  a  means  of  paying  wages 
and  for  supplies.  The  Mint  ought  to  be  authorized  to  issue  Treasury  Notes  to-- 
parties  making  deposits  of  bullion  for  coining, — these  to  be  paid  in  current  coin 

after days  from  their  date  without  interest.  The  number  of  days  to  be 

no  greater  than  it  requires,  according  to  the  ability  of  the  Mint,  to  return  coin 
for  bullion.  This  course  would  save  to  the  party  depositing  bullion  the  expense 
of  conveying  the  coin  from  the  Mint  and  the  loss  of  his  capital  during  the  time 
it  is  in  the  Mint,  and  the  effect  as  to  the  Treasury  Notes  would  be  that  the 


486  REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON. 

holder  (being  payable  to  bearer),  confident  that  he  could  get  the  coin  for  them 
on  demand,  would  not  make  the  demand ;  they  would  circulate  as  bank  notes — 
the  same  reasons  that  such  notes  do  so  circulate. 

2d. — The  larger  denominations  of  notes  bearing  a  high  rate  of  interest,  say 
eight  per  cent.,  payable  at  the  pleasure  of  the  Government  after  one,  two,  or 
three  years  from  date  to  the  order  of  the  Assistant  Treasurers,  and  after  their 
indorsement  to  bearer  would  be  sought  by  investors,  by  banks  of  issue  and 
Savings  Banks  as  security  for  their  notes  and  deposits;  and  the  latter  banks 
might,  by  the  action  of  State  laws,  be  required  to  receive  and  hold  as  special 
deposits  such  notes.  This  would  be  advisable  as  assisting  the  credit  of  the 
United  States.  Currency,  it  is  to  be  recollected,  is  made  up  of  coin,  bills  of 
credit,  and  all  other  securities  public  and  private  which  are  founded  upon  solid 
credit,  whether  redeemable  upon  presentation  or  at  a  future  day.  Thus,  the 
funded  Government  debts,  if  secured  to  be  paid  by  a  specific  pledge  of  revenues, 
form  a  material  portion  of  the  circulation.  The  amount  of  such  loans  to  be 
obtained  in  Treasury  Notes  would  be  confined  to  this  country,  and  they  might 
be  advisable  to  be  so  arranged  as  to  be  brought  within  the  reach  of  the  masses 
of  the  people. 

Such  a  course  would  be  valuable  by  making  the  duty  of  supporting  the 
Government  the  result  of  particular  interest  as  of  patriotic  motive.  Could  the 
masses  be  induced  to  take  a  considerable  amount  of  these  Treasury  Notes,  it 
would  produce  an  effect  upon  the  enemy  in  the  view  heretofore  referred  to  when 
treating  of  the  amounts  of  loans. 

I.  have  great  confidence,  with  proper  exertions,  a  well-devised  system  under 
the  influence  of  animated  appeals  to  the  people  through  the  newspapers,  and  by 
public  meetings,  that  a  large  amount  of  such  Treasury  Notes  could  be  dis 
posed  of. 

Stock  loans. — Another  and  the  most  important  part  of  the  required  loan 
should  be  presented  to  Capitalists  in  the  form  of  public  stocks.  On  this  sub 
ject,  various  suggestions  are  presented  for  consideration.  First. — It  is  impor 
tant  that  Capitalists  should  have  a  reasonable  ground  for  believing  that  the 
amount  to  be  proposed  now  to  be  raised  will  be  all  that  will  be  required  to 
prosecute  the  war  to  a  successful  end.  In  the  war  of  1812,  the  evil  practice  of 
making  small  loans  at  different  periods  resulted  in  an  agreement  with  Jacob 
Barker,  who  was  the  great  taker  of  loans  for  himself  and  others,  that  if  future 
loans  should  be  offered  at  less  rates  than  those  for  which  he  subscribed,  he  was 
to  receive  a  return  of  the  difference  on  the  amount  for  which  he  had  subscribed. 
This  unwise  proceeding  made  him  and  others  who  held  the  first  loan  interested 
operators  in  disparaging  the  credit  of  the  Government,  and  consequently  the 
price  at  which  subsequent  loans  could  be  placed.  Its  effect  was,  to  give  him  the 
condition  of  receiving  all  the  advantage  of  a  rise  on  his  enterprises  and  to  put  the 
Government  in  the  condition  of  bearing  all  the  burdens  of  a  fall.  There  were 
other  blunders  committed  at  that  time  in  relation  to  Treasury  Notes,  not  neces- 


REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES  A.  HAMILTON.  487 

sary  now  to  repeat,  which  brought  into  the  Treasury  worthless  bank-notes  to,  I 
think,  about  the  sum  of  $4,300,000.  Second,  the  period  of  redemption.  A 
long  loan  well  secured,  will  be  taken  abroad  at  a  much  better,  even  at  a  less  rate 
of  interest  than  a  short  one. 

The  low  rate  of  interest  in  London  when  domestic  investments  are  made  in 
three  per  cent,  consols,  and  when  large  sums  are  left  with  bankers  on  call  at 
two  and  two  and  a  half  per  cent.  (400,000,000  of  the  public  debt  of  Great 
Britain  held  by  trustees  in  obedience  to  the  orders  of  the  Courts  of  Law),  it 
having  been  decided  that  if  a  trustee  invests  in  other  securities,  he  takes  the 
risk  of  the  loss.  This  policy  is  considered  wise,  since  by  withdrawing  from  the 
market  nearly  one  half  of  the  public  debt,  it  induces  the  capitalists  to  seek  in 
vestments  for  long  periods,  particularly  in  cases  of  family  settlement  at  a 
less  rate  of  interest  than  shorter  ones  at  a  greater  rate. 

Our  Government,  from  its  ability  out  of  its  surplus  revenue  to  pay  off  its 
debts,  and  its  assured  credit  and  consequent  ability  in  time  of  peace  to  borrow 
at  lew  rates,  is  interested  in  making  short  loans  at  higher  rates  of  interest  (by 
which  I  mean  over  six  per  cent.)  than  long  ones  at  that  or  its  accustomed  rate. 

At  present,  the  six  per  cent,  stocks  of  the  United  States  are  worth  85  ;  no 
greater  amount  could  therefore  be  placed  here  or  abroad  at  present  at  a  higher 
rate,  which  at  six  per  cent,  gives  a  fraction  over  seven  per  cent,  per  annnm,  with 
the  advantage  of  an  increase  of  capital  of  15  per  cent,  when  paid  off. 

Should  a  higher  rate  of  interest  be  paid  on  the  new  loan  than  six  per  cent., 
it  would  raise  the  delicate  question  whether  it  would  not  be  well  to  give  those 
banks  that  have  subscribed  very  considerable  amounts  of  previous  loans  in  order 
to  sustain  the  Government,  the  right  to  come  in  and  exchange  the  old  for  the 
new  loan  at  the  rate  at  which  the  new  loan  might  be  placed  here  or  abroad. 

Third. —  When  and  where  to  be  obtained.  I  take  it  for  granted  that  the  new 
loan  would  be  offered  to  foreign  capitalists  at  as  early  a  day  as  possible,  as  well 
from  the  considerations  before  referred  to,  as  because  if  successful  it  would 
afford  the  specie  basis  upon  which  arrangements  in  regard  to  the  redemption  of 
the  Treasury  Notes  could  be  safely  made.  This  would  extend  the  specie  basis 
of  our  currency,  and  the  drafts  might  be  so  conducted  as  not  to  raise  the  rates 
of  interest  in  London.  It  is  worthy  of  consideration  whether  or  not  the  exist 
ing  ministry  might  not  be  induced,  in  order  to  make  amends  for  past  bad  con 
duct,  and  by  an  earnest  desire  to  make  -a  prompt  conclusion  of  the  war,  to  aid 
the  agent  who  might  be  sent  there  in  his  negotiations.  It  is  quite  clear  if 
certain  leading  houses — the  Barings  and  others  who  are  connected  with  the 
existing  administration — should  be  prompted  to  take  hold  of  the  stock,  that  it 
would  be  all  taken  up  with  eagerness.  I  entertain  the  opinion  that  Amsterdam 
would  afford  us  one  of  the  best,  if  not  the  very  best,  field  for  operations.  The 
Dutch  were  our  first  and  most  efficient  aids  during  our  struggle  for  indepen 
dence  ;  and  I  recollect  very  well,  at  a  time  when  our  financial  arrangements 
could  be  made  advantageous  to  them,  they  suggested  claims  to  such  favors 


488  REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.   HAMILTON. 

winch  were  freely  recognized,  founded  upon  their  early  and  efficient  aid  to  us. 
In  some  of  their  great  banking  houses  there  exists  an  hereditary  conviction  of 
great  mutual  interests.  The  house  of  Van  Stophorsts  and  Cromtimerj  I  well 
know  from  my  personal  intercourse  with  them,  entertain  these  feelings. 

Secondly —  What  Security.  Hamilton  in  his  first  report  upon  public  credit  (I 
quote  from  memory)  says  :  "  I  am  far  from  believing  that  a  public  debt  is  a 
public  blessing,  but  I  am  quite  sure  that  a  properly  funded  debt  becomes  useful 
as  a  means  of  extending  the  currency  of  the  country,  and  by  that  I  mean  that 
whenever  a  loan  shall  be  made,  funds  shall  be  provided  and  pledged  to  secure 
the  payment  of  the  interest  and  ultimately  the  principle  of  such  loan,  and  that  by 
this  course  of  proceeding,  public  credit  may  be  made  immortal." 

Proceeding  upon  this  view  in  his  system  of  public  credit,  he  advised  that 
certain  revenues — the  surplus  of  the  post-office  revenue  and  others  should  be 
pledged  to  those  purposes,  as  were  the  proceeds  of  the  sale  of  public  lands.  The 
same  was  done  to  secure  the  payment  of  the  debts  incurred  by  the  war  of  1812. 
A  very  large  amount  of  revenue,  without  inconvenience  to  our  fellow-citizens, 
may  be  derived  from  duties  upon  tea  and  coffee  and  sugar.  By  the  acts  of 
1814  and  1824,  (I  speak  from  recollection) — see  Gordon's  Digest  and  Notes — 
the  duty  on  coffee  was  five  cents  a  pound,  which,  at  the  average  imports  for  the 
past  six  years — two  hundred  millions  of  pounds — would  produce  ten  millions  of 
dollars.  The  probability  is  that  the  importation  would  be  diminished,  but  not 
to  as  great  an  extent  as  one  third,  which  some  people  believe.  Tea  was  subject 
by  the  same  laws  to  various  rates  of  duty,  from  10  on  Bohea  to  50  on  the  higher 
qualities.  Should  the  same  rates  be  imposed  again  which  would  not  be  advisa 
ble,  and  the  importations  continue  as  for  the  last  year,  another  ten  millions  of 
revenue  might  be  thence  derived.  There  are  other  subjects  of  imports  from 
which  revenue  might  be  raised. 

The  habits  of  the  people,  and  the  industrial  condition  of  the  country,  as "  a 
general  rule,  conform  themselves  to  the  actual  condition  of  the  country  in 
time  of  war  as  well  as  in  peace.  The  stagnation  in  business  at  the  present  mo 
ment  will  not  continue  long,  as  it  is  not  occasioned  by  the  fact  of  war  as  much  as 
it  is  by  antecedent  events  now  brought  into  activity  by  the  distrust  of  solvency,  oc 
casioned  by  the  non-payment  of  Southern  debts,  and  the  arrest  of  Southern  busi 
ness.  The  capital  and  enterprize  engaged  in  that  business  have  not  yet  had 
time  to  seek  new  fields. 

It  will  be  found  that  the  war,  should  our  loans  be  made  successfully  abroad, 
will,  instead  of  diminishing  our  active  capital,  vastly  increase  it ;  although  a 
very  extravagant  and  wasteful  purchaser  has  come  into  the  market.  What  he 
spends,  remains  in  the  country ;  and  by  removing  to  the  army  a  large  amount 
of  labor,  the  effect  will  be,  by  increasing  the  wages  of  those  who  remain  behind, 
proportionately  to  increase  their  ability  to  purchase  and  consume.  Our  cereals 
will  be  abundant,  and  subjected  to  a  great  foreign  demand.  It  is  a  remarkable 
fact  that  the  tax-gatherer  of  the  United  States  is  unknown  to  the  people  of  our 

ft 


REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON.  489 

country,  and  it  is  believed  that  only  on  three  occasions,  and  those  of  very  lim 
ited  duration,  have  the  United  States  touched  that  great  source  of  revenue 
which  would  result  from  direct  taxation  and  excises. 

I  am  clearly  of  opinion  that  such  a  system,  as  the  surest  under  any  contin 
gency,  should  now  be  adopted,  and  that  it  ought  never  to  be  abandoned — although 
in  peace  the  rates  might  be  reduced  so  low  as  to  afford  revenue  very  little  more 
than  enough  to  defray  the  expenses  of  the  system.  This  is  a  subject  of  vast 
importance,  and  deserves  the  most  profound  consideration. 

Should  this  source  of  revenue  be  opened,  it  would  necessarily  increase  the 
confidence  of  all  at  home  and  abroad  in  our  ability  to  carry  on  this  war  of  life  or 
death ;  but  it  would  awaken  a  conviction  abroad  that  we  were  providing  against 
the  contingency  of  a  foreign  war,  and  thus  give  efficacy  to  the  tone  of  the 
Administration  with  foreign  powers.  Its  wise  anticipation  of  all  contingencies 
would  justly  commend  the  Secretary  and  the  Administration  to  the  confidence, 
and  I  may  add,  the  applause  of  all  mankind,  by  securing  beyond  all  peradven- 
ture  the  means  of  conducting  the  present  war  to  a  successful  and  prompt  com 
pletion  ;  and  also  by  making  an  adequate  preparation  for  those  vastly  increased 
expenditures  to  which  our  country  must  be  subjected,  of  a  standing  army  ade 
quate  to  keeping  a  large  number  of  bitter  communities  in  subjection  after  they 
are  conquered. 

The  issue  of  this  contest  must  be  the  conquest  of  the  rebels ;  and  most 
probably  the  effect  of  that  will  be  that  they  will  return  to  their  allegiance  upon 
such  terras  as  Congress  may  impose ;  but  can  it  be  believed  that  such  a  con 
clusion  of  the  present  war  will  restore  such  relations  as  will  permit  us  to  lay 
down  our  arms  at  once  ?  I  believe  not.  From  this  moment,  we  must  be  a 
power  among  the  mightiest  of  the  powers  of  the  earth.  Our  Government  must 
come  out  of-  the  contest  stronger,  and  our  people  wiser  and  better  than  they 
ever  were  before. 

A  direct  tax  according  to  the  Constitution  would,  at  a  very  low  rate,  in 
cluding  the  "  three  fifths  of  all  other  persons,"  afford  a  considerable  amount  of 
revenue,  and  would  compel  the  rebels  to  bear  in  part  the  burden  of  the  war 
they  have  commenced.  This,  with  an  excise  duty  upon  articles  of  luxury, 
would  be  all  that  could  be  required  to  enable  us  to  borrow  on  the  most  advan 
tageous  terms ;  to  extinguish  our  existing  debt  and  the  debt  of  the  Union  in  a 
very  short  time  ;  to  extend  our  Army  and  Navy,  and  build  the  Pacific  Railroad. 
The  latter  is  a  duty  which  must  be  deferred  under  existing  circumstances,  but 
can  never  be  lost  sight  of. 

Hon.  SALMON  P.  CHASE,  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  TO  JAMES  A.  HAMILTON. 

"TREASURY  DEPARTMENT,  June  12,  1861. 

"  MY  DEAR  SIR  :  A  moment  I  must  seize  to  acknowledge  your  kind  letter, 
though  I  am  too  much  indisposed  to-day  to  write  without  much  pain. 

"  Be  assured  that  the  good  opinion  of  such  gentlemen  as  yourself  and  Mr.  Fish 


490  REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON. 

far  outweighs  with  me  all  favored  advantages  of  which  some  hold  out  the  prospect. 
My  wish  is  to  serve  my  country,  and  in  serving  her,  to  have  the  approval  of  good  men. 

"  If  my  consciousness  and  the  public  voice  assure  me  that  I  accomplish  the  first 
object,  and  such  testimonies  as  you  furnish  warrant  the  belief  that  the  second  is  not 
unattained,  my  highest  desires  are  satisfied. 

"  Accept  my  wannest  thanks  for  the  interest  you  have  taken  in  me  and  my  work, 
and  believe  me  faithfully  and  gratefully, 

"  Your  friend,  &c." 

A  EEPOKT  PREPARED  BY  JAMES  A.  HAMILTON. 

"  TEEASUEY  DEPAETMENT,  July  4,  1861. 

"  SIE  :  In  obedience  to  the  act  of  Congress  entitled  '  An  Act  supplementary  to 
an  Act  to  establish  the  Treasury  Department,'  approved  May  10, 1800,  I  have  the 
honor  to  submit  the  following  report : 

"  By  the  Act  referred  to  it  is  made  the  duty  4  of  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  to 
digest,  prepare,  and  lay  before  Congress,  at  the  commencement  of  every  session,  a 
Report  on  the  subject  of  finance,  containing  estimates  of  the  public  revenue  and 
public  expenditures ;  and  plans  for  improving  and  increasing  the  revenue  from  time 
to  time  for  the  purpose  of  giving  information  to  Congress  in  adopting  modes  of  rais 
ing  the  money  requisite  to  meet  the  public  expenditures.' 

"  This  high  duty,  at  all  times  attended  with  great  difficulties,  is  one  of  grave 
responsibility.  At  a  period  when  the  Government  is  called  upon  to  exert  all  its 
power,  civil  and  military,  to  defend  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States  against  so 
formidable  a  rebellion  by  a  portion  of  the  people  of  several  of  the  States,  when  resist 
ance  to  the  execution  of  the  laws  have  assumed  the  proportion  of  an  extended  civil 
war,  which  exercise  of  power  must  be  continued  until  the  offenders  are  brought  unto 
subordination  to  the  laws  of  their  country. 

"  Under  these  circumstances,  the  Secretary  has  conceived  it  to  be  his  duty  in  this 
report  to  confine  himself  to  the  duty  of  presenting  for  their  consideratian  such  in 
formation  only  as  will  enable  Congress  to  raise  the  money  requisite  to  meet  the 
extraordinary  expenditures  required  most  effectually,  and  in  the  shortest  period  to 
restore  to  the  loyal  people  of  this  country  Peace  and  the  undisturbed  exercise  of 
their  characteristic  enterprise  and  energy. 

"  The  Public  Debt  on  the  4th  of  March,  1861,  was  as  follows : 

making  a  total  sum  of $ 

To  which  is  to  be  added  the  following  sums  received  for  loans 
made  up  to  date  of  this  report,  making  the  total  amount 
of  the  Public  debt $ 

By  the  report  of  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  of  December 
4,  I860,  it  is  stated  that  the  aggregate  for  the 
of  the  fiscal  year  ending  June  30.  1860,  amounted  to $81,091,809.43 

And  that  the  expenditures  during  the  fiscal  year  ending,  June 
30,  1860,  were  as  follows: 


REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON.  491 

For  the  quarter  ending  September  30,  1859 $20,007,174.76 

"             December  31,  1859 16,025,526.69 

"             March  31,  1860 20,377,502.70 

"             June30,  1860 21,051,898.57 


77,462,102.72 
Leaving  an  assumed  balance  in  money  at  the  end  of  the  fiscal 

year  of  1860  of 3,629,206.71 

The  receipts  for  the  first  quarter  of  the  fiscal  year  of  1861,  from 
July  1  to  September  30,  1860,  were 

From  Customs $16,139,831.22 

"      Public  Lands 281,100.34 

"      miscellaneous  sources 318,857.98 


Making  the  actual  sum  of  receipts 20,368,996.25 

The  expenditures  for  the  first  quarter  of  the  fiscal  year  of  1861, 
from  July  1  to  September,  I860,  were,  according  to  that  re 
port,  in  the  aggregate 16,543,472.59 


Leaving  the  sum  of $3,825,523.66 

The  actual  receipts  for  the  second  quarter  of  the  fiscal  year  of 
1861,  were 


For  third  quarter  up  to  March  81,  1860,  and  the  estimated  re 
ceipts  of  the  fourth  quarter  up  to  January  30,  1861, 

Making  a  total 

The  actual  expenditures  of  the  second  and 

third  quarters  of  the  fiscal  year  were  as  follows  : 


Of  this  expenditure,  the  aggregate  and  estimated  expenditure 
for  the  fiscal  year  1861,  up  to  June  30,  1861,  amounted  to. . 
Showing  the  receipts  for  the  estimated  and  ascertained  amounts 
of  the  last  quarters  of  the  year  1861   the  criterion  from  which  to 
form  estimates  for  the  fiscal  year  1862  (from  January  30,  1861,  to 
January  30,  1862,)  the  amounts  will  be  as  follows,  to  wit : 

First  quarter,  from  June  30  to  September  30,  1861,  to  wit : 

Customs 

Public  Lands 

Miscellaneous  sources 

Second  quarter 

Third  quarter 

Fourth  quarter 


492  REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON. 

Proceeds  of  loans  made  from  March  4,  to  the  date  of  this  re 
port,  to  wit  : 

Loans  of  18         

u         u 

Treasury  Notes , 

Total 

Expenditures 

''The  required  means  and  the  proposed  resources,  the  self-sacrificing  devotion  of 
the  people  to  their  Government  and  country,  manifested  by  the  amounts  of  voluntary 
contributions  by  States,  by  municipalities,  by  towns,  by  corporate  bodies,  and  by 
individuals  who  have  rushed  to  the  defence  of  their  country  in  numbers  vastly  in 
excess  of  the  calls  of  the  Government,  justifies  the  proud  confidence  that  our  popu 
lar  Government  is  equal  in  power  to  every  exigency,  induces  the  Secretary  to 
believe  that  expediency  concurs  with  the  maxims  of  sound  policy,  in  suggesting  to 
Congress  the  propriety  of  making  provision  at  this  time  by  loans  for  the  extreme 
amount  which  may  be  required  to  bring  this  unnatural  and  unprovoked  conflict  to 
an  immediate  and  successful  conclusion,  and  to  raise  by  imposts  and  internal  taxes 
the  amount  of  revenue  which  may  be  required  to  pay  the  interest  upon  such  loans, 
and  their  ultimate  extinguishment,  and  to  pledge  specifically  such  revenue,  or  so 
much  thereof  as  may  be  necessary  to  such  purposes. 

"  In  submitting  this  suggestion,  the  Secretary  confidently  appeals  to  the  report 
upon  finance  made  to  Congress  on  the  9th  day  of  January,  1790,  in  which  we  find 
this  emphatic  language  :  '  He  (the  Secretary)  ardently  wishes  to  see  it  incorporated 
as  a  fundamental  maxim  in  the  system  of  public  credit  of  the  United  States,  that  the 
creation  of  debt  should  always  be  accompanied  with  the  means  of  its  extinguish 
ment;  this  lie  regards  as  the  true  secret  of  rendering  public  credit  immortal,  and  he 
presumes  that  it  is  difficult  to  conceive  a  situation  in  which  there  may  not  be  an  ad 
herence  to  this  maxim.' 

"  The  Secretary  recommends,  as  the  extreme  amount  required  to  pay  the  ordin 
ary  expenses  of  the  Government,  the  increase  and  support  of  an  effectual  naval  force, 
and  to  bring  into  the  field  and  sustain  an  army  of  two  hundred  thousand  men  of  all 
arms,  and  thus  be  prepared  to  meet  all  eventualities  which  may  result  from  the 
measures  taken  by  the  Government  to  suppress  this  rebellion.  That  the  Secretary 
be  authorized  to  raise  by  loans  and  Treasury  notes  the  sum  of  two  hundred  millions 
of  dollars,  as  follows : 

"  One  hundred  millions  on  public  stock,  bearing  interest  at  the  rate  of  8  per 
cent.,  redeemable  at  the  pleasure  of  the  Government  after  ten  years. 

"  Seventy-five  millions  in  Treasury  notes,  to  be  issued  as  a  national  loan,  bear 
ing  interest  at  the  rate  of  8  per  cent.,  to  be  redeemed  at  the  pleasure  of  the  Govern 
ment,  in  one,  two,  or  three  years  from  date.  The  arrangements  for  offering  this 
loan  to  the  people  with  the  denominational  amount  of  such  notes  to  be  devised  and 
directed  by  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury. 

"  Twenty-five  millions  of  Treasury  notes  to  be  issued  in  various  denominations, 
not  less  than  $10  or  higher  than  $100  in  part,  with  interest  not  over  8  per  cent., 
redeemable  at  the  pleasure  of  the  Government  after  three  years,  and  in  part  without 
interest,  to  be  paid  in  cash  at  any  sub-treasury  of  the  United  States.  This  loan,  in 
all  its  details,  to  be  arranged  by  him  as  the  public  exigencies  may  require.  As  it  is 


REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON.  493 

indispensable  to  the  successful  exercise  of  the  power  to  make  the  above  loans  on 
terms  most  consistent  with  the  deservedly  high  credit  this  Government  has  always 
enjoyed,  and  with  most  advantage  to  the  Treasury. 

"  The  Secretary  proposes  that  the  following  duties  be  imposed. 
On  coffee,  10  cents  per  Ib.  when  imported  in  an  American  vessel,  and  10  per 

cent,  additional  when  imported  in  a  foreign  vessel. 
On  black  teas  of  all  description,  15  cents,  and  on  green  teas  of  all  description, 

2->  cents  per  Ib. 
On  raw  sugar,  3  cents  per  Ib. 
On  refined  sugar,  5  cents  per  Ib. 

On  Manilla  hemp,  3  cents  per  Ib , $1,200,000 

On  cassia,  7  cents  per  Ib. 

On  pimento  and  cassia,  10  cents  per  Ib 800,000 

On  pepper,  10  cents  per  Ib 800,000 

On  tin,  30  per  cent,  ad  valorem,  or  better  an  equivalent  specific  duty. 
On  Malaga  raisins,  10  cents  per  Ib. 
On  nutmegs  and  mace,  30  cents  per  Ib. 
On  light  wines,  per  gallon. 

"  These  duties  to  be  payable  on  and  after  the  15th  day  of  September  next.  All 
goods  in  warehouse  on  or  before  the  duties  take  effect  under  this  Act,  are  to  be  sub 
ject  to  the  above  rate  of  duties  after  that  day. 

"  It  is  believed,  under  the  diminished  importation  of  25  per  cent,  below  the 
average  rate  of  importation  of  the  above  articles  for  the  last  few  years,  that  they 
will  yield  a  duty  per  annum  of  not  less  than 

Internal  Duties — 

Income  tax  of  1  per  cent.     (We  want  the  English  tariff  to  give  us  a  system. 
Theirs  is  very  complete.) 
Excise — 

On  spirits,  10  cents  a  gallon $4,000,000 

On  ale  and  lager  beer,  5  cents  per  gallon 4,000,000 

On  gas  companies,  50  cents  per  cubic  foot 2,000,000 

On  railroad  passengers  on  city  railroads,  to  200  miles,  10  cents; 

under  100  miles,  20  cents 5,500,000 

Steamboat  passengers.  10  cents 1,500,000 

Manufactured  tobacco,  10  cents  per  Ib 5,000,000 


$22,000,000 
Tea— 

Manilla  hemp,  3  cents  per  Ib.  revenue $1,200,000  gold. 

Coffee  5  cents  9,000,000 

Sugar,  importation,  at  3  cents  raw. 
Sugar,  refined, 

Cassia,  7  cents  per  Ib 20,000,000 

Hemp 12,000,000 

Pepper,  8),000  Ibs.,  8  or  10  cents.      Pepper 80,000 

Tin,  30  per  cent. 
Coffee,  5  cents. 

s,  Wack,  all  kinds,  15  cents  per  Ib. 


494  KEMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON. 

Green,  20  cents  per  Ib. 

Sugar,  raw,  2.V  ;  refined,  4.     Duty  to  take  effect  1  August,  or  before. 
Malaga  and  other  raisins,  8  to  10  cents  per  Ib.,  crop  comes  in  September. 
Pepper,  pimento  and  cassia,  8  to  10  cents. 
Nutmegs  and  mace,  30  cents. 

u  All  goods  in  warehouse  should  be  entered  for  consumption  on  or  before  the 
new  duties,  or  be  subjected  to  them  after  they  go  into  effect." 

JAMES  A.  HAMILTON  TO  HON,  S.  CAMERON,  Secretary  of  War. 

"^EVIS,  DOBBS  FERRY  P.  O.,  September  20,  1861. 

"  DEAR  SIR  :  I  verily  believe  your  department  has  been  required  to  do  and  has 
done  more  work  than  any  other  department  in  the  world  during  the  same  period. 
Under  this  conviction,  and  in  order  to  assist  you,  I  make  the  following  suggestion: 

"Division  of  labor  is  the  great  mean  of  success  in  extended  and  complicated 
affairs.  Carry  out  this  idea  by  a  division  of  the  preliminary  labor  of  your  depart 
ment — thus :  your  war  operations  are  carried  on  in  various  departments  of  the 
country.  Employ  as  many  reliable  persons  as  there  are  such  departments.  The 
duty  of  each  shall  be  to  receive  all  written  or  personal  communications  made  by, 
from,  or  in  relation  to  the  affairs  of  the  department  to  which  he  is  assigned,  and  to 
make  a  succinct  analysis  of  each  of  those  communications  ;  and  to  submit  to  you  or 
your  assistant  secretary  the  core  or  points  of  such  analysis,  and  to  prepare  for  your 
consideration  and  adoption  or  signature  the  reply  or  direction  you  may  indicate  on 
each  subject. 

"  You  have  officers  of  the  army  who  are  not  in  active  service  (by  reason  of  age, 
&c.),  who  are  under  pay  and  competent  to  this  service.  I  am  ready,  at  a  moment's 
notice,  to  go  to  Washington  to  confer  with  you  on  the  details  of  this  plan,  or  to  be 
employed  in  the  manner  indicated. 

"  I  have  the  honor  to  be,  with  great  respect,  yours,  &c." 

JAMES  A.  HAMILTON  TO  HON.  GIDEON  WELLES,  Secretary  of  the  Navy,  Wash 
ington,  D.  C. 

"July  10,  1861. 

"  DEAR  SIR  :  Allow  me  as  a  friend  to  suggest  to  you  to  give  your  influence  to 
the  appointment  of  a  Committee  of  Inquiry  into  the  frauds  and  peculations  which 
have  been  recently  committed  ;  and  particularly  that  such  Committee  shall  be  com 
posed  of  men  of  intelligence,  firmness,  and  integrity ;  and  that  they  have  power  to 
send  for  persons  and  papers,  and  to  sit  during  the  recess.  By  the  exposure  of  past 
offences,  can  the  future  alone  be  guarded. 

"  I  am  sure  no  member  of  the  Administration  can  be  more  anxious  than  you  are 
that  such  inquiries  should  be  searching.  A  Committee  not  of  the  proper  stuff  would 
be  worse  than  useless,  and  the  culprits  will  be  very  apt  to  take  means  to  have  feeble 
men  appointed ;  of  this  State  is  up  to  all  that. 

"  There  are  numbers  of  vessels  to  be  seen  all  along  our  wharves,  whose  owners 
would  be  glad  they  should  be  employed  on  reasonable  terms.  Should  you  require 
more,  advertise  for  them ;  and  let  sealed  proposals  be  sent  to  you,  with  a  general 
description  of  the  craft.  After  this,  appoint  two  or  three  proper  men — one  an 


REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES   A.  HAMILTON.  495 

adept — to  examine  the  vessels.  In  this  way,  you  will  escape  the  harpies  who  are 
awaiting  at  your  door  to  steal  the  public  money. 

"  I  am  devoting  myself  to  obtaining  information  to  be  submitted  to  the  Commit 
tee  when  it  is  appointed. 

"  I  have  the  honor  to  be,  with  great  respect,  your  obedient  servant." 

JAMES  A.  HAMILTON  TO  HON.  SALMON  P.  CHASE,  Secretary  of  the  Treasury, 

Washington,  D.  C. 

"DoBBS  FEKRY  P.  0.,  July  10,  1861. 

"  MY  DEAR  SIR  :  I  am  gratified  to  be  enabled  to  say  that  your  report  is  in  all  its 
essential  features  almost  universally  approved ;  of  course,  there  are  various  opinions 
as  to  some  of  its  details.  I  hope  and  believe  that  Congress  will  concur  in  your 
views,  and  promptly  pass  the  laws  necessary  to  afford  you  the  large  means  you  re 
quire  to  carry  on  the  Government. 

"I  am  most  earnestly  engaged  in  gathering  information  in  relation  to  the  mon 
strous  frauds  recently  committed  by  men  of  high  social  position,  in  this  city,  in  the 
hope  that  such  a  Committee  of  Inquiry  will  be  appointed  as  will  thoroughly  probe  the 
whole  subject;  and  here  let  me  beg  you  to  use  such  means  as  are  within  your  reach 
to  induce  the  Speaker  to  appoint  the  right  men  on  this  Committee,  proposed  to  be 
raised  by  Mr.  Van  AVyck  (I  do  not  know  his  character).  Mr.  *  *  *  would  be  a  good 
man. 

"  A  committee  of  five  of  the  right  stuff,  with  power  to  send  for  persons  and  pa 
pers,  and  to  sit  during  the  recess,  would  by  exposing  past  transactions,  and  those 
who  have  been  engaged  in  them,  to  public  scorn,  be  most  useful  as  to  the  future. 
I  have  no  doubt  that  vast  sums  would  thus  be  saved  to  the  Government. 

"  My  heart  is  in  the  matter,  and  nothing  will  turn  me  aside  from  it.  A  letter 
from  my  friend,  ex-Governor  Fish,  says:  'Chase's  report  has  but  this  moment  come 
in.  I  have  only  looked  at  one  or  two  sections,  yet  I  like  the  tone  of  them.  He  is 
the  salt  that  is  to  save  this  Administration,  if  it  is  to  be  saved.  Can  he  live  amid 
the  extremists — the  corruptions  that  have  taken  possession  of  the  Government? ' 

"This  letter  is  filled  with  the  most  painful  statements  of  corruption,  which  I  am 
not  at  liberty  to  repeat.  The  future,  my  dear  friend,  can  only  be  taken  care  of  by 
laying  bare  the  past. 

"  Let  us  have  a  proper  Committee,  and  the  scoundrels  will  call  upon  the  moun 
tains  to  crush  them ;  I  could  mention  names  of  men  in  the  community,  hitherto  held 
above  reproach,  who  have  been  putting  thousands  and  tens  of  thousands  in  their 
already  well-filled  pockets. 

"  Present  my  respects  to  Mr.  Fessenden,  whom  I  consider  one  of  our  very  best 
men ;  allow  me  to  ask  you  to  tender  my  regards  to  *  *  *. 

"  Your  friend,  &c." 

WASHINGTON  HUNT  TO  JAMES  A.  HAMILTON. 

"LocKPORT,  July  31,  1861. 

"  MY  DEAR  SIR  :  I  thank  you,  with  unaffected  sincerity,  for  the  kind  expressions 
in  your  letter  of  the  25th  inst. 

"  I  have  read  your  published  letter  with  great  interest  and  satisfaction.    It  is 


496  REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON. 

very  able  and  forcible,  and  your  positions  are  well  taken.  I  am  confident  it  will  do 
much  good  in  the  present  state  of  public  feeling.  Your  argument  on  the  Mi-souri 
Compromise  is  exhaustive  and  unanswerable.  I  am  very  glad  to  see  the  doctrine  of 
acquiescence  so  admirably  applied;  when  this  principle  is  presented  so  distinctly,  the 
enormity  of  the  repeal  stands  out  in  glaring  colors.  The  idea  of  compromise  implies 
some  surrender  of  supposed  rights  and  extreme  opinions.  After  both  parties  have 
stood  upon  such  a  settlement  for  (30)  thirty  years,  it  requires  a  degree  of  audacity 
almost  inconceivable  to  propose  that  we  go  back  and  re-argue  the  question  on  the 
original  basis,  as  if  no  agreement  had  been  made.  It  is  an  appalling  breach  of 
public  faith  and  political  morality. 

"  If  controversies  may  be  reopened  in  this  way,  of  what  avail  are  treaties,  and 
compacts,  and  written  constitutions  ?  I  hope  you  will  send  a  copy  of  your  letter  to 
Mr.  Rives,  under  your  own  hand.  I  have  long  considered  him  one  of  the  most 
candid,  certainly  one  of  the  ablest  statesmen  in  the  South,  and  I  believe  he  will 
concede  the  force  of  your  argument. 

"Some  of  our  friends  here  propose  to  publish  your  letter  and  mine  in  pamphlet 
form.  I  think  the  same  thing  will  be  done  in  other  places. 

"  With  great  regard, 

u  Yours,  faithfully." 

JAMES  A.  HAMILTON  TO  HON.  SALMON  P.  CHASE,  Secretary  of  the  Treasury. 

"NEVIS,  DOBBS  FERKY  P.  O.,  August  G,  1861. 

"  MY  DEAR  SIR  :  My  friend,  Samuel  B.  Ruggles,  has  passed  three  days  here  with 
me.  He  informs  me  that  among  bankers  and  others  in  New  York  of  enlarged 
views,  the  conduct  of  the  Senate  in  regard  to  your  financial  scheme,  and  particularly 
that  part  of  it  in  which  you  so  wisely  and  boldly  proposed  a  funding  system,  is 
condemned  with  great  severity,  and  well-founded  fears  are  entertained  that  you  will 
be  driven  in  the  first  half  year  of  this  great  struggle,  to  irredeemable  paper.  lie 
writes  the  articles  for  the  Times  under  the  title  of  'War  Loans,  &c.'  (not  the  money 
articles),  and  was  very  much  disposed  to  attack  the  delinquents.  It  was  decided, 
however,  that  it  would  be  wiser  to  endeavor  to  make  the  scheme,  as  it  is,  go  along. 

"We  cannot  understand  why  the  whole  force  of  the  Administration,  the  Presi 
dent  and  all  the  members  of  his  Cabinet,  did  not  exert  all  their  influence  with  the 
majority  of  the  Senate  to  carry  out  the  views  of  its  Secretary  of  the  Treasury. 
Suspicions  are  entertained  that  sinister  and  personal  feelings  dictated  the  reticence 
which  it  is  believed  was  manifested  ;  however  this  may  be,  patriotism  forbids  the 
expression  of  such  feelings.  The  country  must  be  sustained. 

"  I  related  to  you  an  experiment  in  regard  to  the  Treasury  notes  during  the  war 
of  1812,  tried  by  Mr.  Dallas,  which  affords  a  lesson  not  to  be  disregarded.  It  is  now 
intimated  that  the  Treasury  will  endeavor  to  draw  the  banks  of  the  interior  to  its 
aid  and  support,  by  making  them  deposit  banks.  There  can  be  no  doubt  that  you 
will  be  subjected  to  an  immense  outside  pressure  by  Congressmen  and  others  to 
adopt  this  course.  I  am  sure  you  have  too  much  wisdom  and  firmness  to  yield.  To 
do  so  would  be  to  exchange  your  means  for  an  irredeemable  currency — to  make 
bad  worse. 

"  The  banks  of  issue  in  this  State  are  all  required  by  law  to  deposit  their  capital 
with  the  Banking  Department  as  the  security  upon  which  their  notes  are  based,  and 


REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON.  497 

in  the  event  of  failure,  such  deposit  is  to  be  applied  first  to  the  payment  of  these 
notes.  They  consequently  have  a  mere  remnant  of  property  to  secure  depositors, 
but  regardless  of  this,  they  can,  by  being  made  government  Deposit  Banks,  give  no  aid 
whatever  to  the  government.  It  would  result  exactly  as  did  Jackson  and  Van 
Buren's  system  of  Deposit  Banks,  under  more  unfavorable  circumstances. 

"  I  do  not  expect  you  to  answer  my  letter,  you  have  too  much  to  do  for  that — 
but  if  I  can  be  of  use  to  you  either  from  my  experience  or  any  faculty  I  may  have 
to  work  under  your  directions,  command  me.  I  am  ready  to  go  to  Washington  to 
do  so  upon  the  slightest  intimation. 

"  Your  friend  and  servant,  &c." 

THE  UNITED  STATES  AND  GREAT  BRITAIN.— PUBLIC  FAITH. 

The  examination  of  the  question  as  to  which  nation  has  preserved  its  fidelity, 
the  United  States  or  Great  Britain,  in  respect  to  their  pecuniary  engagements, 
is  forced  upon  us  by  the  arrogant  assumptions  and  groundless  assertions  in 
regard  to  the  United  States  by  the  press  and  people  of  Great  Britain. 

The  course  of  Great  Britain,  at  a  remote  period  of  her  history,  was  marked 
by  the  same  reckless  want  of  fidelity  so  common  among  the  nations  of  the 
continent.  We  do  not  mean  to  array  the  offences  of  those  days  against  the 
people  and  government  of  latter  days,  but  to  confine  our  remarks  to  that  period 
which  followed  the  Independence  of  the  United  States. 

Rufus  King,  our  Minister  to  London,  March  8th,  1797,  wrote  thus:  "  On 
the  28th  ultimo,  the  Bank  of  England  stopped  payment  in  specie ;  and  since, 
every  bank  in  Great  Britain  has  followed  its  example."  Parliament  has 
authorized  the  banks  to  reissue  notes  under  five  pounds ;  and  they  have  also 
repealed  the  laws  prohibiting  individuals  from  making  and  circulating  their 
own  notes  payable  on  demand  for  small  sums  under  (£5)  five  pounds. 

The  consequence  is,  that  the  banks  are  throwing  into  circulation  20  shil 
ling  and  40  shilling  notes  to  supply  the  absence  of  guineas,  and  the  manufac 
tories  and  private  bankers  are  likewise  issuing  to  their  workmen  and  customers 
small  bills  of  every  denomination  which  supply  the  absence  of  shillings  and 
sixpenny  pieces." 

Here  we  find  the  government  of  Great  Britain  sanctioning  the  payment  of 
debts  by  the  bank  and  the  people  in  a  currency  which  was  necessarily  depre 
ciated  every  hour.  The  bank  of  England  did  not  resume  specie  payment  until 
1821,  the  notes  of  the  bank  fell  at  the  moment  of  its  bankruptcy  5  per  cent., 
and  continued  to  go  down  until  they  reached  15  per  cent.  During  all  this 
period,  at  least  24  years,  the  government  of  Great  Britain  paid  the  interest 
of  its  public  debt  in  these  depreciated  notes  to  its  own  subjects  and  to  foreign 
holders  of  its  stocks. 

The  United  States  has  always  paid  its  public  creditors  in  gold  or  its  equi 
valent  ;  the  interest  on  stock  held  abroad  has  been  paid  at  all  time?,  in  war  or 
peace,  in  sterling  money  in  London,  the  currency  of  France  or  Amsterdam  at 
32 


498  REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON. 

par  in  those  cities ;  at  two  epochs  embracing  a  period  of  only  30  years,  she 
has  paid  off  the  public  debt.  The  3  per  cent,  stock  was  paid  off  at  par  when  it 
might  have  been  purchased  at  75  or  80  per  cent,  in  open  market. 

Point  to  any  other  nation  whose  fidelity  to  its  engagements  has  been  as 
scrupulously  guarded  as  has  been  that  of  the  United  States. 

It  has  been  intimated  by  the  notorious  correspondent  of  the  London  Times, 
that  the  Smithsonian  fund  has  been  lost  by  its  having  been  invested  in 
Arkansas  Bonds,  and  that  in  regard  thereto  the  United  States  had  been  faith 
less  to  its  trust.  The  writer  of  that  letter  having  been  in  Washington,  must  have 
known  at  the  time  he  learned  in  what  bonds  that  fund  had  been  invested, 
that  the  Smithsonian  Institute  was  sustained.  He,  no  doubt,  visitedthat  insti 
tution  and  conversed  with  its  officers ;  he  probably  then  and  there  or  elsewhere 
had  learned  that  when  Arkansas  repudiated,  the  United  States  promptly 
volunteered  to  assume  the  responsibility  of  the  amount  of  the  trust,  and  has  at 
all  times  provided  the  necessary  means  to  secure  that  fund.  These  facts  place 
the  two  countries  in  contrast,  in  a  measure  which  is  not  altogether  creditable 
to  Great  Britain. 


JAMES  A.  HAMILTON  TO  THE  PRESIDENT  OP  THE  UNITED  STATES, 
Washington,  D.  C. 

"  DOBBS  FERRY,  N.  Y.,r  August  12,  1861. 

"DEAR  SIR:  Duty  alone  prompts  this  letter  ;  your  decision  on  what  it  proposes 
may  involve  the  successful  issue  of  this  contest ;  what  I  now  state  I  state  (upon  the 
responsibility  of  my  character)  as  the  result  of  extended  examination,  not  influenced 
by  other  than  patriotic  motives. 

"  The  removal  of  Mr.  *  *  *  *  *  *  *  is  demanded  by  the  voice  of  the  country. 
The  hesitation  yesterday  of  the  bankers  and  capitalists  in  New  York  is,  I  assure  you, 
owing  to  a  want  of  confidence  in  the  further  expenditures  by  the  *  *  *  Department. 
We  will  not  advance  money  to  the  Government  to  be  wasted,  or  perverted  to  private 
gain  by  the  *******  ,  is  the  common  expression  among  those  upon  whom  your 
administration  is  compelled  to  depend  for  money  to  carry  on  the  war. 

"  Should  Mr.  *******  be  removed  and  Mr.  Holt  appointed,  or  upon  your  as 
surance  that  a  removal  would  be  made,  the  banks  in  New  York  and  Boston  would 
immediately  close  an  arrangement  for  (100)  one  hundred  million  dollars;  that  being 
done,  the  balance  required  would  take  care  of  itself. 

UI  earnestly  suggest,  in  the  interest  of  the  administration  and  the  people,  with 
entire  respect  for  your  position  and  character,  that  the  removal  of  the  one  and  the 
appointment  of  the  other  be  made  the  subject  of  your  most  earnest-consideration. 

"  I  am  aware  that  this  is  language  which  ought  not  to  be  used  by  me  to  you 
unless  it  is  demanded  by  the  great  interests  of  the  country. 

"  Should  the  negotiations  now  pending  be  unsuccessful,  that  disastrous  result 
will  be  due  alone  to  the  want  of  confidence  to  which  I  have  referred ;  such  a  failure, 
at  this  time,  will  bring  the  Treasury  to  the  necessity  of  depending  upon  irredeemable 
notes  constantly  depreciating,  which  is  bankruptcy. 


REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES  A.  HAMILTON.  499 

"And  on  the  other  hand,  should  it  succeed,  the  confidence  thus  manifested  by 
our  people  in  their  Government  would  command  from  abroad  any  amount  of  money 
which  the  present  or  the  future  expenditures  may  demand. 

"  I  do  not  go  into  a  detail  of  facts,  or  reasons  for  the  removal ;  all  is  comprised  in 
these  words,  '  No  confidence  in  the  ******  .' 

"  Mr.  Holt's  appointment  would  touch  the  heart  of  the  nation  by  inspiring  full 
confidence  that  the  *  *  *  Department  would  be  directed  by  ability,  energy,  and 
perfect  integrity.  By  giving  entire  satisfaction  to  the  Democratic  party,  which  has 
come  up  to  its  duty  so  manfully,  it  would  in  this  State,  in  the  face  of  the  refusal  of 
the  Democratic  party  leaders  to  unite  with  the  Republicans  as  a  national  party  in 
one  ticket,  destroy  those  leaders  with  their  people.  The  step  in  advance  made  by 
Kentucky  firmly  planted,  and  the  loyalty  of  that  State  would  be  as  well  assured  as 
is  your  own. 

"  I  pray  you,  my  dear  sir,  to  take  this  suggestion  into  your  most  earnest  consider 
ation,  and  let  your  clear  head  and  honest  heart  govern  your  decision. 

"A  reply,  'It  shall  be  done,'  under  Mr.  Hay's  name,  directed  to  me,  Jauncey 
Court,  Wall  street,  New  York,  will  be  understood;  and  the  loan  will  be  immediate 
ly  made. 

"  Your,  perhaps  too  bold,  but  honest  friend." 


JAMES  A.  HAMILTON  TO  THE  SECRETARY  OF  THE  NAVY. 

"August  17,  1861. 

"  DEAR  SIR  :  A  suggestion  for  your  serious  consideration : 

"  Sink  in  several  of  the  inlets  along  the  Southern  coast  hulks  of  such  dimensions 
laden  with  sand  as  will  close  them ;  this  will  be  less  expensive  and  more  effectual 
than  the  large  squadron  you  intend  to  use  in  shutting  up  the  Southern  ports. 

"I  say  fill  them  with  sand,  because  when  the  hulks  are  to  be  removed  as  they 
can  be  most  effectually  and  at  little  expense,  the  sand  would  be  dispersed  by  the  flow 
of  waters,  whereas  stone  would  not. 

"I  would  thus  close  the  port  of  Charleston,  S.  C.,  but  not  that  of  Georgetown, 
because  the  contemplated  attack  and  recapture  of  the  forts  of  Charleston  ought  to  be 
made  by  landing  an  army  through  the  latter,  and  not  the  former ;  so  as  to  Kew 
Orleans,  block  up  in  this  way  two  of  the  three  entrances  to  that  port. 

"  This  measure  would  be  most  effectual  in  preventing  the  egress  of  privateers, 
and  the  ingress  of  foreign  fleets,  should  that  be  attempted.  It  is  high  time  that  we 
should  use  all  the  means  necessary,  to  attack  most  effectually  our  formidable  enemy, 
and  in  this  view  I  would  send  a  naval  and  military  force  to  alarm  the  whole  Atlan 
tic  coast  and  the  coast  of  the  Mississippi,  in  order  to  draw  off  a  part  of  the  army  of 
the  enemy  to  protect  their  plantations. 

"  With  great  respect,  your  obedient  servant.7' 

HON.  S.  P.  CHASE  TO  JAMES  A.  HAMILTON. 

"  WASHINGTON,  D.  C.,  August  20.  18G1. 

"My  DEAR  SIR:  Doctor  Francis  Lieber  was  here  sometime  since,  and  was  so 
delighted  with  the  photograph  of  your  illustrious  father,  that  he  begged  me,  if  possi- 


500         REMINISCENCES  OF  JAMES  A.  HAMILTON. 

ble,  to  procure  a  copy  for  him.  You  know  the  Doctor's  great  reputation,  and  will,  I  am 
sure,  take  pleasure  in  sending  one  to  his  adress  in  New  York. 

"  I  must  not  presume  so  far  upon  your  kindness  as  to  ask  you  to  come  to  Wash 
ington,  but  I  shall  always  be  most  happy  to  see  you,  and  whenever  you  place  your 
self  within  my  reach,  shall  not  fail  to  use  your  experience  and  attainments  to  the 
public  gain.  Whenever  you  come,  you  must  make  my  house  your  home. 

"  With  the  greatest  regard,  yours  truly." 

FRANCIS  LIBBER,  ESQ.,  TO  JAMES  A.  HAMILTON. 

"August  30,  1861. 

"  MY  DEAR  SIR  :  Be  pleased  to  accept  my  best  thanks  for  the  precious  gift  you 
sent,  under  date  of  the  28th  inst.  The  boldness  with  which  I  requested  Mr.  Chase 
to  express  to  you  how  highly  I  should  value  a  copy  of  that  portrait,  must  prove  to 
you  the  satisfaction  which  its  possession  now  gives  me. 

u  I  shall  take  it  to-day  to  be  properly  framed,  so  that  I  may  place  it  on  the  man 
telpiece  in  my  library.  I  like  to  write  on  the  back  of  such  pieces  historical  notes, 
and  I  would  now  ask  you  whether  I  understood  Mr.  Secretary  Chase  rightly  that 
this  photograph  is  taken  from  service  plate  on  which  Prince  Talleyrand  had  ordered 
the  portrait  of  your  great  father  to  be  painted?  And  if  so,  may  I  ask  from  what 
portrait  the  Sevres  portrait  was  painted? 

"  Your  father's  bust  is  among  those  that  grace  my  lecture  room  at  Columbia 
College, — grace  it,  at  least  symbolically,  for  the  bust  is  of  the  common  plaster  cast. 
It  is  at  least  the  sign,  the  mark,  the  symbol  of  the  greatest  pupil  of  that  institution. 
Neither  Washington  nor  Schiller,  Humboldt,  nor  Prescott  fare  better  in  my  lecture 
room.  fc 

u  Are  you  aware  that  long  before,  as  publicist,  American  citizen,  or  economist, 
I  could  honor  your  father,  Niebuhr  the  historian  had  directed  my  attention  to  him 
as  '  far  the  greatest  genius  of  the  revolutionary  men,  and  of  the  whole  American 
history.'     I  have  given  Niebuhr's  words  in  my  '  Keminiscences  of  Niebuhr.' 
"  Repeating  my  thanks,  I  am,  with  great  regard." 

JAMES  A.  HAMILTON  TO  DR.  FRANCIS  LTEBER,  New  York. 


"NEVIS,  Dobbs  Ferry,  August  31,  1861. 

"  DEAR  SIR  :  Your  very  gratifying  letter  of  yesterday  is  received;  the  opinion  of 
Niebuhr,  indorsed  by  you,  is  a  tribute  which  confirms  my  convictions  on  that  sub 
ject,  and  touches  my  heart. 

44  It  is  true,  as  stated  by  Gov.  Chase,  that  the  photograph  you  received  from  me 
was  taken  from  a  miniature  on  Secres,  which  Prince  Talleyrand  caused  to  be  made. 
He  showed  it  to  me  at  Valencay,  and  on  his  death-bed  it  was  directed  to  be  sent  to 
me  with  a  lock  of  his  hair,  and  his  spectacles.  I  received  and  now  keep  these  pre 
cious  gifts  as  tokens  of  his  regard  for  my  father. 

"  When  in  the  United  States,  M.  De  Talleyrand  was  on  such  intimate  terms  at  my 
father's  house,  that  after  he  had  taken  his  leave  on  his  return  to  France,  he  re 
turned  and  took  from  the  mantel-piece  a  miniature  of  my  father,  an  original,  which 
belonged  to  my  mother.  He  sent  a  note  by  the  pilot  of  the  ship  in  which  he  sailed, 


REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON.  501 

informing  my  mother  of  what  he  had  done,  alleging  in  excuse  '  that  he  could  not 
leave  the  country  without  taking  the  likeness  of  his  friend  Hamilton  with  him.' 

u  When  he  heard  of  my  father's  death,  t\vo  copies  of  the  miniature  were  made  on 
Senrs;  he  retained  the  one  I  have  got,  the  other  he  sent  to  my  mother  by  one  ship, 
and  the  original  by  another  ;  both  were  received. 

'•The Prince,  on  various  occasions,  expressed  his  high  appreciation,  and  manifested, 
when  I  first  met  him,  his  sincere  affection  for  my  father.  He  took  my  hand  be 
tween  his  and  said,  '  Thank  God,  I  embrace  the  son  of  my  dear  friend  !  ' 

"  When  he  met  Mr.  Van  Buren  in  London,  he  told  him  'the  three  greatest  men  I 
have  met  with  were  Napoleon,  Alexander  Hamilton,  and  Charles  Fox ;  '  he  expressed 
the  same  to  Mr.  Buchanan  and  Lord  Holland. 

"  His  niece,  the  Duchess  of  Denon,  who  lived  with  him,  informed  me  that  one 
of  the  copies  of  his  Memoirs  was  left  with  her,  and  said,  '  You  will  be  much  gratified 
when  you  see  it.  lie  speaks  much  of  the  distinguished  men  of  your  country,  who 
were  eotemporaries  of  your  father.' 

"  You,  my  dear  sir,  may  see  these  Memoirs — I  probably  will  not ;  sevenyears  is  far 
too  long  a  period  for  a  man  of  73  to  hope  for.  I  visited  him  in  October,  1837  ;  he 
died  in  the  spring  of  1838  ;  the  Memoirs  are  not  to  be  published  until  thirty  years 
after  his  death. 

"  These  recollections  are  most  agreeable  to  me,  as  will  be  those  which  have 
afforded  me  the  honor  of  your  acquaintance. 

"  With  great  regard,  your  friend." 

JAMES  A.  HAMILTON  TO  Gov.  MORGAN,  Albany,  N.  Y. 

"  NEVIS,  Dobbs  Ferry,  N.  Y.,  September  7,  1SG1. 

"  DEAR  SIR  ;  I  am  very  anxious  to  be  employed  in  any  situation  connected  with 
military  affairs  where  I  can  be  useful.  I  acquired  some  knowledge  of  staff  duty  in 
the  war  of  1812  ;  I  confess  that  at  the  age  of  (73)  seventy-three,  I  have  not  physical 
power  to  serve  in  the  field,  as  my  friend,  General  Scott,  very  frankly  told  me,  when, 
at  the  commencement  of  this  life  and  death  struggle,  I  volunteered  to  be  one  of  his 
staff;  still  there  is  much  work  in  me.  With  moderate  abilities,  I  can  bring  to  any 
place  in  which  I  can  be  useful,  connected  with  the  commissariat  or  quartermaster's 
Department,  unflinching  firmness  and  integrity. 

"  I  am  not  prompted  to  make  this  appeal  by  any  desire  for  rank  or  emolument, 
or  any  other  honor  than  that  of  performing  my  duty  to  my  country. 

"  As  the  recent  arrangement  made  between  the  State  and  the  United  States  Gov 
ernment  will  vastly  increase  your  labors,  I  have  supposed  that  you  might  have  occa 
sion  for  such  services  as  I  can  render. 

"I  have  the  honor  to  be,  with  respect,  your  obedient  servant." 

JAMES  A.  HAMILTON  TO  THE  HON.  PETER  DUDLEY,  SAMUEL  GILL,  GEORGE  J. 
WOODS,  E.  H.  TAYLOR,  AND  JOHN  13.  TEMPLE,  Kentucky  Military  Board, 
Frankfort,  Kentucky. 

"Dobbs  Ferry  P.  O.,  N.  Y.,  September  24,  1861. 
"GENTLEMEN:  Without  having  the  honor  of  your  person.il  acquaintance,  I  take 


502  REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.    HAMILTON. 

the  liberty  to  address  this  letter  to  you  on  the  subject  of  the  loan  you  are  about  to 
make,  in  order  to  sustain  your  patriotic  State  in  the  contest  in  which  it  is  now  en 
gaged  against  a  diabolical  rebellion. 

"  Inasmuch  as  the  United  States  Government  has  determined  to  pay  to  the  States 
respectively  whatever  amount  they  may  expend  in  this  war,  or  to  assume  any  debts 
they  may  contract,  I  beg  to  suggest  that  it  would  promote  your  success  in  making 
your  loan  if  the  President  of  the  United  States  should  direct  the  Secretary  of  the 
Treasury  to  address  a  letter  to  your  Board,  declaring  that  the  debt  you  contract  of 
one  million  of  dollars,  &c.,  will  be  assumed  to  be  paid  by  Congress.  "With  such 
an  assurance  it  is  believed  that  your  loan  would  be  taken  in  Boston,  New  York,  and 
Philadelphia  without  delay. 

"  If  the  rate  of  interest  is  not  restricted  below  eight  per  cent.,  I  would  advise  you 
to  put  it  up  to  that  rate. 

"  I  beg  leave  to  tender  to  you  my  services  in  the  negotiation  with  the  Govern 
ment,  and  also  in  taking  measures  when  that  is  done  to  obtain  the  loan.  For  this 
service  I  ask  no  compensation  whatever ;  my  duty  to  my  country  alone  prompts  this 
offer. 

"  I  have  the  honor  to  be3  with  great  respect,  your  obt.  servant.1' 

J.  B.  TEMPLE,  President  of  the  Kentucky  Military  Board,  to  JAMES  A. 

HAMILTON. 

"FRANKFORT,  KY.,  October  1,  1861. 

"  DEAR  SIR  :  Your  esteemed  favor  of  the  24th  ult.  to  the  members  of  the  Ken 
tucky  Military  Board  has  been  received  and  considered. 

u  We  hope  to  negotiate  with  the  banks  of  our  own  State  for  the  money  now 
authorized  to  be  borrowed  by  the  acts  of  our  legislature,  at  an  interest  of  6  per 
centum.  It  is  highly  probable,  however,  that  this  sum  may  be  insufficient  for  war 
purposes,  and  that  we  shall  be  compelled  to  go  into  the  market  at  a  higher  rate  of 
interest ;  at  present  we  are  unable  to  decide  what  it  may  be  necessary  to  do. 

'•'  The  Board  instructs  me  to  tender  you  their  sincere  thanks  for  your  generous 
and  patriotic  offer,  and  to  assure  you  that  they  will  be  most  happy  to  avail  them 
selves  of  your  generous  proposal  if  occasion  should  require. 

"  I  have  the  honor  to  be  your  ob't  seiVt." 

JAMES  A.  HAMILTON  TO  THE  HON.  J.  B.  TEMPLE,  President  of  the  Kentucky 

Military  Board. 
"  NEVIS,  DOBBS  FERRY  P.  O.,  N".  Y.,  October  7,  1861. 

"  DEAR  SIR:  I  am  honored  by  your  letter  of  the  1st  inst.,  received  to-day. 

"  After  my  letter  of  the  24th  ultimo  was  written,  I  learned  of  the  healthful 
fiscal  condition  of  your  State.  With  immense  resources,  an  unimportant  indebted 
ness,  you  ought  to  be  enabled  to  borrow  on  the  most  favorable  terms.  I  suggested  a 
high  rate  of  interest  as  most  expedient,  because  the  United  States  were  in  the 
market  as  a  borrower  at  7T3ff  per  cent. 

"  It  will  give  me  much  pleasure  to  serve  your  great  State,  as  I  proposed  before, 
whenever  I  may  be  called  upon  to  do  so. 

"  Have  the  goodness  to  present  to  your  Board  ray  grateful  thanks  for  their  ex- 


REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON.  503 

pressions  of  kindness  and  confidence ;  all  my  time  and  faculties  are  devoted  to  our 
country.  Did  not  my  advanced  period  in  life  prevent  my  serving  in  the  field, 
nothing  would  be  more  agreeahlo  to  me  than  to  fight  in  the  ranks  of  the  gallant  sons 
of  Kentucky. 

"  I  have  the  honor  to  be,  with  great  respect,  your  ob't  servV 

JAMES  A.  HAMILTON  TO  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN,  President  of  the  United  States. 

"  DOBBS  FERRY,  N.  Y.,  October  11,  1861. 

"  DEAR  SIR  :  I  am  most  anxious  to  be  employed. 

"  I  do  not  seek  the  honor  or  emolument  of  office,  but  to  devote  the  remnant  of  a 
long  life  (seventy-three)  to  the  service  of  our  country,  whenever  and  in  any  way 
which,  with  moderate  abilities,  an  extensive  acquaintance  with  public  affairs,  un 
yielding  integrity,  industry,  and  firmness,  I  can  be  useful. 

"  To  promote  the  success  of  your  Administration,  and  the  reestablishment  of  that 
Union  and  Constitution  to  which  my  ancestors  of  two  generations  devoted  all  their 
energies,  is  my  first  duty  and  highest  ambition. 

u  I  beg,  Mr.  President,  whenever  you  may  require  the  services  of  a  faithful 
agent,  at  home  or  abroad,  to  remember 

"Your  friend  and  servant." 

JAMES  A.  HAMILTON  TO  HON.  SALMON  P.  CHASE,  Secretary  of  the  Treasury. 

"  DOBBS  FERRY  P.  0.,  November  20,  1861. 

"DEAR  SIR:  Your  last  arrangement  with  the  banks  is  a  good  one  for  both  par 
ties.  By  it  they  are  enabled  to  extend  their  specie  basis,  and  to  make  a  reasonable 
profit  by  disposing  of  the  stock  in  Europe.  I  congratulate  you  that  you  have  in 
effect  secured  your  whole  loan  of  two  hundred  and  fifty  millions,  without  going 
abroad. 

"  The  successful  invasion  of  South  Carolina  will  present  to  the  Administration 
the  question  as  to  the  treatment  of  slaves  with  such  force  as  to  require  it  to  adopt 
a  clear  and  decisive  line  of  policy.  The  issue  may  be  emancipation  or  insurrection. 

"  Should  they  be  enlisted  in  large  numbers,  formed  into  companies  and  battal 
ions,  to  be  used  at  first  in  manual  labor,  drilled  and  prepared  to  receive  '  their 
freedom  with  their  swords,'  they  would  make  useful  and  most  efficient  soldiers ; 
accustomed  to  the  climate,  acquainted  with  the  country,  and  capable  of  living  upon 
food  less  difficult  to  provide  than  that  required  by  white  soldier?. 

"  By  proper  treatment,  through  their  instrumentality,  combinations  for  insur 
rectionary  purposes  could  be  ascertained  and  repressed. 

"  I  suppose  it  will  be  best  to  leave  the  port  and  district  of  Beaufort  subject  to 
military  authority  for  the  present.  I  was  deprived  of  the  pleasure  of  calling  upon 
you  by  indisposition,  which  confined  me  to  the  house  during  the  past  week. 

"  Your  friend  and  servant,  &c." 

HON.  SALMON  P.  CHASE,  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  to  JAMES  A.  HAMILTON. 

"  WASHINGTON,  November  24,  1861. 

"  MY  DEAR  SIR  :  It  gives  me  increased  confidence  to  find  that  you  approve  of  my 
late  negotiation. 


504  REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON. 

"Some  of  the  banks  wish  to  reduce  the  rate  from  905,184  agreed  to  be  the 
equivalent  in  6's  of  75  at  20  years,  because  some  calculator  lias  discovered  that  it  is 
the  equivalent  of  75  bearing  annual,  not  semi-annual  interest.  I  wish  that  as  the 
rate  of  905,184  was  distinctly  spoken  of  and  no  other  lower  rate  mentioned,  or  even 
suggested,  and  the  whole  negotiation  had  reference  to  that  rate,  it  cannot  be  fairly 
changed.  This  to  you  in  confidence. 

"You  know  I  hate  a  wavering  undecided  policy,  and  I  urge  the  Administration 
to  take  definite  grounds  in  relation  to  the  slave  question.  Employ  as  laborers,  or  if 
necessary  as  soldiers,  all  who  offer  and  are  needed ;  and  free  such,  with  confiscation, 
would  be  my  first  Bill ;  afterward  enfranchisement,  if  rebellion  exists  or  makes  it 
necessary. 

"  I  should  be  glad  to  see  you  in  Washington.  Remember  that  chamber,  bed, 
and  table  are  always  ready  for  you  at  the  house  of 

"  Your  friend,  &c." 

JAMES  A.  HAMILTON  TO  H.  Y.  PLAIT,  Private  Secretary. 

"  NEVIS,  DOBBS  FEREY  P.  O.,  November  2-1,  1861. 

MY  DEAE  YOUNG  FRIEND  :  As  I  know  the  inclosed  printed  letter  will  interest  our 
friend  the  Secretary,  I  wish  when  you  can  find  a  time  when  ha  is  not  oppressed 
with  his  official  duties,  that  you  would  read  it  to  him. 

"  The  subject  is  so  deeply  interesting  to  me  that  I  caused  it  to  be  published  in 
the  New  York  Times.  If  the  Government  would  permit,  or  rather  give  me  authority 
to  do  so,  I  would  go  to  Port  Royal,  without  a  moment's  delay,  to  organize  a  brigade 
of  slaves;  first,  to  work  in  trenches,  in  picking  cotton,  or  otherwise,  as  they  might 
be  required;  at  the  same  time  drilling  them  by  companies  in.  marching,  teaching 
them  to  live  in  barracks,  and  as  soldiers  ;  and  at  the  same  time  instructing  them  in 
such  things  as  would  prepare  them  to  take  care  of  themselves,  and  particularly  to 
make  them  good  soldiers.  Their  habits  of  submission,  their  adaptation  to  the 
climate,  and  their  thorough  acquaintance  with  the  country,  would  make  them  useful 
as  well  as  excellent  soldiers,  and  by  giving  them  'their  freedom  with  their  swords,' 
I  would  secure  their  fidelity,  animate  their  energy  and  courage,  and  open  a  door  to 
the  emancipation  of  those  who  should  remain  on  the  plantations. 

"  With  regard,  yours  truly,  &c." 

JAMES  A.  HAMILTON  TO  SALMON  P.  CHASE,  Secretary  of  the  Treasury. 

"  NEVIS,  DOBBS  FEKKY  P.  0.,  November  25,  1801. 

"DEAR  SIR:  I  received  your  note  of  the  21st  instant  with  great  pleasure.  Your 
views  on  the  great  question  which  divides  the  administration  are  satisfactory  to  me. 
Slavery  has  been  the  vice  of  our  system  from  the  beginning;  and. now  when  we 
have  an  opportunity  to  get  rid  of  it  without  violating  any  right  or  principle,  the 
Doctrinaires  hold  that  we  must  not  touch  this  moral  and  political  evil.  Ail  we  can 
do,  or  ought  to  do,  is  to  lead  the  people  to  interpret  the  Constitution  as  it  was  writ 
ten,  and  intended  to  be  interpreted;  that  all  our  remedies  will  be  found  in  a  reli 
gious  observance  of  the  constitutional  rights  of  the  rebellious  States. 

"  This  is  as  wicked  as  it  is  absurd.     All  influences,  be  they  material  or  moral, 


REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON.  505 

slavery,  religion,  aristocracy  of  birth  or  wealth,  which  tend  to  weld  any  consid 
erable  part  of  the  community  into  a  solid  mass,  are  inimical  to  our  republican  insti 
tutions.  This  mass,  taking  advantage  of  the  differences  and  party  divisions  among 
the  rest  of  the  community,  by  giving  their  strength  to  either  of  such  parties,  must 
control  the  affairs  of  our  Government. 

"  Slavery  has,  by  joining  with  the  Democratic  party,  with  which  it  had  no  sym 
pathy  whatever,  governed  the  country,  and  so  it  will  do  again.  Our  only  security, 
therefore,  is  now  to  extinguish  it,  which  we  can  do  by  spreading  our  armies  over 
the  southern  countries,  and  using  the  fugitive  slaves  as  our  friends  and  allies. 

JAMES  A.  HAMILTON   TO  CHARLES  KING,  ESQ.,  President,  &c. 

"  NEW  YORK,  December  9,  1861. 

"  DEAR  SIR:  I  have  projects  in  regard  to  public  matters  which  I  think  ought  to 
be  brought  before  Congress  by  the  popular  voice,  expressed  through  memorials  or 
petitions.  In  relation  to  them,  as  I  now  intend  briefly  to  state  them,  I  ask  your 
frank  opinion,  and  if  you  affirm,  your  assistance  in  preparing  the  memorials. 

"  First.  That  Congress  should  exert  its  unquestionable  power  to  abolish  slavery 
in  the  District  of  Columbia. 

^^  Second.  That  Congress  should  repeal  the  net  passed  in  May,  1807,  sanctioning, 
by  protecting,  the  internal  State  slave  trade  over  the  waters  which  are  public  high 
ways  under  the  exclusive  jurisdiction  of  Congress ;  this  act  is  unconstitutional. 

"  Third.  That  Congress  should  at  once  take  measures  to  alter  the  Constitution  ; 
first,  by  expunging  the  Fugitive  Slave  clause  ;  second,  by  changing  the  2d  clause  of 
Sect.  2,  Art.  1,  so  as  to  exclude  three  fifths  of  all  other  persons  (slaves)  from 
enumeration  in  ascertaining  the  ratio  of  representation  and  the  apportionment  of 
direct  taxation ;  third,  by  expunging  the  1st  clause  of  Sect.  9,  Art.  1,  and  inserting 
a  clause  prohibiting  the  slave  trade,  and  the  admission  of  Slave  States  (I  join  the 
two  that  the  first  may  carry  the  last) ;  fourth,  that  all  laws  passed  by  any  State 
which  shall  in  any  way  alter,  impair,  or  conflict  with  the  duties  of  such  State  to  the 
United  States,  or  with  the  rights  of  any  other  State,  shall  be  void  unless  they  shall 
receive  the  sanction  of  the  Government  of  the  United  States  (this  forbids  any  act 
of  secession,  without  assuming  that,  unless  forbidden,  it  might  be  supposed  to  exist 
under  the  Constitution).  Thus  State  laws  which  might  produce  antagonism  would 
be  forbidden  to  be  passed,  and  State  sovereignty  would  be  exploded;  fifth,  the  4th 
clause  of  Sect.  9,  Art.  1,  must  be  so  altered  as  to  adapt  it  to  these  changes. 

"Fourth.  That  laws  should  be  passed  declaring  that  if  the  States  of  Florida, 
Louisiana,  Mississippi,  and  Alabama,  now  in  flagrant  rebellion,  do  not,  by  the  acts  of 
their  Legislatures,  on  or  before  the  4th  day  of  July,  1862;  repeal  their  acts  of  seces 
sion,  and  declare  their  subordination  to  the  Government  and  laws  of  the  United 
State-,  they  shall  be  considered  as  Territories  of  the  United  States.  That  by 
the  same  act  a  territorial  government  of  the  first  class  should  be  enacted  for  such 
territory ;  and  that  after  the  said  4th  day  of  July  all  laws  passed  prior  to  that  day 
for  the  government  of  the  people,  or  which  affect  them,  or  prescribe  the  duties  of 
the  people  of  said  territory,  shall  be  null  and  void  to  all  intents  and  purposes. 

"  This-  would  destroy  slavery,  inasmuch  as  it  only  exists  by  virtue  of  -State  or 
territorial  laws. 


506  REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.    HAMILTON. 

"  By  giving  the  people  of  these  States  this  period  to  repent  of,  and  change  their 
course,  and  in  the  meantime,  by  pushing  our  armies  into  these  States,  we  will  raise 
up  the  Union  men  to  assert  their  rights  and  perform  their  duties,  and  bring  this 
rebellion  to  a  close  more  certainly  than  in  any  other  way. 

"  It  appears  to  me  that  to  print  our  memorials  for  their  consideration,  would 
tend  to  preserve  the  unity  of  the  majority,  by  giving  them  definite  measures  to 
act  upon ;  and  particularly  so  if  such  memorials  should  be  extensively  circulated 
and  signed  by  great  numbers. 

"  I  beg  you,  if  you  think  well  of  any  part  of  this  plan,  so  to  inform  me,  and 
appoint  a  day  and  hour  when  I  can  see  you  alone,  or  with  any  others  you  may 
please  to  select,  to  talk  over  this  matter. 

"  It  is  quite  important  that  if  any  thing  is  to  be  done,  it  should  be  done 
quickly. 

"  Yours  truly." 

JAMES  A.  HAMILTON  TO  THE  PRESIDENT  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES  or  AMERICA, 

Washington,  D.  C. 

"  December  17,  1861. 

"  DEAE  SIR  :  I  had  the  pleasure  recently  to  receive  your  Message  to  Congress  in 
a  manner  that  prompts  my  self-love  to  believe  it  was  sent  by  your  direction.  I 
therefore  write  this  note  to  thank  you  for  ranking  me  among  those  of  your  friends 
who  are  considered  worthy  of  this  attention. 

"  Your  moderation,  firmness,  and  wisdom  will,  I  have  no  doubt,  by  the  blessing 
of  the  Almighty,  carry  us  through  this  wicked  conflict  with  success  by  bringing  all 
the  rebellious  people  into  subordination  to  laws,  preserving  the  Union  and  the  Con 
stitution. 

"  I  congratulate  you  upon  having  the  honor  to  be  placed  in  the  foremost  position 
in  this  the  most  interesting  chapter,  not  only  in  the  history  of  this  country,  but  of 
the  world. 

u  I  have  the  honor  to  be,  with  sincere  regard, 

"  Your  friend  and  obedient  servant." 

JAMES  A.  HAMILTON  TO  HON.  SALMON  P.  CHASE,  Secretary  of  Treasury. 

"  NEVIS,  DOBBS  FEERT  P.  O.,  December  18,  1861. 

"My  DEAR  SIR:  I  thank  you  for  the  copy  of  your  report,  and  particularly  for 
the  expression  of  your  best  regards.  I  have  read  it  again  with  great  attention.  It 
is  eminently  wise  and  manly.  As  I  hope  to  see  you  ere  long,  I  defer  the  expression 
of  my  opinion  upon  its  various  topics. 

"  The  banks  can  and  ought  to  give  you  another  fifty  millions.  They  can  do  so 
without  any  greater  risk,  'because  they  will  inevitably  suspend  specie  payments. 
In  that  event,  Congress  will,  I  hope,  create  'a  circulation  of  notes  bearing  a  common 
impression,  and  authenticated  by  a  common  authority,'  and  make  them  a  legal  tender. 
They  will  in  many  respects  be  better  than  coin,  and  therefore  should  be  established 
as  a  part  of  your  system. 

"  I  have  the  honor  to  be,  with  sincere  regard,  yours,  &c." 


CHAPTEK    XIV. 

JANUARY  1862— DECEMBER  1862. 

Letters  to  Mr.  Chase  on  Banking  Associations  and  Financial  affairs— Restoration  of 
the  Rebellious  States — Letter  from  Hon.  S.  Hooper — Emancipation  meeting  at 
Cooper  Institute — Address — Letter  to  Gov.  Morgan  on  registering  voters — Letter 
to  Senator  Sumner  on  the  internal  Slave  trade — Letter  to  Charles  Eames  on  the 
Slavery  question — "  Suggestions  for  the  consideration  of  those  who  are  much 
wiser  than  he  who  makes  them  " — Currency — Foreign  Policy — The  oil  of  the 
President  for  volunteers — Arming  the  Negroes — Letter  to  President  Lincoln  on 
the  crisis — Circular  to  Governors  of  the  Loyal  States — Raising  troops — Inter 
views  and  suggestions  to  Secretary  Chase — President  Lincoln. 

JAMES  A.  HAMILTON  TO  THE  HON.  SALMON  P.  CHASE,  Secretary  of  the 

Treasury. 

"DOBBS  FEKKY,  January  1,  1862. 

"  MY  DEAR  SIE  :  I  wish  you  many  happy  returns  of  this  day,  with  grateful 
memories  of  your  skilful  administration  of  the  public  finances  under  the  most  ad 
verse  circumstances.  Time  and  results  will  vindicate  your  wisdom. 

"  I  hope  Congress  will  do  immediately  what  has  been  so  long  delayed,  adopt 
your  suggestion  as  to  banking  associations — give  you  authority  to  issue  United  States 
notes  of  $5,  $10,  and  $20  without  interest,  for  circulation,  receivable  in  payments  of 
all  public  dues  except  imports,  exchangeable  for  a  20  years  six  per  cent,  stock  and 
make  them  a  legal  tender ;  tax  luxuries,  to  wit :  distilled  liquors,  carriages,  musical 
instruments,  gold  watches,  promissory  notes  and  other  evidences  of  debt  of  all  kind?, 
including  bank  notes  (excepting  United  States  notes  and  stocks) ;  increase  the 
direct  tax  ;  repeal  the  law  taxing  incomes,  which  will  be  found  to  be  more  vexatious 
than  profitable,  and  odious  when  it  reaches  the  rent  or  other  profits  of  real  estate 
already  assessed  for  the  direct  tax ;  give  you  authority  to  issue  stock  bearing  six 
per  cent,  interest,  not  redeemable  until  after  20  years,  to  be  sold  in  open  market 
after  due  notice ;  repeal  the  Homestead  law  ;  and  pledge  the  proceeds  of  the  sales 
of  public  lands,  and  of  duties  upon  teas,  coffee,  sugar,  spices,  and  dried  fruits  for  the 
payment  of  the  principal  and  interest  of  the  public  debt. 

"  Excuse  me,  I  have  written  much  more  than  I  had  intended,  which  was  to  wish 
you  the  compliments  of  the  season,  and  to  tender  my  services  in  any  way  in  which 
I  can  be  useful  to  you. 

"  Your  friend,  &c." 


60S  REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON. 

JAMES  A.  HAMILTON  TO  Hox.  WILLIAM  VANDEVEK. 

u  DOBBS  FERRY  P.  0.,  January  3,  18G2. 

"  SIR:  You  are  reported  to  have  introduced  a  bill  to  reduce  the  States  in  rebel 
lion  to  a  territorial  condition.  I  have  had  the  same  purpose,  in  a  limited  degree, 
under  consideration ;  and  have  proposed  to  prepare  a  memorial  to  Congress,  asking 
that  laws  should  be  passed  to  that  effect  in  regard  to  Florida,  Louisiana,  and  Arkan 
sas.  I  would  ask  this  as  an  entering  wedge,  as  it  would  be  deemed  much  less  ob 
jectionable  than  the  same  course  would  be  in  regard  to  other,  and  particularly  any 
of  the  original  thirteen  States. 

"  The  territory  of  the  three  named  originally  belonged  absolutely  to,  and  was 
held  in  full  sovereignty  by  the  United  States  by  right  of  purchase.  The  inhab 
itants  thereof  had  then  no  political  status.  Those  of  the  first  were  subjects  of 
Spain,  the  last  of  France — they  did  not  owe  allegiance  to  the  United  States  and 
were  at  liberty  to  leave  the  country ;  and  when  as  colonies  of  their  governments 
they  were  purchased  by  the  United  States,  the  inhabitants  did  not  rise  higher  in  the 
political  scale  than  subjects  of  the  United  States,  that  is,  if  they  remained  on  the 
purchased  Territory,  they  were  subjected  to  the  laws  enacted  by  the  United  States 
for  the  government  of  the  inhabitants  of  such  Territory. 

"  In  due  time,  the  owners  of  these  Territories  (the  United  States)  conferred  upon 
the  inhabitants  Territorial  Governments  of  the  first  class — that  is  to  say,  a  Govern 
or,  Secretary,  and  Judges ;  the  latter  forming  a  council  with  very  circumscribed  leg 
islative  powers,  and  after  the  necessary  condition  of  pupilage,  they  received  a  Ter 
ritorial  Government  of  the  second  class,  by  which  the  inhabitants  (not  yet  citizens 
of  the  United  States)  were  permitted  to  elect  a  House  of  Eepresentatives,  the  laws 
whereof  received  their  power  from  the  Congress  of  the  United  States. 

"  The  third  degree  was  derived  from  an  act  of  Congress,  by  which  upon  certain 
conditions  they  were  authorized  to  elect  a  convention  to  the  end  that  the  inhabitants 
might  form  a  constitution,  and  by  an  act  of  Congress  they  were  created  a  State,  and 
as  such  one  of  the  United  States;  to  be  and  continue  one  of  the  United  States  was 
the  implied  condition  of  such  creation.  The  express  condition  upon  which  Florida 
was  admitted  was,  that  the  lands  therein  should  belong  to  the  United  States,  not  to 
be  interfered  with  by  the  State  or  to  be  taxed. 

"  When  the  people  of  Florida  declared  by  secession  that  they  would  no  longer 
continue  a  State  of  the  United  States,  they  violated  the  original  condition  upon 
which  they  were  permitted  to  form  a  State  government,  and  they  therefore  neces 
sarily  reverted  to  the  condition  of  subjects  and  inhabitants  of  a  Territory  of  the 
United  States. 

"By  their  assumed  act  of  independence  of  the  United  States,  and  by  their 
attempt  to  become  a  constitutional  part  of  another  Government,  they  violated  the 
other  condition  in  regard  to  the  public  land,  because  as  an  independent  sovereign 
State,  or  as  a  member  of  a  distinct  and  independent  sovereignty,  they  necessarily 
asserted  the  right  of  ownership  of  the  public  lands  and  the  right  to  tax  the  same,  or 
committed  the  lands  to  the  ownership  and  taxation  of  the  new  Confederacy.  So 
much  for  Florida. 

"  As  to  Louisiana  and  Arkansas,  they  were  admitted  as  States  upon  the  express 
condition  as  to  the  public  lands,  as  is  above  stated  as  to  Florida. 

u  In  the  case  of  Louisiana,  the  act  of  April  8th,  1812,  is  in  these  words  :     '  That 


REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.    HAMILTON.  500 

the  said  State  shall  be  one,  and  is  hereby  declared  to  be  one,  of  the  United  States  of 
America,  provided  that  it  shall  be  taken  as  a  condition  upon  which  the  said  State 
is  incorporated  in  the  United  States,  that  the  river  Mississippi  and  the  navigable 
rivers  and  waters  leading  into  the  same  and  into  the  Gulf  of  Mexico,  shall  be  consid- 
sidered  highways,  and  forever  free  as  well  to  the  inhabitants  of  the  said  State,  as  to 
the  inhabitants  of  the  other  States  and  citizens  of  the  United  States,  and  that  the 
above  conditions  and  all  other  conditions  and  terms  contained  in  the  3d  section  of 
the  act,  the  letter  whereof  is  hereinbefore  recited,  shall  be  considered,  and  declared, 
and  holden  as  fundamental  conditions  and  terms  upon  which  it  is  incorporated  in  the 
Union. ' 

"  The  people  of  Louisiana  when  they  attempted  to  absolve  themselves  from  their 
allegiance  to  the  United  States,  when  they  gave  in  their  adhesion  to  another  State, 
not  only  violated  the  fundamental  condition  as  to  the  public  lands;  but  they  neces 
sarily  assumed  absolute  jurisdiction  over  the  river  Mississippi,  &c.,  and  denied  all 
right  of  the  citizens  of  the  United  States  and  inhabitants  of  other  States  freely  to 
navigate  these  waters,  and  to  consider  them  highways,  &c. 

"  This  is  too  clear  for  argument ;  consequently  the  United  States  have  an  un» 
questionable  right  as  owners  in  full  sovereignty  to  insist  that  they  have  reverted 
to  their  original  conditions  of  inhabitants  of  a  territory  of  the  United  States,  and 
that  all  the  rights  of  property  of,  in,  and  to  the  said  territory,  as  well  as  full  sove 
reignty  over  the  same,  reverted  to  the  United  States  of  America. 

"  My  idea  was  that  a  law  should  be  passed,  declaring  that  if  the  people  of  these 
States  respectively  did  not  by  their  legislatures  annul  the  acts  of  secession  and  de 
clare  them  fully  subordinate  in  all  respects  to  the  Government  and  laws  of  the 
United  States,  as  fully  and  completely  as  before  such  acts  of  secession  were  passed, 
on  or  before  the  day  of ~»  1862;  then,  and  in  such  case,  the  inhabi 
tants  of  the  Territory  of  Louisiana  should  be  subjected  to  the  Territorial  Govern 
ment  heretofore  established. 

"I  am  not  quite  clear  as  to  this  latter  course.  I  think  it  well  to  give  them  a 
locus  penitently  and  that  thus  the  Union  men  might  rise  and  do  their  duty. 

"  I  hope  I  may  be  permitted  to  present  to  you  some  further  changes,  which  I 
propose  to  petition  for  : 

"First. — The  abolition  of  slavery  in  the  District  of  Columbia. 

"  Second.—  The  repeal  of  the  9th  and  10th  Sections  of  the  Act  passed  March  2d, 
1809,  authorizing  and  regulating  the  inter-State  slave  trade. 

"  Third. — The  following  amendments  of  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States, 
viz.:  First,  Expugn  the  Fugitive  Slave  clause;  Second,  Alter  clause  3d  of  section 
2cl,  article  1st,  which  provides  for  the  apportionment  of  representation  tfind  taxes, 
by  striking  out  the  words  '  three  fifths  of  all  other  persons.'  The  clause  should  be 
made  to  read  thus:  'Which  shall  be  determined  by  adding  to  the  whole  number  of 
free  persons  those  bound  to  service  for  a  term  of  years,  and  excluding  Indians  not 
taxed.'  Thus  slaves  would  be  excluded  from  the  enumeration  of  inhabitants  for  re 
presentation  as  property  for  taxation ;  and  by  including  those  held  to  service  for  a 
term  of  years,  the  States  having  slaves  might  be  induced  to  change  the  perpetual 
bondage  for  an  apprenticeship  for  a  term  of  years.  Third,  Expugn  the  1st  clause 
of  the  9th  section,  and  in  lieu  thereof  insert  a  clause  prohibiting  the  slave  trade  for 
ever  ;  and  also  declare  that  no  State  shall  hereafter  be  admitted  into  this  Union 
which,  by  the  laws  thereof,  shall  hold  any  person  to  service  or  labor,  otherwise  than 
for  crime. 


510  REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON. 

"I  hold  it  to  be  indispensable  to  the  safety,  honor,  and  welfare  of  these  States 
that  all  such  parts  of  the  Constitution  as  in  any  manner  or  degree  recognized  the 
extension  of  slavery,  or  the  laws  of  any  State  as  giving  effect  to  that  great  crime, 
be  stricken  from  that  '  Charter  of  human  liberty.''  I  hold  that  every  condition  of 
things  which  necessarily  tend  to  combine  large  masses  of  the  people  of  any  State 
into  a  body  having  one  strong  common  interest,  or  as  Benton  said,  '  Which  welds 
them  into  a  solid  mass,'  as  hostile  to  the  well-working  of  our  popular  Government. 

"  To  reduce  all  the  States  now  in  rebellion  which  were  not  of  the  original  thir 
teen,  would  give  to  the  residue  the  power  to  alter  the  Constitution  in  the  particulars 
above  referred  to.  Unless  this  shall  be  done  before  this  rebellion  is  crushed,  it 
never  can  be  done;  for  how  much  soever  you  or  I  may  wish  that  slavery  should  be 
abolished,  which  I  do  most  ardently,  I  do  not  believe  it  will  be.  As  the  next  best 
thing,  I  most  earnestly  desire  that  I  may  be  freed  from  all  responsibility  in  regard 
to  it;  and  that  those  who  think  proper  to  continue  it,  may  be  required  to  take  care 
of  their  chattels,  and  may  be  deprived  of  all  political  power  resulting  therefrom. 

"In  this  connection,  and  in  reference  to  amendments  to  the  Constitution  accord 
ing  to  the  5th  Article,  it  seems  to  me  to  be  most  absurd  and  suicidal  to  consider  the 
States  in  flagrant  rebellion  as  States  of  the  Union,  and  to  be  counted  as  snch ;  and 
thus  to  defeat  the  will  of  three  fourths  or  more  of  the  loyal  States. 

"  Let  me  illustrate  this  idea.  It  is  the  first  duty  of  the  government  to  protect 
each  citizen  in  his  life,  liberty,  and  property.  If  a  citizen  commits  treason,  he  for 
feits  his  life,  and  his  property  may  be  confiscated.  He  is  still  a  citizen,  and  in 
obedience  to  that  first  duty,  the  government  ought  not  to  take  his  life  or  property, 
because  he  is  one  of  its  citizens,  a  member  of  the  body  politic.  It  ought  only  by 
its  strong  arm  to  arrest  him  and  prevent  him  from  carrying  out  his  treasonable  pur 
poses.  When  the  people  of  a  country  (as  was  the  case  in  1793,  in  the  Western  coun 
ties  of  Pennsylvania,  and  one  of  the  adjoining  counties  of  Virginia)  or  a  State  rise  in 
rebellion,  and  by  force  of  arms  resist  the  laws  and  authorities  of  the  United  Slates ; 
it  is  the  duty  of  the  government  to  protect  and  defend  each  of  the  States  of  the 
Union,  and  preserve  them  from  domestic  insurrection. 

You  have  therefore  no  right  to  treat  the  people  of  such  States  as  having  thrown 
off  their  allegiance  or  as  having  forfeited  their  privileges  as  States,  sacrificing  the 
interests  of  the  Commonwealth  to  an  abstraction. 

"  The  wise  and  practical  way  to  deal  with  the  people  in  rebellion  is  to  consider 
and  treat  them  as  public  enemies,  overrun  them  with  your  armies,  confiscate  their 
property,  in  short  to  do  whatever  the  laws  of  civilized  war  authorize  you  to  do  in 
order  to  conquer,  or  in  the  words  of  Washington,  "To  reduce  the  refractory  to  a 
due  subordination  to  the  laws,' — and  when  this  shall  be  accomplished  readmit  these 
conquered  people  to  be  States  of  the  United  States  under  the  Constitution  of  Gov 
ernment  so  altered,  or  give  them  the  alternative  of  remaining  as  a  conquered  people 
subjected  to  a  military  or  civil  territorial  government.  This  is  practical ;  is  what 
they  would  subject  the  free  States  to,  if  they  had  the  power.  Indeed,  it  may  be 
truly  said  that  a  part  of  their  plan  was  to  change  the  Constitution  and  then  recon 
struct  the  government. 


REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.   HAMILTON. 


511 


JAMES  A.  HAMILTON  TO  HON.  SALMON  P.  CHASE,  Secretary  of  Treasury. 

"NEVIS,  DOBBS  FEREY  P.  O.,  January  12,  1862. 

"  MY  DEAR  SIR  :  All  men  are  anxiously  and  impatiently  calling  for  the  action 
of  Congress  in  relation  to  currency  and  revenue.  It  is  alleged  by  many  that  the 
Secretary  of  the  Treasury  will  not  take  the  responsibility  of  recommending  that 
course  which  in  the  existing  condition  of  the  country  is  the  only  one  which  can  give 
that  immediate  relief,  which  the  Treasury  requires.  As  your  friend  I  make  this 


caused  by  the  suspension  of  the  banks,  forbids 
otes  payable  on  demand.  There  are  claims 
i  mitted  to  be  due  amounting  to  millions  and 
si  of  which  are  suffering  even  to  bankruptcy 
They  are  willing,  as  one  of  them  not  to  a  large 
i'isury  notes  in  payment.  Under  these  circum- 
I nation  of  the  subject  and  conversations  with 
tind  to  the  Administration,  there  appears  no 
amount  of  Treasury  notes  of  a  small  denomina 
tes  for  the  plain  reason  that  the  government 
o  the  means  of  paying  on  demand,  they  must 
n nst  be  receivable  in  public  dues  and  exchange- 
after  a  lapse  of  years  at  say  six  or  seven  per 

ruitional  currency  through  the  banks  existing 
ler  an  Act  of  Congress  based  on  United  States 
unacted.     At  the  same  time,  it  is  obvious  that 
the  immediate  relief  it  requires.     You  cannot, 
tie  United  States  on  such  terms  as  would  be 
vrocess  requires  more  time  than  you  can  give  to 
Cited  from  a  system  of  direct  and  internal  taxes 


bit 


••  ii   :     ]  i  " 

,     (  i  \\  ,i,',, 

i.  'i   ;  "i  ;  i  '  i(  (]    :i;.  (TO  I 

!!•  ;i  i.  hi  .      i 


t  i    l>j  !!         ,i 

'i  i    Eriirjilili'iiii'  'n  n,  In  1 
ii  »|  fill  i  :lio:r  t": 

i:  i  ;;i    nil  la -I 

:    iujLi-ki  ii;i    Ihe 


:i  I  tl 


512  REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON. 

can  and  National  Bank  Note  Companies  each  to  engrave  that  of  which  you  kindly 
sent  me  a  copy? 

"  When  shall  I  have  the  pleasure  of  seeing  you  here  ? 

"  Yours  cordially,  &c." 

JAMES  A.  HAMILTON  TO  Hon.  SALMON  P.  CHASE,  Secretary  of  Treasury. 

"  NEVIS,  DOBBS  FERRY  P.  O.  January  28,  1862. 

"  MY  DEAR  SIR  :  Owing  to  my  absence,  I  did  not  receive  your  letter  of  the  18th 
instant  until  Saturday  evening  the  25th  instant.  On  Monday  I  took  to  the  city  the 
Talleyrand  miniature  (a  photograph  of  the  same  miniature  which  my  dear  mother 
wore  on  her  breast,  with  the  letter  last  addressed  to  her  by  her  husband,  until  her 
death),  and  an  engraving  of  the  original  bust  by  Durand.  You  will  see  this  in  the 
1st  Volume  of  Hamilton's  Works.  I  took  these  to  the  National  Company  first — 
the  Talleyrand  miniature  was  prepared  for  their  work — then  to  the  American, 
where  their  artist  was  engaged  in  copying  Durand's  engraving,  intending  to  make 
it  more  life-like  in  various  ways.  For  this  purpose  the  directors  wished  me  to  leave 
with  them  the  photograph  and  the  two  miniatures,  which  I  did.  In  answer  to  my 
inquiries  as  to  when  they  would  be  returned,  I  regretted  to  learn  that  it  would  not 
be  short  of  a  month. 

"  I  will  take  care  to  afford  each  company  every  facility,  well  knowing  how  very 
important  it  is  to  you  that  you  should  be  provided  with  these  notes  without  delay. 

"  I  agree  entirely  in  your  views  as  to  Mr.  M's  compensation". 

"As  I  cannot  leave  my  wife  in  the  absence  of  our  daughter,  which  has  confined 
me  here,  expecting  the  difficulty  to  be  removed  when  my  daughter,  Mrs.  Schuyler, 
leaves  Washington,  I  anticipate  the  pleasure  of  seeing  you  early  in  February. 

"  Your  obedient  servant." 

HON.  SALMON  P.  CHASE,  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  TO  JAMES  A.  HAMILTON. 

"  TREASURY  DEPARTMENT,  February  3,  1862. 

u  MY  DEAR  SIR  :  Your  letter  of  January  28th  is  received.  I  am  glad  the  en 
gravers  are  at  work  upon  the  likeness  of  your  father,  and  I  shall  hurry  them  up. 
If  the  plates  are  not  ready  for  the  present  issue,  they  may  be  used  hereafter  by  sub 
stituting  them  for  the  head  now  used. 

"  Yours  most  truly,  &c." 

S.  HOOPER  TO  JAMES  A.  HAMILTON. 

"  WASHINGTON,  February  9,  1862. 

"  MY  DEAR  SIR  :  I  must  thank  you  for  your  kind  letter  of  the  6th  instant,  and 
assure  you  of  the  gratification  to  me  of  your  approval  of  my  speech,  and  your 
friendly  expression  in  reference  to  it.  My  opinion  is  that  the  bill  will  be  parsed 
this  week  in  the  Senate,  but  I  regret  the  necessity  which  obliged  Mr.  Chase  to  ask 
for  authority  from  Congress  to  issue  ten  millions  temporarily,  for  which  he  has 
arranged  in  New  York  at  the  rate  of  5  per.  cent,  per  annum,  fearing  it  u:ay  be  used 
as  an  excuse  by  the  Senate  for  delay  in  passing  this  more  important  bill.  I  thank 
you  for  the  references  in  regard  to  '  Sinking  Fund  '  and  'Legal  Tenders.'  I  have  had 


REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON.  513 

doubts  in  regard  to  special  appropriations  of  any  portion  of  the  revenues  as  pledges  for 
particular  debts  which  were  appropriate  to  the  condition  of  the  country  in  1T90, 
but  as  it  has  seemed  to  me,  not  to  our  present  character  of  a  first-class  power  among 
the  nations  of  the  earth. 

"I  regret  that  I  have  not  time  to  reply  more  at  length  to  your  letter,  but  Mrs. 
Schuyler,  whose  visit  here  we  have  enjoyed  very  much,  will  inform  you  how  little 
time  I  have  to  attend  to  letters,  and  it  is  always  a  great  pleasure  to  me  to  read  one 
from  you. 

"Mrs.  Schuyler  encouraged  us  to  hope  that  we  may  have  the  pleasure  of  seeing 
you  here  next  week,  and  I  trust  it  is  only  a  pleasure  deferred  for  a  short  time. 
"  I  am,  my  dear  sir, 

"  Very  truly  and  respectfully  yours,  &c." 

SALMON  P.  CHASE,  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  TO  JAMES  A.  HAMILTON. 

"  WASHINGTON,  February  15,  1862. 

MY  DEAE  SIR:  Your  note  has  just  reached  me.  It  disappoints  me  much ;  but 
I  shall  regard  it  as  only  a  postponement  of  the  pleasure  and  benefit  anticipated  from 
your  visit,  and  hope  that  the  postponement  will  be  only  to  the  earliest  day  you  can 
find. 

"You  are  most  kindly  remembered  by  my  daughter  as  well  as  by  myself,  and 
will  always  be  a  most  welcome  guest. 

"Your  friend,  &c. 

"Have  you  seen  the  proofs  of  your  father's  portrait  as  engraved?  Which  do 
you  like  best  ? " 

JAMES  A.  HAMILTON  TO  HON.  SALMON  P.   CHASE,  Secretary  of  the 

Treasury. 

"NEW  YORK,  March  3,  1862. 

"  MY  DEAR  SIR  :  The  engraving  by  the  American  Bank  Note  Company  from  the 
bust  is  very  good.  That  by  the  National  from  the  miniature  is  much  better — both 
are  satisfactory. 

"  I  have  been  invited  to  preside  at  a  mass  meeting  here,  to  express  the  views  of 
this  city  on  such  measures  as  are  required  to  destroy  the  power  of  our  enemy ; 
slavery,  confiscation,  territorial  governments,  colonies  of  civilization  to  be  planted 
in  every  slave  State  like  that  which  you  have  authorized  on  the  abandoned  Sea  Island 
plantations  of  South  Carolina.  Such  a  course  would  give  to  the  slaveholders  the 
choice  between  gradual  emancipation  and  insurrection. 

"  The  success  of  our  armies  will  very  shortly  put  down  all  forcible  resistance. 
The  necessity  for  exercising  the  war  power  to  get  rid  of  slavery  will  cease,  and  our 
Union  will  be  restored  with  the  slavery  poison  rendered  more  concentrated  and 
effective  for  mischief  than  before.  I  have  fearful  forebodings  as  to  the  future  peace 
and  welfare  of  the  country.  We  now  have  the  power,  but  want  the  courage  to  cor 
rect  the  error  of  '  the  fathers.'  We  will,  again,  in  order  to  secure  the  Union,  yield 
to  the  demands  of  Slavery.  I  rejoice  that  your  department  is  relieved. 
"  With  great  respect,  your  friend,  <fcc." 

On  March  G,  1862,  I  was  invited  to  preside  at  an  emancipation  meeting  at 
33 


514  REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON. 

the  Cooper  Institute.  This  was  the  first  meeting  on  the  subject  in  New  York, 
it  was  very  numerous  and  very  enthusiastic.  The  President  made  the  follow 
ing  address : 

"Fellow-citizens — The  honor  of  presiding  at  this  thronged  meeting  of  those  who 
represent  the  intelligence,  the  wealth,  the  enterprise,  the  mechanical  skill  and  labor 
of  this  great  city  excites  my  sensibility  from  the  conviction,  that  your  choice  has 
"been  induced  not  by  considerations  personal  to  myself,  but  from  respect  to  the  mem 
ory  of  him  whose  name  I  bear  (cheers).  We  are  assembled  here  to  express  to  the 
President  and  the  Congress  of  the  United  States  our  views  of  slavery,  its  influence 
upon  our  National  character,  and  the  destiny  of  our  country,  and  to  advise  the 
adoption  of  such  measures  as  will  give  us  permanent  peace,  and  thus  secure  the 
future  from  the  dangers  and  calamities  of  the  present.  Let  the  voices  of  the  loyal 
men  of  this  metropolis  be  given  out  in  no  ambiguous  terms  ;  let  it  be  the  utterance 
of  earnest  men,  impressed  with  the  magnitude  of  the  consequences  involved.  Let 
us  under  the  hallowed  influence  of  patriotism — of  a  sense  of  our  duty  to  the  oppress 
ed  of  this  Nation — treat  this  great  subject  so  decisively  as  that  the  echo  of  your  voice 
may  come  up  from  the  loyal  people  in  all  parts  of  the  nation,  in  tones  which  cannot 
be  mistaken  or  disregarded  by  their  representatives  (cheers).  With  your  permission 
I  will  briefly  express  my  opinions  of  the  duties  of  the  people,  the  powers  and  duties 
of  the  Government  in  regard  to  slavery.  The  great  principle  on  which  our  '  Repre 
sentative  Democracy  '  is  founded,  is  'The  Freedom  of  Man  '  (Applause).  In  obedi 
ence  to  this  great  principle,  it  is  your  duty  to  express  your  earnest  conviction,  that 
slavery  is  not  only  a  great  crime,  but  also  a  great  social  and  political  evil  (cheers) ; 
that  it  is  the  direct  and  immediate  cause  of  the  calamities  which  so  sorely  afflict  the 
whole  country  ;  and,  above  all,  to  express  your  fixed  determination  that  the  course 
and  policy  of  your  Government  shall  hereafter  be  to  develop  the  great  principle  of 
human  freedom,  and  not  as  hitherto  it  has  been  to  extend  and  fortify  slavery 
(Applause).  We  are  told  the  Government  has  no  power  to  destroy  slavery,  because 
the  right  of  one  man  to  hold  his  fellow-man  in  perpetual  and  degrading  bondage  is 
established  by  State  laws.  I  answer,  such  laws  cannot  rightfully  exist,  either  under 
the  Government  of  the  United  States,  or  of  the  States.  Man  was  created  in  the  ex 
press  image  of  his  Maker — a  responsible  being,  having  an  immortal  soul.  No  power 
less  than  that  which  created  him,  less  than  omnipotent,  can  reduce  him  from  his 
condition  of  a  man  to  that  of  a  brute,  a  chattel  (cheering). 

"  Has  the  Government  the  power  to  destroy  slavery  ?  We  are  engaged  in  a  war 
which  involves  the  life  or  death  of  the  nation.  A  blow  in  behalf  of  slavery  has  been 
struck  at  the  national  existence.  Every  Government,  whatever  may  be  its  Consti 
tution,  is  necessarily  armed  with  all  the  powers  required  to  preserve  its  life.  In  the 
exercise  of  those  powers,  it  has  the  right  and  it  is  its  duty,  to  destroy  property,  in 
stitutions,  laws  of  State,  and  the  lives  of  those  who  are,  or  may  be  employed  for  its 
destruction  ;  or  which  may  expose  the  nation  to  a  death  struggle  at  a  future  period. 
(Applause).  These  are  rights  and  duties  not  to  be  sought  for  in  Constitutions  or 
laws.  They  are  given  and  imposed  on  all  Governments  by  that  great  law  of  nature, 
the  law  of  self-preservation. 

"  The  President,  by  his  oath  of  office,  is  bound  to  'the  best  of  his  ability  to  pre 
serve,  protect,  and  defend  the  Constitution.'  You  will  observe  he  is  required  to 
devote  to  this  first  great  duty  all  his  ability.  He  is  not  limited  in  doing  so  to  the 


REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON.  515 

means  committed  to  him  by  the  Constitution  or  the  laws.  From  these  considera 
tions,  it  is  indisputable  that  slavery,  whether  sanctioned  or  not  by  State  laws,  now 
imminently  endangers  the  national  life,  or  threatens  to  do  so  ;  and  therefore  may  be 
destroyed  by  the  Government  of  the  United  States.  As  to  the  question,  whether  in  the 
exercise  of  this  power  the  Government  can  disregard  its  own  obligations  or  the  right 
of  persons  (applause),  I  will,  in  answer,  refer  to  an  authority  which  is  well 
entitled  to  your  respect.  One  of  '  the  fathers '  (Alexander  Hamilton),  in  discussing 
the  question  whether  a  nation  may,  in  certain  extraordinary  cases,  be  excusable  for 
not  observing  a  right  in  the  performance  of  a  duty,  says : 

" '  A  nation  is  excusable,  in  certain  extraordinary  cases,  for  not  observing  a  right 
in  performing  a  duty,  if  the  one  or  the  other  would  involve  a  manifest  and  grave 
national  calamity.  But  here  also  an  extreme  case  is  intended.  The  calamity  to  be 
averted  must  not  only  be  evident  and  considerable,  it  must  be  such  as  is  likely  to 
prove  fatal  to  the  nation,  as  threatens  its  existence,  or  at  least  its  permanent  welfare. 

"  '  Of  the  second  class  of  exceptions  (those  which  threaten  the  permanent  welfare 
of  the  nation),  the  case  of  certain  feudal  rights  which  once  oppressed  all  Europe, 
and  still  oppress  too  great  a  portion  of  it,  may  serve  as  an  example :  rights  which 
made  absolute  slaves  of  a  part  of  the  community,  and  rendered  the  condition  of 
the  remainder  not  much  more  eligible. 

"  '  These  rights,  though  involving  that  of  property,  being  contrary  to  the  social 
order  and  to  the  permanent  welfare  of  society,  were  justifiably  abolished  in  the  in 
stances  in  which  abolitions  have  taken  place,  and  may  be  abolished  in  all  the  remain 
ing  vestiges.  (Cheering.) 

"  '  Whenever,  indeed,  a  right  of  property  is  infringed  for  the  general  good,  if  the 
nature  of  the  case  admits  of  compensation,  it  ought  to  be  made;  but  if  compensa 
tion  be  impracticable,  that  impracticability  ought  not  to  be  an  obstacle  to  a  clearly 
essential  reform ! '  (Applause.) 

"Fellow-citizens!  the  people  of  the  loyal  States  have,  with  unequalled  patriot 
ism,  devoted  their  lives  to  the  service  of  the  country.  The  Government,  through 
its  various  departments,  has  formed  an  army  and  a  navy  of  vast  proportions  and  the 
most  efficient  character,  with  a  promptitude  and  skill  most  honorable  to  them.  Now 
let  the  people  require  that  this  accumulated  power  shall  be  used  not  only  to  crush 
out  armed  rebellion,  but  its  malignant  cause.  (Tremendous  and  long-continued 
cheering.)  Your  military  and  naval  forces,  with  rapid  blows,  are  destroying  the 
military  power  of  your  enemy  ;  but  unless  the  last  blow  which  is  struck  strikes  off 
the  fetters  of  the  slaves,  the  work  of  restoring  the  Constitution  and  the  Union  will 
be  mockery.  (Great  applause.) 

"  I  may  here  remark,  that  although  I  detested  the  system  of  slavery  as  a  great 
crime  and  a  great  social  and  political  evil,  I  was  not  an  abolitionist,  because  I  well 
knew  that  -when,  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States  was  formed  and  adopted,  ifc 
was  well  known  that  slavery  might  and  would  continue  in  all  the  States  which 
should  so  decide,  and  that  during  a  period  of  twenty  years,  Congress  was  not  allowed 
to  pass  any  law  prohibiting  the  slave  trade  ;  and  further,  that  if  this  had  not  been 
so  understood,  the  Constitution  would  not  have  been  adopted  by  the  slaveholding 
States.  I  therefore  believed,  in  the  true  spirit  of  this  understanding,  that  I  was  in 
hibited  from  interfering  with  the  accursed  thing.  But  as  soon  as  the  slaveholders 
threw  oil'  their  obligations  under  the  Constitution,  I  was  freed  from  mine ;  and  I 
therefore  indulged  those  feelings  which  my  father  had  excited  when  he  wrote  : 


516  REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON. 

"'The  sacred  rights  of  mankind  are  written  as  with  a  sunbeam  in  the  whole 
volume  of  human  nature,  by  the  hand  of  the  Divinity  itself,  and  can  never  be  erased 
or  obscured  by  mortal  power.' 

"  Again : 

"  'I  am  inviolably  attached  to  the  essential  rights  of  mankind  and  the  true  inter 
ests  of  society.  I  consider  civil  liberty  as  the  greatest  of  terrestrial  blessings.  I  am. 
convinced  that  the  whole  human  race  is  entitled  to  it,  and  that  it  can  be  wrested 
from  no  part  of  them  without  the  blackest  and  most  aggravated  guilt.' 

"  Blackstone. — '  The  Deity  has  constituted  an  eternal  and  immutable  law  which 
is  indispensably  obligatory  upon  all  mankind  prior  to  any  human  institution  what 
ever.  This  is  what  is  called  the  law  of  nature.'  Hamilton  adds  :  '  Upon  this  law 
depend  the  rights  of  mankind.  The  Supreme  Being  gave  existence  to  man  together 
with  the  means  of  preserving  and  beautifying  that  existence.  He  endowed  him 
with  rational  faculties  by  the  help  of  which  to  discover  and  pursue  such  things  as 
are  consistent  with  his  duty  and  interest,  and  invested  him  with  the  inviolable  right 
to  personal  liberty  and  to  personal  safety. 

"  '  Natural  liberty  is  a  gift  of  the  beneficent  Creator  to  the  whole  human  race, 
and  civil  liberty  is  founded  on  that  and  cannot  be  wrested  from  any  people  without 
the  most  manifest  violation  of  justice.  Civil  liberty  is  only  natural  liberty  modified 
and  secured  by  the  sanctions  of  civil  society.  It  is  not  a  thing  in  its  own  nature 
precarious,  and  dependent  upon  human  will  and  caprice,  but  it  is  conformable  to  the 
constitution  of  man,  as  well  as  necessary  to  the  well-being  of  society.'  " 


JAMES  A.  HAMILTON  TO  His  EXCELLENCY  Gov.  MORGAN,  Albany. 

"DOBBS  FEERY  P.  0.,  March  19,  1862. 

"  DEAR  SIR  :  I  take  the  liberty  to  suggest  that  it  would  be  eminently  proper  that 
.a  law  should  be  passed  at  the  present  Session  of  the  New  York  Legislature,  authoriz 
ing  all  persons  who,  being  inhabitants  of  this  State,  have  enlisted  in  the  army  of  the 
United  States,  or  volunteered  in  the  service  of  this  State,  who  may  be  in  the  field  at 
the  period  of  any  election  held  in  this  State  for  the  election  of  officers  of  the  United 
States,  or  the  State  of  New  York,  shall  be  entitled  to  vote  at  the  next  and  all  future 
elections ;  and  that  the  Governor  shall  appoint  two  Commissioners  to  go  to  the  place 
•where  such  persons  may  be  to  receive  their  votes,  and  that  all  such  persons  here 
after  whenever  they  return  to  this  State  to  reside  therein,  shall  be  entitled  to  be 
enregistered  and  to  vote  at  any  election  in  this  State.  And  I  beg  leave  further  to 
suggest  that  it  would  be  well  for  you  as  Governor,  by  a  special  message  to  bring 
this  subject  to  the  attention  of  the  Legislature. 

"  I  have  the  honor  to  be,  with  great  respect,  your  friend  and  servant, 

"  JAMES  A.  HAMILTON." 

JAMES  A.  HAMILTON  TO  SENATOR  CHARLES  SUMNER. 

u  NEVIS,  DOBBS  FERRY  P.  0.,  April  30,  1862. 

"  DEAR  SIR  :  The  most  offensive  legislation  of  the  United  States  in  regard  to 
slavery  is  that  which  protects  the  internal  slave  trade.    It  is  found  in  the  Act  of  March 


REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.    HAMILTON.  517 

2<3,  1807,  Sections  9  and  10.  The  language,  'No  captain.'  and  'of  any  vessel,  &c.' 
shall  after  the  1st  of  January,  1808,  sailing  coastwise  from  any  port  of  the  United 
States  to  any  port  or  place  within  the  jurisdiction  of  the  same,  having  on  board  any 
negroes,  &c.,  for  the  purpose  of  transporting  them  to  be  sold  or  disposed  of  as  slaves, 
&c.,  shall  previous  to  the  departure  of  such  vessel  make  out  and  subscribe  dupli 
cate  manifests  of  any  such  negro  on  board  such  vessel,  &c.,  and  deliver  such  mani 
fests  to  the  collector  of  the  port,  &c.,  and  the  collector  shall  give  a  permit,  &c.,  au 
thorizing  him  (the  captain)  to  proceed  to  the  port  of  his  destination.  The  10th 
section  provides  that  on  arrival  at  the  port  of  destination,  the  collector  shall  give  a 
permit  to  land  such  negroes,  &c.' 

UI  call  your  attention  to  this  Act  in  the  hope  that  you  will  cause  this  section  to 
be  repealed  ;  and,  prohibiting  a  vessel  from  receiving  a  clearance,  will  strike  another 
blow  at  the  monster,  and  thus  present  another  claim  to  the  applause  of  your  coun 
trymen. 

"  I  have  the  honor  to  be,  your  obedient  servant,  &c." 

May  2d,  1862,  Mr.  Sumner  gave  notice  that  he  intended  to  introduce  a  bill 
to  repeal  the  above  law. 

JAMES  A.  HAMILTON  TO  EDWARD  COOPER,  ESQ.,  New  York. 

"  DOBBS  FERRY,  May  14,  1862. 

"  DEAR  SIR  :  I  had  the  pleasure  yesterday  evening  to  receive  your  letter  of  the 
12th  inst.,  with  the  pamphlet  to  which  it  refers.  Receive  my  thanks  for  both.  I 
am  anxious  to  impress  upon  the  public  mind  and  the  Government  the  necessity  and 
advantage  of  developing  the  vast  resources  of  our  country  in  all  materials  necessary 
to  produce  iron  of  the  best,  as  well  as  all  other  qualities. 

"  I  hold  that  diversified  labor  is  the  source  of  the  greatest  wealth  and  power  of 
a  nation  ;  that  the  production  of  iron  is  of  greater  advantage  than  of  gold,  and  that 
the  change  in  the  engines  of  war  from  wood  to  iron  renders  such  development  a 
duty  of  the  Government  and  a  necessity  for  the  nation. 

"  To  pay  the  interest  on  our  public  debt  will  require  a  high,  rate  of  duty  on  man 
ufactures  which  will  thus  give  them  adequate  protection.  This  is  necessary  ;  but  I 
hold  it  to  be  more  necessary  that  capitalists  should  be  assured  that  the  Government 
will  adopt  that  as  a  persistent  policy. 

u  As  a  practical  and  intelligent  man,  I  should  like  to  have  your  views  on  this 
subject. 

"  Do  me  the  favor  to  present  my  best  respects  to  your  father,  Mr.  Peter  Cooper 
whom  I  so  much  esteem  and  respect.  Let  me  give  you  an  anecdote. 

"During  the  late  canvass  for  President  in  which  I  felt  a  deep  interest,  being  in> 
a  railroad  car  passing  the  Cooper  Institute,  there  was  an  excited  conversation  upon- 
the  subject  of  the  President ;  when  standing  upon  the  platform,  I  said  in  a  loud  tone, 
*  Gentlemen,  I  would  rather  be  the  man  who  built  that  house  than  be  President  of 
the  United  States ; '  this  was  received  with  acclamation. 

"  "With  respect,  your  obedient  servant." 


518  REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES  A.  HAMILTON. 

JAMES  A.  HAMILTON  TO  SALMON  P.  CHASE,  Secretary  of  tlie  Treasury. 

"  NEVIS,  DOBBS  FERRY  P.  O.,  May  19,  1862. 

"  MY  DEAR  SIR  :  It  affords  me  very  great  pleasure  to  congratulate  you  on  the 
triumphant  success  of  your  financial  system. 

"-I  am  greatly  amused  by  the  commotion  of  those  who,  confident  in  their  very 
superficial  knowledge  of  the  subject,  imputed  to  your  measures  the  suspension  of  the 
banks,  and  the  inevitable  destruction  of  the  credit  of  the  Government,  now  rejoicing 
at  the  rise  of  stocks,  the  increase  of  their  specie  basis,  and  other  advantages;  but  at 
the  same  time  insisting  that,  according  to  all  sound  banking  principles,  this  ought  not 
to  be  so.  I  have  now  only  to  hope  that  you  will  be  enabled  to  establish  your  bank 
ing  system,  and  thus  render  to  your  country  the  inappreciable  advantage  of  a  cur 
rency  of  universal  credit  based  upon  the  best  security — the  stocks  of  the  United 
States. 

"  The  system  would  be  permanent  because  it  would  be  sustained  by  the  State 
institutions  and  the  strong  Government  of  the  United  States. 

"  I  am,  my  dear  sir,  with  great  respect,  your  friend,  (fee." 

HON.  SALMON  P.  CHASE,  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  to  JAMES  A.  HAMILTON. 

"  WASHINGTON,  May  21,  1862. 

"MY  DEAR  SIR:  Accept  my  thanks  for  your  kind  and  too  affectionate  letter. 
Your  support  at  the  first  and  from  the  first  has  been  of  the  greatest  value  to  me. 

"It  is  absolutely  necessary  to  the  success  of  my  whole  system,  that  a  proper 
Funding  Bill  become  a  law.  Can  you  not  give  me  a  visit  of  a  few  days  and  see  some 
members  of  the  two  Houses? 

"My  daughter  will  welcome  you  gladly,  and  we  shall  both  try  to  make  your 
sojourn  with  us  not  intolerable. 

"  Cordially  yours,  &c." 

TV.  J.  POTTER  TO  HON.  JAMES  A.  HAMILTON. 

"NEW  BEDFORD,  MASS.,  June  24, 1862. 

"DEAR  SIR:  Your  letter  of  the  18th  inst.  and  the  accompanying  pamphlet  we 
duly  received,  and  read  with  pleasure  and  profit.  The  latter  I  have  just  finished 
reading  a  second  time.  It  is  admirable  in  argument  nnd  in  my  opinion  unanswer 
able.  I  am  glad  to  have  also  so  clear  a  historical  statement  of  the  question." 

See  also  the  following  letter  to  a  "  Gentleman"  ia  Washington. 

JAMES  A.  HAMILTON  TO  CHARLES  EAMES,  Washington. 

"  DOBBS  FERRY,  June  24,  1862. 

"DEAR  SIR:  I  address  this  letter  to  you  because  I  am  sure  you  will  appreciate 
.the  importance  of  the  subject  it  touches,  and  that  you  will  appreciate  the  motives 
which  impel  me  to  presume  to  deal  with  matters  of  such  grave  national  impor 
tance. 

"The  future  of  our  country  presents  more  important  questions  for  profound 
consideration  than  have  heretofore  commanded  the  attention  of  the  statesmen  of 
any  other  country,  and  of  more  difficult  solution,  because  the  history  of  the  world 


REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON.  519 

gives  no  analogy  to  them,  and  consequently  experience  affords  no  guide  to  a  right 
decision. 

"  First.  The  question  of  the  abolition  of  slavery  involves  a  radical  change  in  the 
social  condition  of  millions  of  the  white,  and  of  a  like  number  of  the  black  race, 
both  inhabiting  the  same  region  and  both  mutually  dependent.  1st.  Congress  has, 
or  will  pass  Confiscation  and  Emancipation  Acts.  These  affect  the  property,  real  and 
personal,  of  the  first,  and  the  freedom  of  the  last  race.  2il.  The  advance  of  our 
armies  lias  freed  thousands  of  the  latter,  and  in  the  course  of  the  war  will  com 
pletely  unsettle  the  relations  of  the  latter  to  the  former.  3d.  Freedom  or  insurrec 
tion  will  be  the  alternatives  of  those  who  are  not  made  free  by  the  advance  of  the 
armies  of  the  United  State*.  4th.  A  Bankrupt  Act  to  collect  the  debts,  and  the 
collection  of  the  direct  and  other  taxes  in  the  Southern  country,  desolated  as  it  is, 
will  necessarily  lead  to  the  sale  of  the  estates  upon  which  the  black  race  are  now 
employed,  and  may  bring  into  the  Southern  country  a  new  race  of  owners.  5th. 
When  the  slaves  are  freed  what  is  to  become  of  them  ?  Colonization  is  one  answer. 
It  cannot  be  coercive,  nor  is  it  wise  to  take  from  the  country  two  millions  or  more 
of  efficient  laborers  accustomed  to  the  peculiar  cultivation  and  to  the  climate  of  that 
country. 

"Second.  The  commerce  of  the  country  must  be  in  some  directions,  for  a  limited 
time,  fostered  by  the  Government.  1st.  It  is  a  fact  that  the  commerce  along  the 
eastern  coast  of  South  America  is  almost  absorbed  by  Great  Britain  ;  wherea5,  in 
asmuch  as  it  may  be  said  to  be  a  coastwise  trade  for  us,  we  ought  to  monopolize  it. 
The  bare  fact  that  the  vessels  of  Great  Britain  are  to  pass  a  distance  of  3,000  miles 
on  the  outward  voyage  before  they  arrive  at  the  scene  of  action,  and  to  pass  the  same 
distance  on  the  rsturn  voyage,  whereas  we  are  to  begin  the  work  almost  as  soon 
as  we  take  our  departure  from  our  coast — gives  rise  to  the  question,  with  such  advan 
tages  on  our  part  in  the  race,  how  have  we  been  cut  off  from  that  valuable  trade  ? 
Answer,  by  the  subsidies  of  Government,  which  ought  to  be  counteracted,  be  they 
what  they  may.  2d.  The  trade  of  the  Pacific  deserves  our  attention.  When  the 
Pacific  Railroad  shall  be  finished,  we  may  successfully  compete  with  all  the  world 
for  the  China  and  Japan  trade. 

"  I  do  not  go  into  details,  but  I  do  indulge  a  confident  belief  that  under  a  proper 
system,  Europe  will  receive  at  our  Atlantic  ports  the  rich  products  of  those  coun 
tries. 

'l  Third.  A  system  of  internal  improvements,  wisely  devised  and  gradually  extend 
ed,  will  not  only  vastly  increase  the  internal  commerce  of  the  country,  but  will  bind 
the  various  exterior  regions  to  the  centre. 

u  Fourth.  The  financial  system  of  the  country  presents  considerations  of  the 
most  interesting  character,  whether  for  weal  or  for  woe,  according  to  the  policy 
which  may  be  established  and  determinately  pursued.  A  debt  of  eight  hundred  or 
two  thousand  millions  requires  taxation  to  provide  for  the  payme.it  of  the  interest, 
and  ultimately  to  extinguish  the  principal.  This  debt  at  6  per  cent,  for  interest  and 
1  per  cent,  as  a  sinking  fund,  may  be  extinguished  in  thirty  years,  and  will  thus  re 
quire  a  revenue  over  and  above  the  expenses  of  the  Government  of  one  hundred  and 
fifty  millions  of  dollars.  The  annual  expenses  of  the  Government  may  be  estimated 
after  the  war  at  not  less  than  one  hundred  millions,  making  together  two  hundred 
and  fifty  millions.  The  Customs  revenues  will  be  at  least  one  hundred  and  fifty 
millions,  leaving  one  hundred  millions  to  be  raised  by  internal  taxation.  This 


520  REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON. 

may  be  an  extravagant  estimate.  If  good  sense,  guided  by  experience,  governs 
our  policy,  this  debt  will  not  be  an  unmitigated  evil. 

"  The  debt  of  England  is  five  times  the  amount  of  ours.  The  payment  of  the 
interest  at  3  per  cent,  of  that  debt,  v/ith  the  expenses  of  its  management,  calls  for 
29  to  30  millions  of  sterling  pounds,  or  150  millions  of  dollars.  One-half  of  this 
debt  is  absorbed  by  the  investments  in  trust  funds,  made  voluntarily  or  by  order  of 
the  courts,  and  it  is  thus  measurably  withdrawn  from  the  market.  The  other  half 
being  at  near  par,  forms  a  part  of  the  capital  of  the  country,  as  will  every  public 
debt  so  secured  as  to  command  public  confidence.  Thus  our  public  debt  will  in 
crease  the  amount  of  our  capital,  now  so  inadequate  to  our  field  of  enterprise. 

"  Fifth.  The  currency  of  the  country  necessarily  belongs  to  this  question.  Should 
the  Government  boldly  assume  the  exclusive  power  in  relation  thereto  conferred 
upon  Congress  by  the  Constitution  (see  Mr.  Madison's  Messages  of  1815  and  1816), 
should  the  existing  Legislature  interpose  to  defeat  these  rights,  duties,  and  responsi 
bilities,  what  practicable  remedy  would  there  be  ?  Appeals  to  the  Supreme  Court 
of  the  United  States  would  be  dilatory,  expensive,  and  not  in  all  cases,  particularly 
in  the  case  of  the  freedmen,  practicable.  "What  other  or  better  remedy  is  there, 
than  that  Congress  should  assume,  as  it  is  believed  they  may  properly  do,  that 
by  treason  the  State  Governments  are  dissolved,  and  to  establish  territorial  Govern 
ments  of  the  first  class,  that  is,  to  appoint  a  governor,  secretary,  marshal,  and 
several  judges  ;  the  latter  to  form  a  Legislative  council.  In  this  way,  there  would 
be  a  civilJGovernment  with  an  Executive,  a  Legislature,  and  a  Judicial  Department. 
It  might  be  necessary  to  sustain  this  Government  by  a  military  force.  Should  the 
people  find  that  they  were  thus  subjected  to  a  Government  of  plenary  powers  to 
which  they  were  compelled  to  submit,  it  is  believed  they  would  come  to  their  senses 
and  seek  to  return  to  their  condition  of  a  State  of  the  Union.  Congress  would  thus 
pass  an  Act  authorizing  them  to  form  a  Constitution,  with  proper  provisions,  &c. 

"  The  course  to  be  pursued  by  the  Federal  Government  in  relation  to  the  people 
of  the  Gulf  States,  should  they,  after  the  exertion  of  military  force  is  unnecessary, 
continue  obstinately  to  resist  by  their  civil  authorities  and  otherwise  submission  to 
the  laws  of  the  United  States,  deserves  grave  consideration. 

"  First,  Taxes  are  to  be  gathered.  Second,  Property,  real  and  personal,  is  to  be 
sold  in  the  event  of  non-payment.  Third,  Vast  sums  of  money  are  due  in  these 
States  to  Northern  citizens.  Fourth,  These  citizens,  under  the  Constitution  of  the 
United  States,  are  entitled  to  the  same  rights  in  South  Carolina  that  a  citizen  inhabit 
ing  that  State  has.  They  have  a  right  to  the  protection  of  the  United  States  in  the 
exercise  of  these  rights,  and  particularly  in  the  collection  of  their  debts.  Fifth, 
The  negroes  are  to  be  protected  in  their  freedom.  The  purchasers  of  the  estates  of 
traitors,  under  the  Confiscation  laws,  are  to  be  secured  in  their  purchases." 

JAMES  A.  HAMILTON  TO  A  GENTLEMAN  IN  WASHINGTON,  D.  C. 

"July  1,  1862. 

"DEAE  SIR  :  I  have  prepared  and  now  submit  to  you  the  inclosed  *  suggestions ' 
for  your  consideration,  in  order  that  if  you  think  well  of  them  and  of  the  plan  I  now 
propose  in  relation  thereto ;  you  may  put  them  into  such  hands  as  will  probably  take 
an  interest  in  the  subject. 

"  It  appears  to  me,  however  competent  they  may  be,  that  the  members  of  the 


REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON.  521 

executive  Government  are  necessarily  so  much  engaged  with  the  important  current 
business  of  their  respective  departments,  and  with  the  administration  generally,  that 
they  are  unable  to  give  their  attention  to  that  great  future  of  our  country  to  which 
I  have  referred ;  and  consequently  that  it  is  a  necessity  that  a  few  of  our  most  ma 
tured  statesmen,  who  after  the  adjournment  of  Congress  will  have  leisure,  should 
now  meet,  and  confer  together  as  to  the  great  question  of  public  policy  which  will 
require  to  be  settled ;  and  that  each  may  take  a  subject  for  his  deliberate  considera 
tion,  and  thus  upon  their  return  to  their  duties  be  prepared  to  treat  such  questions 
with  confidence,  and  in  such  a  manner  as  will  lead  to  such  a  definite  end  and  pur 
pose  as  may  be  most  proper  and  most  expedient. 

"  It  is  unnecessary  for  me  to  say  more.  I  commend  the  whole  subject  to  your 
discretion. 

"  Suggestions,  &c.,  for  the  consideration  of  those  who  are  much  wiser  than  he 
who  makes  them." 


SUGGESTIONS. 

u  The  future  of  our  country  will  present  more  important  questions  for  profound 
consideration  than  have  heretofore  commanded  the  attention  of  the  statesmen  of 
this,  or  perhaps  any  other  county;  and  of  more  difficult  solution,  because  history 
gives  no  condition  of  affairs  analogous  to  many  of  them,  and  consequently  experi 
ence  affords  no  guide  to  a  decision. 

"  First.— Slavery ;  its  treatment,  and  the  consequences  which  must  follow  eman 
cipation. 

"  I.  It  may  be  assumed  that  the  freedom  of  four  millions  of  the  blacks  is  the 
inevitable  result  (as  it  ought  to  be)  of  this  rebellion. 

"The  Act  of  August  6th,  1861,  'to  confiscate  property  used  for  insurrectionary 
purposes,'  will  free  vast  numbers  in  all  parts  of  the  rebellious  State?,  which  have 
been  or  may  be  exposed  to  the  approach  of  our  armies.  The  Emancipation  Act  to  be 
passed  at  the  present  Session  will  necessarily  free  many  more ;  indeed  it  may  be 
said  that  the  number  which  the  two  acts  do  not  reach  will  be  very  few. 

"  II.  The  Confiscation  Act  will  expose  for  sale  the  real  estate  of  a  very  large 
number  of  slave-holders. 

"  III.  The  tax  laws,  and  a  bankrupt  bill  (should  one  be  passed),  will  bring  to 
the  hammer  many  of  the  estates  of  the  same  class  of  persons. 

"  IV.  The  march  of  our  armies  into  the  regions  of  slavery  will,  as  it  has  done, 
free  vast  numbers. 

"  V.  Those  who  are  freed  by  these  processes  will  be  so  numerous  and  so  far  ex 
tended  over  the  region  of  slavery  as,  from  natural  and  inevitable  causes,  to  present 
to  the  residue  of  slave-holders  the  choice  between  insurrection  or  the  voluntary  free 
dom  of  their  slaves. 

"  VI.  The  consequences  of  the  emancipation  of  the  slaves,  and  the  confiscation 
of  the  estates  of  their  masters,  involves  a  radical  change  in  the  social  condition 
of  millions  of  the  white,  and  a  like  number  of  the  black  race,  both  inhabiting  the 
same  region  and  mutually  dependent. 

"  VIL  This  consequence  presents  a  variety  of  questions  of  the  most  important 
and  difficult  character.  1st.  When  the  slaves  are  freed,  what  is  to  become  of  them  t 
Colonization  is  one  answer.  This  cannot  be  coercive  ;  it  will  not  bo  voluntary,  nor 


522  REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON. 

would  it  be  wise  to  remove  millions  of  efficient  laborers,  accustomed  to  tlie  peculiar 
cultivation  and  to  the  climate  of  the  country  they  inhabit. 

"  2d.  Should  the  black  race  remain,  which  I  assume  will  be  the  fact,  will  they 
trust  and  be  willing  to  work  for  their  old  masters ;  and  if  they  should  be,  by  what 
course  of  legislation  can  their  freedom  be  secured?  These,  it  is  assumed,  will  be 
some  of  the  points  to  be  considered ;  various  others  of  equal  or  -greater  difficulty 
will  be  suggested  to  those  better  acquainted  with  the  subject.  Should  the  estates  of 
the  slave-holders,  now  traitors,  be  sold  and  purchased  by  men  of  the  North,  some  of 
the  difficulties  would  be  removed. 

"  3d.  The  poor  whites  in  the  Southern  regions  are  to  be  cared  for  ;  could  they 
be  educated,  and  thus  be  raised  by  profitable  labor  to  the  condition  of  independent 
and  industrious  citizens,  it  would  effect  a  change  of  great  value,  and  one  which  would 
assist  in  the  solution  of  other  difficulties. 

"Second  ;  The  Commerce  of  the  Country. — 1st.  It  is  a  fact  that  the  commerce  of 
Mexico,  and  all  along  the  eastern  and  western  coast  of  South  America  is  nearly  ab 
sorbed  by  Great  Britain,  notwithstanding  that  our  proximity  gives  us  decided  advan 
tages.  In  the  first  place,  to  us  it  is  measurably  a  coastwise  trade  (always  the  most 
profitable).  The  vessels  of  Great  Britain  have  to  incur  the  expense  of  a  voyage  of 
3,000  miles  in  the  outward  before  they  begin  the  race  with  us,  and  the  like  expense  on 
the  return  voyage  ;  other  things  beinS  equal,  this  ought  to  be  decisive  against  her. 
It  is  believed  that  her  merchants  owe  their  success  to  the  fostering  aid  of  their  Gov 
ernment. 

"  The  evils  now  occurring  in  Mexico  admonish  us  that  it  is  interest  as  well  as 
security  to  draw  closer,  by  all  means  in  our  power,  our  commercial  and  political 
relations  with  South  America  than  they  now  are. 

"  2d.  Our  trade  with  Cuba  might  be  much  improved ;  indeed,  it  ought  to  be 
as  essentially  ours  as  if  the  island  were  annexed. 

"  3d.  The  trade  of  the  Pacific  deserves  attention.  "When  the  Pacific  Railroad  is 
finished,  which,  by  proper  exertions,  can  be  done  in  less  than  five  years,  we  may  suc 
cessfully  compete  with  every  other  nation  for  the  trade  to  China  and  Japan.  I 
cannot  go  into  the  details,  but  I  indulge  in  the  hope  that  the  time  will  come,  when, 
under  a  system  of  enlightened  policy,  the  nations  of  Europe  will  receive  the  rich 
products  of  the  East  at  our  Atlantic  ports.  The  voyage  from  Liverpool  to  Canton 
will  average  130  days ;  from  New  York  to  the  same  place  by  railroad  and  the 
Pacific,  will  be  34  days  at  most ;  from  San  Francisco  we  can  use  steam,  the  voyage 
by  the  ordinary  routes  can  be  made  by  sailing  ships  alone. 

"  The  Financial  System  of  the  Country. — 1st.  The  public  debt.  A  solid  and  per 
manent  funding  system  to  secure  the  payment  cf  the  interest  and  extinguish  the 
principal.  This  is  to  be  done  by  constituting  a  fund  sufficient  in  every  possible 
event  for  extinguishing  the  debt  in  a  period  not  exceeding  30  years. 

"  NOTE. — A  fund  which  yields  6  per  cent,  for  interest  (or  whatever  other  per 
centum  the  interest  may  be),  and  one  per  centum  additional  properly  applied,  will 
extinguish  the  whole  debt  in  that  period. 

"  2d.  By  *  fixing  the  destination  of  this  unchangeably : '  not  only  by  appro 
priating  it  permanently  under  the  direction  of  commissioners,  and  vesting  it  in 
them  as  property  in  trust,  but  by  making  its  faithful  application  a  part  of  the  con 
tract  with  the  creditors.  See  the  Reports  of  the  first  Secretary  of  the  Trea 
sury,  of  January  9th,  1790,  and  January  20th,  1795,  3d  Vol.  Hamilton. 


REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON.  523 

"Should  the  debt  of  the  country  amount  to  four  thousand  millions  of  dollar?, 
and  the  regular  payment  of  its  interest,  and  the  eventual  payment  of  the  princi 
pal  within  the  period  mentioned  be  secured  beyond  all  peradventure,  the  stock 
representing  it  would  always  be  at  or  above  par ;  and  thus  it  would,  by  becoming  a 
part  of  the  capital  of  the  country,  cease  to  be  an  unmitigated  evil;  in  truth,  it 
would  assist  to  swell  the  volume  of  capital  to  an  extent  wliich  would  be  compe 
tent  to  meet,  in  a  great  measure,  the  demands  of  the  vast  field  which  is  opened  to 
the  enterprise  and  industry  of  our  countrymen. 

"  The  Currency  of  the  Country. — Should  Congress  boldly  assume  the  exclusive 
power  conferred  upon  it  by  the  Constitution  in  relation  to  the  currency  (see  Mr. 
Madison's  Messages,  1815  and  1816),  they  will  confer  upon  the  people  (and  particu 
larly  that  portion  least  capable  of  taking  care  of  themselves)  the  inappreciable  ad 
vantage  of  having  notes  in  circulation  of  equal  value  throughout  our  vast  republic. 
The  absorption,  at  this  moment,  by  the  western  people,  of  the  legal  tender  notes  to 
so  vast  an  amount  as  to  place  them  above  par,  gives  earnest  of  what  a  proper  system 
would  secure. 

"  The  Armament  of  the  Country  ly  Land  and  Water. — Recent  events  have  given 
vast  proportions  to  this  subject;  our  own  army  as  a  peace  establishment  must  be 
much  extended. 

"The  disloyalty  of  the  people  of  the  South,  in  any  possible  termination  of  the 
existing  contest,  will  require  a  complete  armament  of  all  the  forts  in  the  harbors, 
and  probably  of  permanent  fortresses  on  various  parts  of  their  interior. 

"  The  navy  will  also  require  to  be  increased,  and  kept  in  a  condition  of  great 
efficiency. 

"  During  the  existence  of  the  present  generation,  there  will  be  a  disloyal  element 
in  our  midst,  ready  at  any  moment  to  take  part  with  a  foreign  enemy  against  their 
Government. 

The  Foreign  Policy  of  our  Country. — The  affairs  in  Mexico  foreshadow  conse 
quences  which  may  eventually  force  us  into  a  foreign  war. 

"  It  may  be  said  that  the  relations  of  the  Federal  Government  to  the  people  of 
the  United  States  will  hereafter  be  essentially  different  from  what  they  were. 

"  That  Government  has  been  known  to  them  as  a  shield  and  by  the  glory  of  its 
flag.  It  is  hereafter  to  be  known  by  the  tax-gatherer,  a  most  necessary  but  unwel 
come  visitor  ;  a  wise  course  of  policy  in  regard  to  commerce  by  internal  improve 
ments,  and  to  the  currency,  may  tend  to  bring  it  home  to  the  people  in  a  more 
useful  and  beneficent  character." 


JAMES  A.  HAMILTON  TO  Hon.  SALMON  P.  CHASE,  Secretary  of  the  Treasury. 

"NEVIS,  DOBBS  FERRY  P.  O.,  July  10,  18G2. 

"DEAR  SIR:  It  has  occurred  to  me  that  if  the  President  would  modify  his  call 
for  volunteers  in  the  manner  following,  it  would  receive  a  prompt  response : 
'  50,000  men  to  reduce  Texas  to  submission,  the  same  pay  and  bounty  in  money, 
with  1GO  acres  of  land  to  those  who  will  settle  there.'  It  can't  be  doubted  that 
men  would  more  readily  enlist  for  such  a  specific  object  than  to  remain  in  the 
service  for  three  years  or  an  indefinite  period.  The  residue  of  the  call,  with  the 
men  now  in  the  field,  will  be  adequate  to  all  ulterior  purposes. 


524  REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON. 

"  It  may  be  important  to  send  an  army  to  Texas  without  delay  in  reference  to 
the  attack  of  the  Emperor  upon  Mexico.  There  is  too  much  reason  to  believe  that 
his  ulterior  purpose  is  to  intervene  ia  order  to  establish  the  great  Southern  Empire, 
or  to  secure  provinces  to  France. 

"  Texas  is  as  large  as  France.  By  soil  and  climate  it  is  adapted  to  the  culture,  by 
free  labor,  of  cotton,  sugar,  tobacco,  the  cereals,  and  domestic  animals  of  all  kinds.  By 
this  plan,  a  free  State  could  be  formed  there.  I  am  informed  there  were  only  123,- 
000  slaves  in  the  whole  country  in  1861,  of  whom  20,000  have  gone  off. 

"I  have  suggested  this  plan  of  obtaining  men  to  three  very  intelligent  gentle 
men,  who  all  urged  me  to  bring  it  to  the  President's  attention.  "Will  you  do  me  the 
favor  to  do  so.  I  have  the  honor  to  be,  with  great  respect, 

"  Your  friend,  &c." 

C.  B.  SEDGWICK  TO  JAMES  A.  HAMILTON,  Esq. 

"WASHINGTON.  July  13,  18G2. 

"MY  DEAR  SIR:  lam  under  great  obligations  and  thank  you  heartily  for  the 
information  given  in  your  note  of  the  12th  instant.  I  am  very  glad  to  find  that  upon 
the  subject  of  arming  the  negroes  I  am  supported  by  an  authority  of  such  weight 
as  your  father. 

"The  time  is  in  fact  coming  when  the,propriety  and  safety  of  this  measure  will 
be  almost  universally  conceded,  and  will  oe  resorted  to  by  our  Government. 

HON.  S.  P.  CHASE  TO  JAMES  A.  HAMILTON. 

"WASHINGTON,  D.  0.,  July  15,  1862. 

"My  DEAE  SIR  :  Your  excellent  note  is  just  received,  I  will  send  it  to  the  Presi 
dent,  and  shall  be  glad  if  he  will  read  and  heed  it. 

"  I  have  seen  little  of  him  for  some  time  past ;  when  he  thinks  fit  to  ask  my 
counsel  or  to  impart  his  own,  I  attend  his  summons. 

"  Otherwise  I  confine  myself  to  my  special  work.  What  I  think  ought  to  be 
done  is  so  generally  left  undone,  and  what  I  think  ought  not  to  be  done  so  generally 
done,  that  I  am  led  to  doubt  greatly  the  value  of  my  views  on  any  subject. 

"Your  friend." 

JAMES  A.  HAMILTON  TO  HON.  WILLIAM  VANDEVER,  House  of  Representatives, 

Washington. 

"  NEVIS,  DOBBS  FERRY  P.  O.,  July  16,  1862. 

"  SIR  :  I  thank  you  for  the  copy  of  the  bill  reported  by  Mr.  Harlan  of  the  Senate, 
No.  132.  After  reading  that  bill  a  second  time  with  care,  I  take  the  liberty  to 
suggest  after  the  word  'until'  on  the  tenth  line  section  1st,  page  2d,  the  following 
words  be  inserted  after  the  words  'until  the  rebellious  people  of  said  district  shall 
be  reduced  to  a  due  subordination  to  the  laws  of  the  United  States,'  and  I  would 
also  add  to  section  10  the  following:  'the  navigable  waters  running  through  said 
districts  or  on  the  borders  of  either  of  them  shall  be  and  continue  highways  and 
forever  free  to  the  people  of  said  districts,  and  to  the  citizens  of  the  United  States 
without  any  tax,  toll,  duty,  or  assessment  whatever." 


REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES  A.  HAMILTON.  525 

"  I  am  still  of  opinion  that  it  would  be  expedient  to  limit  the  bill  to  the  States 
formed  out  of  territory  which  once  belonged  to  the  United  States,  to  wit:  Florida, 
Alabama,  Mississippi,  Louisiana,  Arkansas,  and  Tennessee.  The  argument  is  so 
conclusive  as  to  these  States  that  there  would  be  a  much  greater  possibility  of  pass 
ing  such  a  bill;  embracing  the  old  States  would  excite  that  absurd  pretension  of 
State  rights  and  State  sovereignty,  whicli  was  nurtured  in  the  early  period  of  our 
government  for  party  purposes,  into  almost  a  reality ;  and  until  it  exerted  such  a 
political  influence  as  to  justify  in  the  minds  of  so  many  of  our  fellow-citizens  the 
right  of  secession. 

"  I  would  also  give  the  people  of  those  States  a  day  of  repentance.  This  would, 
when  they  be'gin  to  feel  that  their  affairs  are  disastrous  (which  they  will  shortly) 
induce  the  Union  men  and  the  less  truculent  of  rebels  to  rise  up  and  cast  out  their 
devils.  It  might  induce  some  to  vote  for  the  bill  who  would  not  otherwise  do  so. 

"  Another  law  could  afterward  be  passed  to  deal  in  the  same  way  with  other 
rebellious  States,  should  they  obstinately  stand  out — as  I  have  no  doubt  the  people 
of  South  Carolina  will — for  years,  if  not  during  the  present  generation. 

"I  have  the  honor  to  be, 

u  Your  obedient  servant,  &c." 

JAMES  A.  HAMILTON  TO  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN,  President  of  the  United  States, 

Washington,  D.  C. 

"DOBBS  FEREY  P.  O.,  July  24,  1862. 

"DEAR  SIR  :  I  perform  a  public  duty  in  addressing  this  letter  to  you  ;  and  let  me 
add  that  if  the  frank  and  earnest  expression  of  my  opinions  at  this  crisis  of  our 
country  is  distasteful  toy^ou,  I  do  not  correctly  appreciate  your  character. 

"  The  people  of  the  loyal  States  have  through  all  the  accustomed  channels 
expressed  their  most  unequivocal  conviction  that  the  war  must  be  conducted  with 
a  vigor  and  sternness  which  has  no  other  limit  than  that  which  may  be  demanded 
by  the  laws  of  war  ;  that  all  the  rights  of  property  of  rebels  of  every  kind,  slaves 
included,  shall  be  destroyed. 

"  The  question  as  they  now  understand  it  is,  whether  the  Government  they 
have  ordained  and  established,  and  their  rights  as  citizens  of  the  United  States  are 
to  be  preserved,  or  whether  the  assumed  rights  of  those  in  rebellion  against  that 
Government  are  to  be  destroyed.  This  is  the  issue,  as  they  believe,  in  this  detesta 
ble  war,  and  further  they  call  upon  you  in  whom  they  now  have  full  confidence  to 
use  all  the  means  at  your  command,  and  all  further  means  which  they  are  prepared 
to  give  you,  without  delay  to  crush  out  this  foul  attempt  at  the  life  of  the  nation, 
and  to  issue  a  proclamation  declaring  that  you  will  do  so. 

"I  implore  you  as  a  duty  to  yourself,  to  your  country,  and  to  your  God,  immedi 
ately  to  issue  such  a  proclamation,  and  at  the  same  time  to  call  into  service,  as  a  re 
serve  force  to  be  placed  in  camps  of  instruction,  half  a  million  of  men  in  addition  to 
those  you  have  already  called  for.  This  course  will  assure  the  loyal  and  destroy 
the  confidence  of  the  traitors  as  to  their  ultimate  success. 
"I  have  the  honor  to  be,  with  great  respect, 

u  Your  friend  and  obedient  servant." 


526  REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.   HAMILTON. 

CIRCULAR  TO  THE  GOVERNORS  OF  THE  LOYAL  STATES. 

JAMES  A.  HAMILTON    TO    His  EXCELLENCY  E.  D.  MORGAN,  Governor  of 
the  State  of  New  York. 

"DOBBS  FERRY,  August  4,  1802. 

"  SIE  :  Prompted  by  an  earnest  desire  to  promote  the  public  welfare  in  this  crisis 
of  our  country,  without  having  the  honor  of  your  personal  acquaintance,  I  take 
the  liberty  to  address  this  note  to  you. 

"  It  is  well  understood  that,  a  day  or  two  afcer  the  adjournment  of  Congress,  such 
a  proclamation  as  they  believed  the  President  ought  to  issue  was  prepared  and  pre 
sented  to  him  by  several  members  of  Congress  and  other  gentlemen — that  the  Pres 
ident  approved  of  the  policy  thereby  indicated,  and  declared  that,  with  slight  modi 
fications,  he  would  issue  it.  Unhappily  for  the  country,  this  purpose  was  frustrated 
by  two  members  of  his  cabinet. 

"It  is  believed  in  the  city  of  New  York  and  elsewhere,  that  if  the  Governors  of 
the  loyal  States,  and  other  representative  men  from  various  parts  of  the  country 
would  meet  at  Washington  at  an  early  day,  and  frankly  present  to  the  President 
their  views,  urging  him  to  issue  a  proclamation,  declaring  it  to  be  his  purpose  to 
prosecute  the  war  with  relentless  sternness,  only  limited  by  the  military  law,  and  that 
the  late  Confiscation  and  Emancipation  Acts  of  Congress  should  be  carried  out  to  the 
very  letter,  that  he  would  follow  such  advice  ;  when  Congress  indicates  by  law  a  line 
of  policy,  or  a  course  of  conduct  to  be  carried  out,  it  may  be  said  with  confidence 
that  the  President  and  his  cabinet  are  as  much  bound  to  obey  such  laws  as  is  any 
other  man  in  the  nation. 

"I  have  the  honor  to  be,  with  great  respect, 

"  Your  Excellency's  obedient  servant." 

C.  B.  SEDGWICK  TO  JAMES  A.  HAMILTON. 

"SYRACUSE,  N.  Y.,  August  7,  18G2. 

"  MY  DEAR  SIR  :  I  have  been  engnged  all  the  time  since  my  return  in  raising 
volunteers,  speaking  every  night,  and  late  at  night. 

"  We  shall  fill  our  Regiment  promptly  and  truly  with  in  en  who  believe  in  it. 

"I  look  on  your  proposition  for  a  committee  as  a  good  one;  to  save  time,  as  I 
have  delayed  so  long,  if  you  will  advise  me  when  you  will  be  in  Washington,  I  will 
look  about  me  and  find  suitable  men,  have  them  meet  you  there,  and  will  give  them 
letters  to  you. 

"  The  country  is  aroused,  and  full  of  enthusiasm. 

"I  am  very  truly  your  friend." 

LETTER  TO  JAMES  A.  HAMILTON  FROM  A  VERY  DISTINGUISHED  GENTLEMEX. 

"August  18,  1862. 

"Mr  DEAR  SIR:  I  was  absent  from  home  when  your  note  arrived,  and  beg  to 
express  my  regret  for  this  delay  in  its  acknowledgment. 

u  I  \vas  not  one  of  the  committee  who  had  the  interview  with  the  President  in 


REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON.  527 

regard  to  the  Emancipation  act ;  but  from  conversations  I  had  with  gentlemen  who 
were  present  I  learned  that  there  seemed  little  prospect  of  his  enforcing  the  act  of 
Congress  for  the  present. 

"  Of  the  wisdom,  necessity,  and  duty  of  a  proclamation  from  the  Executive,  an 
nouncing  to  the  army,  the  enemy,  and  the  slave  the  new  policy  of  Congress,  I  have 
no  doubt,  and  I  regret  to  know  that  we  are  indebted  for  the  hesitancy  of  the  Presi 
dent,  in  great  part,  to  influential  politicians  from  this  State,  whose  former  anti-slavery 
professions  tend  to  give  undue  weight  to  their  present  assurances  to  the  President, 
that  if  he  obeys  the  act  of  Congress  in  regard  to  Emancipation,  the  country  will  be 
forever  ruined. 

"  The  emancipation  policy  is  now  demanded  by  Francis  B.  Cutting,  Esq.,  Matthew 
Morgan,  and  other  gentlemen  of  the  old  pro-slavery  democratic  party,  demanded  as 
a  military  necessity,  as  the  only  possible  mode  of  dispersing  the  army  of  Jeff.  Davis, 
and  crushing  the  rebellion  speedily  without  sacrificing,  in  a  prolonged  struggle,  the 
blood,  and  treasure,  and  energies  of  the  nation. 

"  And  I  am  told  that  the  President  would  have  listened  favorably, — that  he  did 
listen  to  Mr.  Cutting's  demand,  that  the  strength  now  offered  to  the  rebels  should 
be  immediately  transferred  to  the  army  of  the  Union,  and  that  there  was  reason  to 
suppose  he  would  take  instant  steps  to  that  end,  when  the  influence  of  Mr.  Wood 
turned  him  again,  and  left  us  to  continue  our  present  suicidal  policy. 

"As  far  as  I  can  learn,  this  course  has  been  pursued  as  part  of  a  plan  to  a  coa 
lition  in  this  State,  between  the  Conservative  Republicans  and  the  Secession  sympa 
thizing  Democrats,  by  whicii  they  hope  to  control  New  York  at  the  coming  election." 

The  following  papers  referring  to  the  measures  directed  by  the  Governor  of 
New  York  to  be  taken  in  order  to  enlist  or  draft  the  quota  of  soldiers  required 
•to  be  furnished  by  the  8th  Senatorial  district  of  the  State  of  New  York,  and 
particularly  Westchester,  were  prepared  by  James  A.  Hamilton. 

"  TO  THE  SUPERVISORS,  ASSESSORS,  MAGISTRATES,  AND  OTHER  OFFI 
CERS,  CIVIL  AND  MILITARY,  AND  ALL  OTHER  LOYAL  CITIZENS 
OF  THE  SECOND  ASSEMBLY  DISTRICT  OF  THE  COUNTY  OF  WEST- 
CHESTER." 

"  The  subscribers  have  been  required  by  the  military  committee  of  the  8th  Sena 
torial  district  forthwith  to  ascertain  the  number  of  inhabitants  of  the  towns  of 
Greenburg,  Mount  Pleasant,  North  Castle,  Poundridge,  Rye,  Harrison,  White 
Plains,  Scarsdale,  Mamaroneck,  and  New  Rochelle,  who  have  enlisted  in  or  from 
said  towns  since  the  2d  day  of  July,  1862;  in  order  to  ascertain  the  deficiency  of 
each  town  in  its  quota  of  the  whole  force  to  be  raised  by  draft.  To  do  this  work 
properly,  it  will  be  necessary  to  ascertain  and  give  at  large  the  name,  the  nge,  the 
occupation,  and  last  place  of  residence  of  the  person  who  has  been  enlisted  in  and 
from  each  of  said  towns,  with  the  company  and  regiment  in  which  he  has  enlisted. 

"  The  quota  for  the  county  of  Westchester  of  the  two  last  calls  by  the  President 
is  3070  men.  The  enlistments  on  the  25th  inst.,  according  to  the  report  to  the  mili 
tary  commander,  for  the  regiment  from  Westchester,  Rockland,  and  Putnam,  did  not 
exceed  (800)  eight  hundred  men.  In  order  to  ascertain  the  number  to  be  drafted 


528  REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON. 

from  eacli  town,  the  towns  will  be  charged  with  their  quota  of  3076  men,  and 
credited  with  the  whole  number  enlisted  in  such  town,  or  who  have  gone  from  such 
town  to  be  enlisted  elsewhere  subsequent  to  the  2d  of  July  last. 

"  It  becomes  the  duty  of  all  good  citizens  not  only  promptly  and  truly  to  give 
to  the  enrolling  officers  of  each  town  the  names  of  persons  liable  to  be  drafted, 
but  also  to  inform  those  officers  and  the  subscribers  of  the  names,  &c.,  of  all  persons 
who  have  enlisted,  that  each  town  may  truly  give  to  the  public  service  all  the 
men  who  are  to  be  called  by  draft  and  no  more. 

"Fellow-citizens,  the  traitors  who  have  been  for  years  maturing  their  plans  for 
tliis  rebellion  against  the  most  beneficial  government  in  the  world  are  no\v  pushing 
on  va?t  armies  raised  by  the  most  relentless  conscription  to  invade  the  border  slave 
and  the  free  States.  It  becomes  you,  therefore,  to  decide  whether  it  is  a  less  evil 
to  meet  these  armies  on  their  own  soil,  and  by  overwhelming  powers  to  destroy 
them,  or  to  meet  them  at  your  own  doors. 

"  The  glorious  enthusiasm  of  the  freemen  of  the  £Tortb,  their  loyalty,  energy  and 
intelligence  do  not  permit  a  doubt  as  to  their  decision  in  this  eventful  crisis.  We 
will  rise  as  one  man  with  God  for  our  strength,  and  crush  the  barbarous  hordes 
fighting  to  establish  an  aristocracy  founded  upon  slavery,  and  will  thus  vindicate 
the  Constitution  and  the  Union,  and  the  great  principle  upon  which  all  our  political 
systems  are  founded:  Popular  Government  and  the  Freedom  of  all  mankind. 

"  JAMES  A.  HAMILTOX,  Dobbs  Ferry  P.  O., 
"A.  J.  PEIME,  "White  Plains  P.  0. 

JAMES  A.  HAMILTON  TO  A.  J.  PRIME,  M.D.,  White  Plains,  N.  Y. 

"  DOBBS  FEEET  P.  O.,  August  28,  1862. 

"DEAB  SIE:  When  I  had  the  pleasure  to  meet  you,  referring  to  the  poster  I  had 
prepared  addressed  to  the  supervisors  of  our  County,  and  to  which,  with  your  per 
mission,  I  added  your  signature  to  my  own,  you  told  me  that  your  democratic 
friends  laughed  at  you  for  having  sanctioned  the  expression,  '  We  will  vindicate 
the  Constitution,  the  Union,  and  the  great  principles  upon  which  our  political 
system  is  founded — Popular  Government  and  the  Freedom  of  all  mankind.' 

"  It  is  due  to  myself  to  say  when  I  wrote  that  paper,  I  knew  nothing  about  your 
party  associations.  I  am  certainly  incapable  of  causing  any  man  unwittingly  to 
express  opinions  at  variance  with  those  he  entertains  upon  any  subject,  or  to 
seem  to  do  so ;  further  allow  me  to  say  when  your  Democratic  friends  laugh  at 
you  for  saying,  '  The  Country,  the  Union,  and  the  great  principles  on  which  our 
political  system  is  founded — Popular  Government  and  the  Freedom  of  all  mankind,' 
they  do  you  and  their  party  and  themselves  great  injustice,  or  are  grossly  ignorant 
of  the  principles  upon  which  our  Constitution  and  our  political  systems  are  founded. 

u  Without  going  into  an  argument  to  sustain  this,  or  appealing  to  most  num 
erous  and  the  highest  authorities  of  distinguished  Democrats  and  others  on  the  sub 
ject,  I  give  you  one  which  ought  to  be  decisive.  Mr.  Madison,  speaking  of  the  Con 
stitution,  called  it  the  great  Charter  of  Human  Liberty. 

"When  the  Constitution  was  formed,  all  those  who  participated  in  that  great 
work  believed  negro  slavery  a  wrong  and  an  evil,  and  that  it  would  soon  be  destroyed. 

41  The  culrivation  of  cotton  which  commenced  about  1792,  and  the  purchase  of 
Louisiana  induced  the  South  to  desire  its  indefinite  extension  as  a  means  of  political 


REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON.  529 

power;  and  of  wealth,  and  now  fearing  to  lose  the  former,  they  abjure  popular 
governments  and  strike  at  the  national  life. 

"  With  the  earnest  hope  that  we  ngree  in  these  views, 
"  I  am  -with  respect,  &c., 

"  Your  obedient  servant." 

The  following  statement  of  my  interviews  with  President  Lincoln  on  the 
10th  and  llth  September,  1862,  was  noted  down  immediately  after  they  were 
closed. — J.  A.  II. 

STATEMENT. 

INTERVIEWS   WITH   PRESIDENT    LINCOLN,    SEPTEMBER    10TII   AND    llTH,    1862, 

Of  John  E.  Williams,  McKnight,  Mr.  Stevens,  and  James  A.  Hamilton,  a 
committee  on  behalf  of  the  War  Committee  of  New  York  to  present  to  the 
President  of  the  United  States  a  report  of  that  Committee  on  the  conduct  of 
the  war. 

The  Committee  visited  the  President  by  appointment  on  the  10th  Septem 
ber,  1862,  the  gentlemen  were  introduced  by  Hamilton.  The  report  was  read 
to  the  President  and  commented  upon  by  Mr.  Williams,  who  expressed  his 
opinions,  in  which  the  Committee  concurred,  as  to  the  unsatisfactory  conduct  of 
the  war,  and  particularly  of  the  appointment  of  General  McClellan  to  the  com 
mand  of  the  Army  of  the  Potomac.  The  opinions  of  Mr.  Williams,  expressed 
with  proper  respect  for  the  President,  and  with  becoming  frankness  and  decision, 
were  combated  by  the  President,  until  their  conversation  became  a  sharp 
encounter,  and  not  a  little  excitement  was  manifested  by  both  parties.  Mr. 
Williams,  in  closing  what  he  had  to  say,  informed  the  President  that  his  friend, 
Mr.  Hamilton,  desired  to  have  an  opportunity  to  express  his  views  in  relation  to 
a  part  of  the  report. 

Mr.  Hamilton  suggested  to  the  President  that  perhaps  it  would  be  best  to 
defer  what  he  had  to  say  to  a  future  interview,  when  there  would  be  less 
excitement  than  at  this  moment.  The  President  rejected  this  suggestion,  and 
Mr.  Hamilton  proceeded  :  In  the  report  it  was  stated  that,  in  the  opinion  of 
some  of  the  Governors  of  loyal  States,  the  public  mind  was  desponding,  and 
dissatisfied  with  the  Administration  in  consequence  of  the  reverses  to  which 
our  armies  had  been  subjected.  Confirming  that  opinion  of  the  Governors, 
he  desired  to  suggest  to  the  President  that  the  depression  and  dissatisfaction 
could  be  alleviated  or  removed  in  one  or  both  of  two  courses.  First,  By  a 
change  of  his  Cabinet ;  Second,  By  a  Proclamation  declaring  that  the  war  should 
be  prosecuted  with  the  utmost  vigor,  and  that  the  laws  of  Congress,  confiscating 
the  property  and  freeing  the  slaves  of  the  rebels,  should  be  enforced  by  the 
armies. 

.  Mr.  Hamilton  would  now  take  up  the  first  point. 

By  referring  to  Mr.  Seward's  letters  to  our  Foreign  Ministers,  and  parti 
cularly  to   Mr.  Adams,  it  was  manifested  that  his  policy  was  not  to  wage  war 
3i 


530  REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON. 

against  the  rebels  with  vigor,  but  in  such  a  way  as  to  be  accompanied  with  as 
little  suffering  as  possible  to  them.  Indeed,  Mr.  Seward  had  in  one  of  his 
letters  informed  Mr.  Adams  that  "  the  President  had  adopted  as  true  the 
favorite  dogma  of  the  Secessionists,  that  this  Grovernment  had  not  power  to 
subdue  the  people  of  a  State  in  insurrection  by  force  of  arms."  As  soon  as 
this  statement  was  made,  the  President,  in  an  excited  manner,  said,  "  Sir !  you 
are  subjecting  some  letter  of  Mr.  Seward's  to  an  undue  criticism  in  an  undue 
manner,"  and  then  pointing  first  to  Mr.  Hamilton,  and  then  to  Mr.  Williams, 
he  said,  "  You,  gentlemen,  to  hang  Mr.  Seward,  would  destroy  this  Govern 
ment."  Mr.  Hamilton  said,  "  Sir,  that  is  a  very  harsh  remark.  It  does  not 
excite  me,  however,  because  I  consider  it  an  inadvertence  on  your  part,  and 
because  you  do  not  know  me,  or  the  feelings  under  which  I  am  endeavoring  to 
perform  my  duty ;  I  am  actuated,  in  all  this,  by  no  feelings  for  or  against  Mr. 
Seward  or  any  other  man.  I  came  here  for  no  man,  nor  with  ill  feelings  against 
any  man.  I  look  only  to  the  country,  and  in  this  I  am  moved  by  the  same 
interests  and  feelings  which  excite  your  solicitude,  Mr.  President,  to  preserve 
the  Union,  the  solicitude  of  this  gentleman  (pointing  to  Mr.  Williams),  and 
the  solicitude  of  the  loyal  men  of  the  country.  And  allow  me  to  say,  I  am 
moved,  much  moved  by  a  solicitude  which  cannot  move  you.  My  father,  sir, 
was  one  of  the  architects  of  this  government,  and  he  was  one  of  those  who  gave 
it  its  first  impetus.  Should  our  system  of  government  now  fail  under  its  pres 
ent  pressure,  his  reputation  would  suffer.  Mankind  would  insist  that  he  and 
his  colaborers  had  undertaken  to  perform  a  work  which  they  were  not  equal 
to.  These  considerations  and  these  alone  actuate  me  to  express  the  opinions 
I  was  about  to  express.  And  now,  Mr.  President,  let  me  again  suggest  that  at 
another  interview  we  may  discuss  these  subjects  with  all  the  calmness  their 
importance  demands,  and  which  is  certainly  most  desirable  to  all."  The  Presi 
dent  said,  "  Very  well, — can  you  be  here  to-morrow  at  9  o'clock  ?  "  I  said, 
•"  Certainly — at  any  hour  most  agreeable  to  you."  The  President,  "  Very 
well;  to-morrow  at  9  o'clock,  if  I  am  permitted  to  le  here?  (This  IF  was 
founded  upon  a  fear  just  then  prevailing,  as  I  afterward  learned,  that  on  the 
previous  Saturday,  Sunday,  and  Monday  it  was  believed  that  Washington 
might  be  taken  at  any  moment.)  The  President's  conversation  with  Mr. 
Barney,  as  it  was  related  by  the  latter  to  me  on  the  22d  September,  explained 
this. 

The  Committee  took  leave.  The  manner  of  the  President  was  perfectly 
respectful ;  indeed,  it  was  kind. 

September  llth. — I  called  at  the  Executive  Mansion  at  a  few  minutes  after 
nine  o'clock,  and  was  told  Mr.  Seward  was  with  the  President.  I  waited  about 
half  an  hour  until  he  went  his  way,  and  was  admitted.  After  the  usual  salu 
tation  (all  in  perfect  good  feeling),  I  began  by  saying :  "  I  will  proceed  with 
the  line  of  argument  I  desire  to  present  to  you,  that  Mr.  Seward  enter 
tains  opinions  as  to  the  manner  of  conducting  this  war  which  renders  him  an 


REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON.  531 

unsafe  adviser  of  the  President.  I  presume,  Mr.  President,  since  we  parted, 
you  have  examined  the  letter  to  which  I  referred  yesterday  from  Mr.  Seward 
to  Mr.  Adams?"  The  President  replied:  "  No,  sir!  I  have  not.  I  do  not 
know  where  to  find  it ;  I  know  nothing  about  it."  Mr.  Hamilton — "  I  have 
brought  the  official  documents  with  me,  and  will  read  that  part  of  the  letter  to 
which  I  referred,  and  others."  I  read  as  follows  : 

"  Mr.  Seward,  April  10,  1861,  to  Mr.  Adams,  Minister  in  London.  'For 
these  reasons,  he  (the  President)  would  not  be  disposed  to  reject  a  cardinal 
dogma  of  theirs  (the  seceders),  namely,  "  that  the  Federal  Government  could 
not  reduce  the  seceding  States  to  obedience  by  conquest,"  even  although  he 
were  disposed  to  question  that  proposition;  but,  in  fact,  the  President  willingly 
accepts  it  as  true.  Only  an  imperial  or  despotic  government  could  subjugate 
thoroughly  disaffected  and  insurrectionary  members  of  a  State.  This  Federal 
Republican  system  of  ours  is  of  all  forms  of  government  the  very  one  which 
is  most  unfitted  for  such  a  labor.' 

"Also  a  letter  from  Mr.  Seward  to  Mr.  Adams,  June  8,  1861.  'This 
Government  insists  *  *  *  *  *  on  the  integrity  of  the  Union  as  the  chief  element 
of  national  life,  since,  after  trials  of  every  form  of  forbearance  and  concilia 
tion,  it  has  been  rendered  certain  and  apparent  that  this  paramount  and  vital 
object  can  be  secured  only  by  an  acceptance  of  civil  war  as  an  indispensable  con 
dition.  That  condition,  with  all  its  hazards  and  deplorable  evils,  has  not  been 
declined.  The  acceptance,  however,  is  attended  with  a  strong  desire  and  fixed 
purpose  that  the  war  shall  be  as  short,  and  accompanied  by  as  little  suffering, 
as  possible.' " 

The  President  was  silent.  I  then  remarked :  "  Here  you  have  a  declara 
tion  that  our  Government  has  not  power  to  do  what  you  are  now  attempting  to  do ; 
that  is,  ly  force  to  compel  the  members  of  the  States  in  rebellion  to  come  into  sub 
mission  to  the  laws  and  authority  of  the  United  States.  And  further,  this  is  not 
alone  the  opinion  of  Mr.  Seward,  lut  it  is  alleged  to  le  your  opinion.  Now,  in 
frankness,  permit  me  to  ask  how  you,  Mr.  President,  can  justify  yourself  to  the 
world  and  to  a  higher  Power,  in  carrying  on  this  gigantic  war,  shedding  so 
much  blood,  when  you  do  not  believe  you  can  accomplish  by  such  means  the 
end  proposed  ?  " 

"  Again,  Mr.  Seward,  in  his  letter  to  Mr.  Adams,  charges  him  "  to  make  no 
admission  of  weakness  in  our  Constitution}  Mark!  this  was  written  in  April, 
and  in  December  following  he  hands  this  letter  to  you  to  be  published  with 
your  message,  thus  declaring  to  our  enemy  your  admission  of  your  weakness 
and  of  the  weakness  of  ( the  cords  of  our  confederacy?  as  Mr.  Seward  calls  our 
Government,  and  he  thus  encourages  them  to  continue  the  contest.  He,  at  the 
same  time,  by  these  assertions,  discourages  the  loyal  men ;  but,  above  all,  he 
affords  to  the  Powers  of  Europe  the  best  reasons  for  intervention,  by  taking 
the  ground  that  in  the  interests  of  humanity  they  are  required  to  prevent  such 
calamities  as  are  inflicted  on  both  parties  by  the  continuance  of  a  contest 


53.2  REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON. 

which  you  admit  you  have   not  power,  from  the  character  of  our  Government, 
successfully  to  carry  out. 

"  The  gentleman  who  entertained  these  views  of  his  Government,  and  could 
cause  them  to  be  published  to  the  world,  is  surely  unfit  to  be  the  adviser  of  the 
President, 

"  The  other  quotations  from  the  letter  are  absurd  in  their  face.  To  talk  of  a 
short  war,  accompanied  with  the  purpose  of  making  as  little  suffering  to  the 
enemy  as  possible,  is  an  absurdity.  These  letters  afford  a  key  to  the  course 
General  McClellan  has  pursued  in  guarding  the  property  of  rebels,  of  sending 
their  slaves  back  to  them,  and  perhaps  in  not  following  up  his  advantages  by 
taking  Richmond.  Mr.  Seward  shows  by  these  letters,  and  by  his  speeches, 
that  he  does  not  comprehend  the  magnitude  of  this  contest,  or  if  he  does,  that 
he  would  not  advise  the  most  effectual  measures  to  bring  that  contest  to  a  suc 
cessful  issue.  If  he  did  the  first,  he  would  not  have  declared  that  it  was  not 
your  purpose  to  wage  war ;  or  the  last,  he  would  not  have  expected  these 
traitors  to  return  to  submission  as  soon  as  they  have  time  to  come  to  their 
reason.  The  general  impression  is,  that  Mr.  Seward  is  the  drag,  the  hold-back 
of  your  administration,  indulging  in  some  idle  theory  that  the  traitors  will,  after 
sixty  or  ninety  days,  return  to  their  allegiance. 

"  His  estimate  of  the  strength  and  power  of  our  Government  is  a  grievous 
mistake.  What  people  could  have  manifested  more  devotion  than  we  have  ? 
What  Government  could  have  exerted  higher  powers  than  you  have  with  their 
full  consent  ?  You  have  struck  down,  from  necessity  (T  admit,  and  I  applaud 
the  energy  you  have  displayed)  the  dearest  rights  of  the  people  :  the  freedom 
of  the  press,  the  freedom  of  speech,  the  right  of  being  free  from  arrest  un 
less  under  due  process  of  law,  and  the  imprisonment  of  the  citizens  without 
legal  warrant. 

"  The  strength  of  our  Government  is  founded  upon  the  devotion,  the  loyalty, 
and  the  intelligence  of  our  people.  Mr.  Seward  greatly  mistakes  the  character 
of  our  Government,  and  all  popular  Governments,  when  he  insists  that  it  has 
not  power  to  preserve  its  own  life. 

"The  following,  from  a  letter  written  by  one  of  General  Scott's  aids,  gives 
force  to  the  suggestion  that  General  McClellan's  constrained  action  in  the  ad 
vance  upon  Richmond  was  the  result  of  the  advice  of  the  Secretary  of  State 
1  to  make  a  short  war,  accompanied  with  as  little  suffering  as  possible.' 

HEADQUARTERS  OF  THE  ARMY,    ) 
WASHINGTON,  October  23,  1861.  J 

Governor  Seward  and  General  McClellan  are  the  ruling  spirits.  They  hold 
conferences,  make  plans,  and  ignore  entirely  the  general-in-chief,  *****  Anxiety, 
care,  and  gloom  is  pictured  on  the  countenances  of  all  in  power. 

"  I  now  proceed  to  the  second  point — a  proclamation  declaring  that  the 
laws  of  Congress  confiscating  and  freeing  the  slaves  should  be  enforced  by  the 
armies. 


REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON.  533 

"  The  Acts  of  Congress  making  all  slaves  employed  in  aiding  the  rebellion 
and  forbidding  their  being  returned  to  their  masters,  I  believe  is  an  authority 
to  you  to  issue  a  proclamation  of  emancipation.  Indeed,  there  is  very  high 
authority  for  saying  it  is  your  duty,  under  the  laws  referred  to,  to  issue  such  a 
proclamation,  because  '  a  law  of  the  land,  till  revoked  or  annulled,  is  binding 
not  less  on  each  branch  or  department  of  the  Government  than  on  each  indi 
vidual  of  the  society.'  "  The  President :  "  Repeat  that,  if  you  please."  I  did 
so.  The  President :  "  Will  you  write  it  down  for  me  ? "  I  did  so,  and 
stated  that  I  quoted  from  a  paper  written  by  "  A.  Hamilton  "  in  defence  of 
Jay's  treaty.  I  then  went  on  to  say,  "  Mr.  Seward,  in  a  dispatch  to  Mr.  Day- 
ton,  declared  that  '  the  condition  of  slavery  in  the  several  States  will  remain 
the  same  whether  the  revolution  succeeds  or  not.'  Under  this  conviction  he 
must  oppose  a  proclamation  should  you  propose  to  issue  one."  The  President : 
"  Have  you  drawn  such  a  proclamation  ?  "  Answer  :  "  No,  sir."  The  Presi 
dent :  "Will  you  do  so"?  Answer:  "I  certainly  will."  The  President, 
during  my  remarks  upon  Mr.  Seward's  letter,  said  not  one  word.  This  was 
perhaps  the  result  of  a  suggestion  by  Mr.  Seward.  When  we  parted,  he  said, 
i:  Mr.  Hamilton,  it  will  give  me  pleasure  to  see  you  whenever  you  come  to 
Washington." 

I  returned  to  New  York,  drew  the  following  proclamation,  returned  to 
Washington  with  it  on  the  morning  of  the  23d  September,  1862,  and  delivered  it 
to  the  President,  who  however  had  on  that  day  issued  his  preliminary  proclama 
tion.  He  thanked  me  most  heartily  for  the  trouble  I  had  taken,  and  said  he 
would  examine  it  with  care  when  he  should  prepare  his  further  proclamation, 
should  another  be  required. 

BY  THE  PRESIDENT  or  THE  UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA. 
A  PROCLAMATION. 

"  WJiereaa,  a  Rebellion,  of  gigantic  proportions,  endangering  the  national  life,  is 
now  flagrant  in  various  States  of  the  Union. 

"  And  whereas  the  Congress  of  the  United  States,  in  order  to  afford  the  President 
ample  means  to  suppress  said  rebellion,  have  vastly  increased  the  military  and  naval 
forces  of  the  nation, 

"  And  whereas  the  Congress,  in  order  to  suppress  insurrection  and  punish  treason 
and  rebellion,  have  enacted  that  if  any  person  engaged  in  armed  rebellion  against 
the  Government  of  the  United  States,  or  any  person  aiding  such  rebellion,  shall  not 
within  sixty  days  after  public  warning  and  proclamation  given  by  the  President 
cease  to  aid  such  rebellion  and  return  to  his  allegiance,  all  the  estate  and  property  of 
such  person  shall  be  liable  to  seizure,  and  it  shall  be  the  duty  of  the  President  to 
seize  and  use  such  property  or  the  proceeds  thereof  for  the  support  of  the  army  of 
the  United  States, 

"And  whereas  such  proclamation  was  issued  and  such  warning  was  given  by  me  on 
the  25th  day  of  July  last,  so  that  the  term  of  such  warning  has  expired,  but  the  peo- 


534  REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON. 

pie  of  said  States  disregarding  such  warning    still  continue  in  armed  rebellion 
against  the  United  States,  and  have  invaded  loyal  States  of  this  Union, 

"  And  whereas  the  Congress  of  the  United  States,  in  order  to  suppress  insurrec 
tion  and  punish  treason  and  rebellion,  did  further  enact  that  the  slaves  of  all  persons 
who  shall  hereafter  be  engaged  in  such  rebellion,  or  in  giving  aid  and  comfort 
thereto,  escaping  from  such  persons  and  taking  refuge  within  the  lines  of  the  army, 
and  all  slaves  captured  from  such  persons  or  deserted  by  them  and  coming  under  the 
control  of  the  Government  of  the  United  States,  and  all  slaves  of  such  persons  found 
on  or  being  within  any  place  occupied  by  rebel  forces,  arid  afterward  occupied  by 
forces  of  the  United  States,  shall  be  forever  free,  and  further  that  all  slaves  who  shall 
be  required  or  permitted  by  persons  claiming  their  service  or  labor  to  take  up  arms  or 
to  work  in  any  military  or  naval  service  against  the  Government  of  the  United 
States,  shall  be  free.  And  farther,  that  the  President  is  authorized  to  employ  as 
many  persons  of  African  descent  as  he  may  deem  necessary  and  proper  for  the  sup 
pression  of  this  rebellion,  and  for  this  purpose  he  may  organize  and  use  them  in  such 
manner  as  he  may  judge  best  for  the  public  welfare :  and  further,  that  when  any 
man  of  African  descent  who,  by  the  laws  of  any  State,  shall  owe  service  or  labor  to 
any  person  who,  during  the  present  rebellion,  has  levied  war  against  the  United 
States  or  given  aid  or  comfort  to  their  enemies,  shall  render  any  camp  or  military 
or  naval  service  to  the  United  States,  he  shall  forever  thereafter  be  free. 

"  And  whereas,  all  persons,  inhabitants  of  any  State  or  Territory,  born  within  the 
jurisdiction  of  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States  excepting  those  who  owe  alle 
giance  to  a  foreign  State  or  potentate,  and  not  excepting  such  persons  as  may  be 
held  to  service  or  labor  in  any  State  by  the  laws  thereof,  are  subject  to  the  laws  of 
the  United  States,  and  owe  full  faith  and  allegiance  to  the  Government  of  the  United 
States,  and  all  such  persons  not  above  excepted  being  inhabitants  of  the  United  States, 
when  called  upon  by  the  Government  are  absolutely  bound  to  render  any  and 
every  military  service  to  the  United  States. 

u  And  whereas,  under  every  Constitutional  Government  the  highest  guarantee  of 
civil  liberty  is  found  in  the  fundamental  principle  that  every  Department  of  the 
Government  and  every  officer  thereof  in  his  official  capacity  is  as  much  bound  by 
the  Constitution  and  the  laws  of  the  land  as  the  humblest  individual,  and  more  espe 
cially  is  this  so  under  the  Government  of  the  United  States,  founded  on  the  sove 
reignty  of  the  people — the  President  being  imperatively  commanded  by  the  Consti 
tution  'to  take  care  that  the  laws  are  faithfully  executed; '  and  every  other  civil 
or  military  officer  of  the  United  States  being  under  a  Constitutional  obligation  to 
observe  and  obey  the  injunctions  of  the  laws  and  to  give  full  and  complete  effect 
thereto, 

"  And  whereas  because  of  this  rebellion  the  execution  of  the  laws  of  the  United 
States  has  been  for  more  than  a  year  past  and  still  is  obstructed  and  defeated  through 
out  the  rebellious  Slaves, 

"And  whereas  such  rebellion  is  confined  to  those  States  wherein  human  beings 
are  held  in  slavery,  and  is  based  upon  the  assumption  that  the  security  and  perpetua 
tion  of  slavery  require  the  disruption  of  our  national  unity  and  our  existence  as  a 
nation, 

"  And  whereas  the  persons  so  held  in  slavery  contribute  greatly  while  so  enslaved 
to  the  aid  and  comfort  of  the  rebels,  by  their  labor  on  fortifications,  and  for  the  sup 
ply  of  their  commissariat,  and  thus  giving  strength  and  support  to  their  arms, 


REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON  535 

"  And  whereas  in  this  contest,  involving  as  it  does  the  national  existence,  it  is  the 
absolute  duty  of  the  Government  to  avail  itself  of  the  utmost  power,  civil  and  mili 
tary,  and  to  employ  every  means  not  forbidden  by  the  laws  of  nature,  and  by  the 
usages  of  civilized  warfare,  placed  within  its  reach,  in  order  to  bring  to  a  speedy 
end  the  existing  protracted  and  desolating  cruel  war, 

"  And  whereas  among  the  means  at  its  disposal  the  President  may,  in  strict  ac 
cordance  with  the  Constitution,  take  for  public  use,  when  urgent  public  service  de 
mands  it,  private  property  of  every  kind,  making  just  compensation  therefor, 

"And  whereas,  as  clearly  appears  by  these  recitals,  that  to  hold  and  use  human 
beings  as  property,  always  morally  wrong,  is  found  to  be  an  element  in  our  political 
system  eminently  dangerous  to  the  supremacy  of  the  law,  the  peace  of  the  country, 
and  the  existence  of  the  Government, 

And  whereas  in  obedience  to  the  universal  law  of  self-preservation,  it  is  the  im 
perative  duty  of  the  Government  to  take,  use,  or  destroy  private  property,  the  lives  of 
individuals,  and  to  subvert  the  institutions  and  laws  of  any  State  in  rebellion  when 
ever  it  shall  be  clearly  necessary  to  do  so  in  order  to  protect  and  defend  the  Consti 
tution  and  preserve  the  life  of  the  nation, 

u  Now  therefore,  I,  Abraham  Lincoln,  as  President  of  the  United  States,  in  fulfil 
ment  of  the  solemn  obligations  and  responsibilities  imposed  upon  me  by  the  Consti 
tution  and  laws,  and  assumed  by  me  in  taking  the  oath  of  office  ;  and  under  the 
profound  conviction  that  so  only  can  I  save  the  country  from  disruption,  and  the 
overthrow  of  popular  institutions,  do  issue  this  my  Proclamation,  declaring  that,  as 
a  necessity  of  war  and  as  essential  to  the  salvation  of  the  Kepublic,  the  condition  of 
slavery  is  hereby  forever  abolished  throughout  the  United  States,  and  every  one  of 
them,  commanding  all  officers,  civil  and  military,  to  execute  the  laws  of  the  land, 
and  to  give  full  effect  to  this  My  Proclamation  of  Liberty  throughout  the  land  to  all 
inhabitants  thereof.  And  I  do  exhort  all  good  and  loyal  citizens  to  give  heed  and 
render  obedience  to  this  proclamation,  hereby  pledging  the  faith  of  the  Govern 
ment  to  all  those  among  them  who  may  be  divested  of  property  thereby,  that  every 
slave-holder  who  has  hitherto  been,  and  shall  continue  to  be,  loyal  to  the  Union  and 
the  Government  of  the  United  States,  shall  receive  just  compensation  from  the  Gov 
ernment  for  his  loss  of  property,  as  all  good  and  loyal  citizens  are  at  all  times  enti 
tled  by  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States  to  be  remunerated  for  any  loss  of  pro 
perty,  which  may  be  taken  or  destroyed  by  authority  for  public  use,  to  avert  a  great 
calamity,  or  to  preserve  the  national  life. 

"  And  I  hereby  call  upon  each  able-bodied  male  person  whom  the  acts  of  Con 
gress  or  this  Proclamation  shall  have  declared  and  made  free,  to  report  himself  to 
the  nearest  military  post  of  the  Union  armies  for  direction  as  to  the  service  he  may 
be  required  to  render  to  the  Government,  to  which  he  owes  his  freedom.  And  I 
hereby  order  and  require  every  officer,  civil  or  military,  or  other  person  in  the  ser 
vice  of  the  United  States,  to  treat  each  person  so  reporting  himself  with  kindness 
and  humanity,  and  strictly  to  respect  in  all  things  the  rights  to  which,  as  a  freeman, 
the  action  of  the  Government  has  entitled  him. 

"  And  now,  humbly  looking  to  the  Almighty  God  for  blessing  on  this  act,  as  well 
of  long  delayed  justice  to  an  unoffending  and  oppressed  race  in  our  midst,  as  of 
necessary  self-defence  on  the  part  of  the  nation,  I  again  call  upon  all  good  Citizens, 
whether  in  the  States  now  in  rebellion,  or  in  those  which  have  maintained  their 
loyalty,  to  aid  in  giving  full  effect  to  this  Proclamation,  and  to  unite  with  me  in  the 


536  REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON. 

most  vigorous  efforts,  promptly  to  overcome  this  rebellion  and  thus  to  restore  our 
afflicted  country  to  the  blessings  of  peace,  order,  and  lasting  prosperity." 

JAMES  A.  HAMILTON  TO  DR.   0.  A.  BROWNSON. 

"  NEVIS,  DOBBS  FERET  P.  O.,  September  15,  18G2. 

"  DEAR  SIR  :  I  enclose  an  extract  from  a  letter  written  by  a  gentleman  of  integ 
rity  and  intelligence,  residing  in  Washington,  to  a  friend  in  New  York,  dated  July 
21st,  1862.  The  original  letter  was  shown  to  me,  and  I  am  permitted  to  make  the 
extract.  The  writer  says,  '  publish  it  on  the  house  tops,  but  do  not  give  my  name.' 
"  I  knoAv  the  writer  and  have  full  confidence  in  the  truth  and  accuracy  of  his 
statement.  Under  these  circumstances  I  send  the  extract  to  you. 

"  With  respect,  your  friend,  &c." 

"  At  a  great  diplomatic  dinner  on  the  20th  July,  1862,  Seward  declared  first  '  that 
he  regrets  not  to  have  the  power  of  Louis  Napoleon,  and  to  make  a  coitp  d'etat 
against  the  Congress,  which  by  its  Confiscation  Bill  has  prevented  a  peace  from  be 
ing  concluded  with  success,  and  further  that  he,  for  the  first  time,  understood  the 
necessity  of  a  Cromwell." 

DRAFTING. 

JAMES  A.  HAMILTON  TO  HON.  E.  M.  STANTON,  Secretary  of  War, 
Washington,  D.  C. 

"  NEVIS,  DOBBS  FERRY,  N.  Y.,  September  30,  1862. 

"  SIR  :  I  beg  to  call  your  immediate  attention  to  a  conflict  of  orders  from  you 
and  Governor  Morgan  of  New  York. 

"At  a  meeting  of  the  military  committee  of  the  8th  district  of  the  State  of  New 
York  yesterday,  and  of  the  towns  claimed  to  be  exempted  from  the  draft,  it  was  held 
such  towns  had  from  the  beginning  of  the  war  furnished  a  greater  number  of  soldiers 
than  the  number  of  its  quota,  and  that  claim  was  sustained  by  referring  to  an  order 
issued  by  you. 

"  The  case  is  this,  Governor  Morgan's  order  to  our  Committee  is,  to  charge  each 
town  with  its  quota,  and  to  give  each  town  credit  for  the  number  of  soldiers  furn 
ished  since  the  2d  day  of  July,  1862.  Whereas  your  order,  issued  one  day  subse 
quent  to  the  date  of  the  Governor's  order,  directs  that  credit  shall  be  given  for  the 
whole  number  furnished  without  limitation  of  time. 

"I  respectfully  submit  that  inasmuch  as  all  our  proceedings  taken  to  ascer 
tain  the  number  to  be  drafted  from  each  town,  have  been  in  obedience  to  the  order 
of  the  Governor,  it  would  be  best  to  conform  your  order  thereto. 

"Indeed,  under  every  circumstance,  to  limit  the  period  to  a  later  day  would  be 
best;  for  while  it  would  be  just  to  all  counties  and  States,  it  would  conduce  to 
certainty  and  facility  in  ascertaining  the  numbers  to  be  credited. 

"Allow  me  further  to  intimate  that  it  is  of  great  importance  that  this  point 
should  be  settled  promptly.  I  induced  our  Committee  to  defer  their  decision  in  re 
lation  to  this  conflict  of  orders  until  the  next  meeting  on  the  16th  proximo,  in  the 
hope  that  the  order  might  be  countermanded  by  a  new  order  from  your  Depart 
ment. 

"  I  have  the  honor  to  be,  with  great  respect,  your  obedient  servant. 

"  P.  S. — Our  draft  is  ordered  to  be  made  on  the  10th  October  next." 


REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.   HAMILTON.  537 

W.  E.  WEBSTER  and  CHARLES  W.  SLACK,  Committee,  to  JAMES  A.  HAMILTON. 

"  BOSTON,  October  1,  1862. 

"  VERY  DEAR  SIR  :  A  Committee  of  the  citizens  of  Boston,  sympathizing  with 
the  Administration  and  sustaining  its  measures  for  the  speedy  suppression  of  the 
rebellion,  purpose  inviting  the  people  of  this  State  to  meet  in  Faneuil  Hall  on  Mon 
day  next,  October  6th,  at  12  o'clock,  M.,  to  listen  to  addresses  from  Hon.  Charles 
Sumner,  Hon.  John  A.  Andrew,  and  other  distinguished  gentlemen. 

"Knowing  that  you  fully  approve  such  indorsement  of  the  Government  in  its 
present  trial,  the  Committee  respectfully  and  cordially  invite  you  to  he  present,  and 
offer  your  views  to  the  meeting. 

"An  early  response  will  oblige  your  friends  of  the  Committee. 

"Very  truly,  your  friends,  &c." 

JAMES  A.  HAMILTON  to  CHARLES  W.  SLACK,  and  Others. 

"  XEVIS,  DOBBS  FERRY  P.  O.,  October  10,  1862. 

"  GENTLEMEN  :  The  letter  of  your  Committee  of  the  1st  ultimo,  addressed  to  me 
at  NQW  York,  was  not  received  until  this  morning.  After  going  into  various  hands, 
as  appears  by  indorsements  on  the  envelope,  it  was  received  yesterday  at  my  son's 
office,  and  by  him  inclosed  to  me. 

"  That  I  should  have  been  thus  deprived  of  the  pleasure  of  being  present  as  an 
invited  guest,  at  a  meeting  at  Faneuil  Hall  of  the  patriotic  people  of  your  State  upon 
such  an  occasion,  is  sincerely  regretted  by  me. 

"I  should  have  esteemed  it  a  peculiar  favor  to  have  had  this  opportunity  of 
uniting  with  you  in  the  expression  of  my  sympathy  with  the  recently  adopted 
policy  of  the  Administration,  announced  by  the  President's  proclamation  of  the  22d 
ultimo. 

"  Do  me  the  favor  to  explain  to  your  friends  of  the  Committee  the  cause  of  my 
absence,  and  of  my  seeming  neglect  in  not  answering  their  very  kind  and  flattering 
invitation. 

"I  have  the  honor  to  be,  gentlemen,  with  great  respect,  your  friend,  &c." 

Hon.  SALMON  P.  CHASE,  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  to  JAMES  A.  HAMILTON. 

"  WASHINGTON,  October  11,  1862. 

"  DEAR  SIR  :  I  am  much  obliged  to  you  for  your  promise  of  some  financial  sug 
gestions  with  reference  to  my  next  report.  Please  let  me  have  them  at  as  early  a 
day  as  practicable. 

"I  hope  that  General  Wadsworth  will  be  cordially  and  earnestly  supported  by 
every  friend  of  the  Administration;  and  that  when  elected  he  will  prove  himself 
incapable  of  treating  his  success  as  a  triumph  over  any  class  or  individual  of  his 
supporters.  "  Yours  very  cordially,  &c.'' 

BRIEF  TO  PREPARE  SUGGESTIONS  FOR  THE  TREASURY. 

AMOUNT  OF   LOANS DUTY   AND    EXPEDIENCY   OF   ASKING   FOR   THE   EXTREME   AMOUNT 

REQUIRED. 

'•  First,  1.  The  people  will  now  meet  the  burdens  before  reverses. 


538  REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON. 

2.  Assuming  responsibility  commands  respect,  the  best  assurance  of  prompt 

success. 

3.  Moral  effect  upon  the  enemy. 

4.  In  Europe,  confidence ;  Equal  in  resources  and  vigor  to  the  occasion. 

5.  To  Great  Britain  and  France,  Hope  of  receiving  cotton.     H£JF°  This  con 

sideration  may  be  used  there  effectively. 
"Second.  Amount  $200,000,000  Treasury  notes  and  stocks. 

1.  Treasury  notes ;  Small  denominations  5's  10's,  and  20's,  without  interest; 

Circulation  at  the  "West ;  Payable  in  duties,  &c.,  and  convertible  into 
notes  of  a  higher  denomination  bearing  interest ;  The  5's  convertible 
into  specie  on  demand;  To  pay  wages  and  for  supplies;  The  Mint  to 

issue  notes  on  deposit  of  gold,  payable  after days  without  interest; 

They  would  circulate  as  Bank  notes,  be  received  on  deposits,  and  perhaps 
issued  by  the  Banks. 

2.  The  higher  denominations ;  Interest  at  8  per  cent,  at  the  pleasure  of  Govern 

ment  after  one,  two,  and  three  years ;  Investing,  &c. 

3.  Currency;  What  is  it? 

4.  These  loans  would  be  confined  to  this  country ;  The  people's  loans;  Effect; 

Interest  and  duty  to  sustain  the  Government. 

"  Third.—  Stocks — Capitalists  should  have  reason  to  believe  that  more  loans 
would  not  be  required. 

1.  Practice  in  war  of  1812.    Jacob  Barker  $13,000,000. 

2.  Length  of  loan  less  interest ;  Debt  of  England  ;  Trustees. 

3.  Ability  to  pay  debt  an  inducement  to  short  period  and  high  interest. 
"Fourth. — "When  and  where  to  be  obtained. 

1.  Abroad;  Great  Britain,  France,  Holland  ;  Early  day;  Specie  basis  of  notes; 

Lord  John  Russell  might  be  made  useful  in  placing  the  loan ;  Amends  ; 
Cotton  by  prompt  conclusion  ;  Barings  in  the  Government  useful. 

2.  Dutch  are  our  fast  friends. 

"  Fifth. — Security ;  Duties  Specific ;  Lands ;  Hamilton  said  to  make. 

1.  Public  credit  immortal,  (3d  vol.  writings  of  Hamilton)  ;  Whenever  a  loan  is 

made,  pledge  funds  to  pay  interest  and  principal. 

2.  Tea,  coffee  and  sugar  as  revenue,  $16,000,000  to  $20,000,000. 

3.  Amount  of  duties;  Acts  of  1814  and  1824;  Coffee  5  cts.  200,000,000  Ibs.; 

Tea  from  10  to  50  cts.  173,000,000  Ibs.;  Sugar  3  cts.  with  drawback  on 
refined  two  thirds.  (See  Gordon's  Digest.) 

4.  Business  will  revive  ;  Present  depression  results  in  a  measure  from  previous 

losses. 

"Sixth. — Direct  taxes;  Slaves,  luxuries;  The  system  to  be  preserved  ;  The  time 
to  establish  it  propitious. 

1.  Useful  in  future  contingencies  abroad  and  at  home. 

2.  Confidence  in  Government:  Increase  of  army  and  navy;  Pacific  Railroad. 

3.  The  future  between  the  sections. 

"JAMES  A.  HAMILTON." 

JAMES]  A.   HAMILTON  TO  HON.  SALMON  P.  CHASE,  Secretary  of  the  Treasury. 

"  NEVIS,  DOBBS  FERRY  P.  O.,  November  19th,  1862. 
"  DEAR  SIR:  I  have  this  moment  completed  in  great  haste  the  suggestions  I  pro- 


REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON.  539 

posed  to  send  you  by  my  letter  of  October  last.  I  regret  that  to  read  what  I  have 
written  should  make  so  great  a  demand  upon  your  time  and  attention,  but  I  verily 
believe  that  should  you  adopt  the  system  recommended,  it  will  add  to  your  fame, 
will  secure  the  country  against  serious  and  imminent  evils,  and  will  have  the  effect 
immediately  of  giving  increased  confidence  to  the  excellent  system  you  have  adopted 
to  meet  the  vast  expenditures  required  to  sustain  this  most  gigantic  of  all  wars. 

"  I  have  the  honor  to  be,  your  sincere  and  devoted  friend,  &c. 
"  P.  S.  If  I  can  be  of  service,  you  can  command  me  without  hesitation." 

SUGGESTIONS  FOR  MR.  CHASE. 

"  The  advantages  to  result  from  the  establishment  of  an  ample  and  unalterable 
provision  for  the  payment  of  the  interest,  and  the  extinguishment  of  the  principal  of 
the  public  debt,  are  in  part  the  following,  viz.: 

"  First. — The  public  faith  of  the  United  States  will  be  preserved  in  the  future  as 
it  has  been  in  the  past,  beyond  all  question.  As  to  the  past,  there  are  some  facts 
worthy  of  note.  First. — The  debts  of  the  nation  have  been  twice  extinguished. 
Second. — Under  the  most  unfavorable  circumstance?,  the  United  States  have  always 
paid  the  interest  on  their  stocks  in  specie  or  its  equivalent.  Third. — When  the  three 
per  cent,  debt  of  the  Revolution  was  extinguished,  it  was  paid  at  par,  although  the 
stock  at  the  time  could  have  been  purchased  in  open  market  at  three  fourths  of  the 
par  value. 

"The  Bank  of  England  suspended  specie  payments  on  the  28th  day  of  April  1797, 
and  continued  in  suspension  until  1825.  The  notes  of  the  bank  depreciated  imme 
diately  five,  and  went  down  thirty-five  to  forty  per  cent.  During  all  that  period,  the 
Government  paid  the  interest  on  its  public  debt  to  foreigners,  as  well  as  British  sub 
ject?,  in  those  depreciated  notes. 

"The  nation  will  be  secured  against  the  burden  of  an  overwhelming  debt.  The 
pernicious  example  of  Britain  on  this  subject  should  never  be  forgotten.  Not  only 
will  our  present  enormous  debt,  beyond  all  peradventure,  be  in  a  continuous  course  of 
payment  under  all  circumstances  ;  but  if  the  maxim  that '  the  creation  of  debt  should 
always  be  accompanied  with  the  means  of  extinguishment '  should  become  a  funda 
mental  maxim,  the  occasion  for  the  creation  of  debt  would  be  found  to  be  less 
frequent,  because  it  would  generally  be  accompanied  by  increased  burdens  upon  the 
people. 

4k  The  public  debt  being  secured  by  a  solid  provision  for  its  payment,  would  form 
a  part  of  the  capital  and  of  the  currency  of  the  country. 

"  Hamilton  says :  '  It  is  a  well-known  fact  that  in  countries  in  which  the  na 
tional  debt  is  properly  funded,  and  an  object  of  established  confidence,  it  answers 
most  of  the  purposes  of  money.  Transfers  of  stock  or  public  .debt  are  then  equiva 
lent  to  payments  in  specie,  or  in  other  words,  stock  in  the  principal  transactions  of 
business  passes  current  as  specie.' 

"  The  benefits  of  this  increase  of  sound  capital  in  this  country  can  with  difficulty 
be  appreciated.  Hitherto  our  capital  to  build  railroads,  to  establish  manufactures, 
to  develop  mines,  to  build  ships,  to  extend  the  settlements  of  our  country — in  short, 
to  aid  the  unexampled  enterprise  of  the  people  of  the  North  over  a  field  of  greater 
extent  than  any  other  ever  presented  to  an  intelligent  and  energetic  race,  has  been 
borrowed  from  foreign  countries,  at  extravagant  rates  of  interest  and  premiums. 


540  REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES  A.  HAMILTON. 

u  Give  to  the  debt  incurred  in  defence  of  the  national  life  that  established  confi 
dence  which  must  make  it  answer  most  of  the  purposes  of  money,  extended,  if  it  must 
be,  to  the  enormous  sum  of  two  thousand  millions  of  dollars,  and  it  will  thus  render 
our  country  truly  independent  and  self-reliant. 

"  By  our  existing  laws,  the  legal  tender  notes  are  convertible  into  the  six  per 
cent,  public  stocks.  If  to  those  stocks  is  given  that  solid  value  which  they  certainly 
will  acquire  by  the  re-adoption  of  the  old  and  approved  funding  system,  those  notes 
will  be  equivalent  in  value  to  specie,  because  they  must  be  equal  in  value  to  the 
stock  into  which  they  may  on  any  day,  at  the  option  of  the  holders,  be  converted. 

"  Gold,  by  the  suspension  of  the  banks  has  thus  become  a  mercantile  commodity, 
and  has  ceased  to  be  the  foundation  of  the  circulation.  Its  high  price  in  the  market 
is  believed  to  be  due,  in  a  great  measure,  to  the  following  facts:  It  is  hoarded  by 
individuals  through  fear,  and  by  some  in  the  hope  of  gain.  It  is  hoarded  by 
the  banks  of  the  city  of  New  York  to  the  amount  of  about  forty  millions,  and  by  the 
other  banks  of  the  country  to  the  extent  of  nearly  all  they  held  when  they  suspend 
ed.  As  long  as  this  gold  could  be  had  on  demand,  it  was  capable  of  adding  by  its 
whole  amount  to  the  quantity  in  market  as  merchandise. 

"The  stocks  of  those  States  which  had  any  marketable  value,  and  the  stocks  of 
the  United  States  held  abroad,  were  on  the  breaking  out  of  the  rebellion,  sent  here 
to  be  sold,  and  the  proceeds  to  be  remitted  in  gold.  There  were  also  large  sums 
belonging  to  foreign  capitalists  held  by  their  agents  here  for  temporary  investments 
or  speculation  ;  these  were  also  promptly  recalled.  Thus,  it  will  be  perceived,  was 
the  country  called  upon  in  a  moment  to  pay  its  debts  abroad  in  gold.  The?e  cir 
cumstances  must  be  taken  into  account  as  rendering  this  article  of  merchandise  scarce, 
and  under  the  laws  of  supply  and  demand,  may  to  a  certain  and  not  a  very  limited 
extent,  account  for  the  high  price  of  this  commodity. 

"It  is  very  generally  averred  that  the  issue  of  Treasury  notes  has  created  such 
a  redundancy  of  currency  as  to  have  induced  their  depreciation  one  third.  This  is 
certainly  a  great  mistake.  That  this  redundancy  is  not  so  great  as  to  create  such  a 
debasement,  is  proved  by  the  admitted  fact  that  the  necessaries  of  life  have  not  in 
creased  in  price,  except  so  far  as  they  are  affected  by  the  duties  or  taxes. 

"If  there  be  a  great  redundancy  of  currency,  which  is  not  believed,  and  a  consequent 
depreciation,  it  certainly  is  not  due  to  the  Treasury  issues  alone.  The  amount  of  these 
issues  is  known,  while  that  of  the  banks  cannot  be  known.  Although  the  weekly  pub 
lication  of  the  condition  of  the  city  banks  gives  us  the  amount  of  the  circulation  for 
which  they  are  responsible,  it  does  not  furnish  any  data  by  which  to  ascertain  the 
amount  of  the  bank-note  circulation,  because  the  city  banks  (I  speak  of  New  York) 
very  generally  issue  in  payment  of  the  checks  of  depositors  the  notes  of  country  banks, 
furnished,  no  doubt,  by  such  banks  to  the  Metropolitan  banks  for  that  purpose.  It 
must  be  believed  that  the  issues  of  the  banks  out  of  the  large  cities,  not  being  con 
trolled  by  the  liability  to  a  demand  for  specie,  will  in  most  cases  be  only  limited  by 
considerations  of  present  profit,  and  thus  the  currency  is  much  more  liable  to  infla 
tion  than  by  the  issues  of  sound  and  well  managed  banks  or  those  of  the  Treasury. 

"  Again,  it  is  proposed  to  authorize  the  establishment  of  banking  association?,  their 
circulating  notes  to  be  provided  by  the  Treasury,  secured  by  a  pledge  of  public  stocks. 
If  these  stocks  shall  be  made,  as  they  will  by  the  proposed  system,  the  equivalent  of 
specie,  the  circulation  issued  by  these  banking  associations  will  be  more  valuable' 
than  the  notes  of  any  other  banks  of  issue,  because  nearly  the  whole  capital  of  those 


REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON.  541 

associations  will  be  vested  in  stocks  equivalent  in  value  to  gold,  and  placed  in  tlie 
Treasury  of  the  United  States  in  trust  for  the  payment  of  their  circulation.  In 
short,  when  (as  is  proposed)  you  make  the  notes  so  issued  by  these  associations, 
payable  whenever  the  association  shall  suspend  specie  payment  at  the  public 
Treasury,  you  afford  the  whole  country  the  best  currency  ever  devised  by  the  wit  of 
man,  better  far  than  a  metallic  currency,  because  it  is  equal  to  it  in  value  and  far 
more  convenient. 

"  The  amount  of  capital  required.  In  relation  to  capital,  the  importance  of  the 
legislation  proposed  is  not  realized.  We  give  merely  a  few  hints  for  reflection. 

"  The  settlement  of  our  vast  region,  the  public  lands, — one  thousand  millions  of 
acres  are  given  to  all  who  will  take  and  settle  upon  them,  and  to  that  end  measures 
have  been  taken  by  Government  to  induce  the  laboring  population  of  Europe  to 
come  and  take  these  lands.  Every  house  built,  all  farming  implements,  and  stock 
on  the  land  thus  taken  and  cultivated,  demand  capital.  To  such  settlement  a 
sequence  is,  that  the  railroad,  if  in  the  interior,  or,  if  on  navigable  waters,  the  steam 
boat,  must  follow — here  is  a  demand  for  the  employment  of  millions  of  capital. 

"  The  iron,  copper,  and  gold  mines  of  the  country  to  be  developed  demand  a  vast 
amount  of  capital.  We  confine  our  remarks  to  iron. 

"  Iron.  Its  uses. — Iron  ships,  iron  carriages  on  iron  roads,  iron  engines  in 
every  manufactory,  iron  doors,  floors,  windows  of  our  houses,  iron  floating  and 
prohably  land  batteries  for  harbor  defences,  the  increased  demand  for  iron  imple 
ments  of  war,  are  all  uses  of  iron  additional  to  those  demanded  by  our  previous 
civilization. 

"The  product  of  iron  in  Britain  in  1854  was  3,585,906  tons.  To  produce  this 
were  employed  by  direct  labor,  238,000  hands,  2,120  steam  engines  of  an  aggregate 
power  of  238,000  horses,  and  the  gross  value  of  the  product  was  $125,000,000. 
The  product  in  the  same  year  in  the  United  States  was  one  million  of  tons,  and  its 
cost  less  than  fifty  millions  of  dollars,  whereas  the  facility  of  getting  it  out,  in  con 
sequence  of  its  being  in  great  part  above  the  water  level,  is  greater,  and  the  expense 
much  less  than  in  England.  The  whole  area  of  mines  of  iron  in  the  world  is 
184,073  square  miles.  Of  this  area  the  United  States  have  133,632  square  miles,  or 
nearly  three  fourths  of  the  whole.  The  quantity  of  iron  ores  is  unlimited,  and  the 
quality  is  equal  to  any  other  in  the  world.  It  is  said  we  have  iron  and  coal  suffi 
cient  to  meet  the  demand  of  the  whole  world  for  an  unlimited  period.  They  are 
not  developed  from  want  of  capital. 

u  The  railroads  in  the  United  States,  23,000  miles  in  extent  in  1856,  and  increas 
ing  at  the  rate  of  3,000  miles  a  year,  are  more  extensive  than  in  all  the  world  to 
gether. 

"  To  develop  these  immense  resources  of  wealth,  we  require  cheap  capital  and 
labor.  The  first  will  be  secured  by  our  funded  debt,  and  the  latter  by  immigration, 
induced  by  our  system  of  free  homesteads  and  high  wages.  In  the  mean  time,  the 
capital  invested  in  mining  and  manufacturing  under  our  existing  protective  tariff, 
will  secure  us  against  the  competition  of  the  cheap  capital  and  labor  of  England. 
Give  permanence  to  that  tariff  by  declaring  that  those  duties  on  imports  shall  con 
tinue  until  the  debts  and  purposes  for  which  they  are  appropriated  shall  be  satisfied, 
reserving,  however,  to  Congress  the  right  to  substitute  other  duties  and  taxes  of  equal 
value,  and  the  success  of  our  manufactures  is  so  secured  that  we  will  not  only  sup 
ply  our  own  markets  cheaper  than  ever  before,  but  we  will  meet  and  undersell  our 


542  REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES  A.  HAMILTON. 

hated  rival,  England,  in  all  the  markets  of  the  world.  No  blow  could  be  struck  at 
her  more  effectual  than  this. 

u  Give  to  our  manufacturers  of  iron,  cotton,  and  wool  a  protective  system  inca 
pable  of  being  repealed  for  a  definite  period,  say  even  ten  years,  and  their  condition 
would  be  such  as  to  put  them  beyond  the  fear  of  all  competition,  except  that  which 
they  would  meet  with  at  home,  which  would  most  certainly  bring  down  pi  ices  to 
the  lowest  living  profits.  Other  considerations  might  be  urged  in  favor  of  the  pro 
posed  system  which  time  will  not  allow.  The  great  security  of  the  proposed  system 
against  the  mutability  and  inconstancy  of  legislators  is  not  to  be  disregarded. 

"  At  present,  while  the  danger  of  political  dissolution  is  great,  we  are  all  ready 
and  willing  to  bear  the  burdens  which  the  struggle  necessarily  imposes;  but  when 
that  danger  is  past,  it  is  to  be  feared  that  a  change  may  come  over  the  people,  and 
that  parties  may  be  formed  upon  grounds  which  will  be  disloyal  to  the  pub 
lic  engagements.  Should  this  be  so,  and  should  a  majority  of  both  Houses  attempt 
to  repeal  the  laws  which  establish  the  system,  it  is  confidently  believed  that  any 
President  who  might  be  elected  would  veto  such  a  bill,  and  that  it  would  be  impos 
sible  to  pass  such  a  law  by  a  vote  of  two  thirds  of  both  Houses. 

"  The  future  of  our  country,  when  the  rebellion  shall  be  crushed,  will  present 
questions  to  task  the  statesmanship  of  the  Executive,  and  of  all  others  connected 
with  the  Government.  I  have  not  the  ability  to  suggest,  much  less  to  discuss  such 
questions  as  have,  or  will  arise,  but  I  am  convinced  that  the  financial  system  ought  to 
be  so  guarded  at  the  approaching  session  of  Congress,  as  to  place  it  beyond  the  power 
of  the  representatives  of  the  people  now  in  rebellion,  when  the  Union  is  restored,  by 
combinations  with  any  faction  in  the  loyal  States  seriously  to  disturb  it,  and  that 
upon  you,  as  guardian,  this  duty  is  devolved. 

"  Should  the  Confederate  Government,  by  the  defeat  of  its  armies,  the  successful 
invasion  of  the  Gulf  States  at  different  points  during  the  approaching  winter,  be  dis 
solved,  and  should  the  people  of  the  rebellious  States  send  Senators  and  Represen 
tatives  to  the  next  Congress,  what  would  be  the  consequence  in  regard  to  the  tariff, 
the  internal  taxation,  and  the  public  debt?  Having  repudiated  their  own  debt, 
would  they  not  endeavor  to  relieve  themselves  from  the  burden  of  taxation  and 
debt  by  any  means  in  their  power?  And  would  not  Fernando  Wood  and  his  parti- 
zans  unite  with  and  uphold  them  in  any  purpose  however  disgraceful,  in  order  to 
secure  the  control  of  the  Government?  These  are  pregnant  questions.  If  they 
can  arise  in  any  eventuality,  it  behoves  the  Administration  with  the  majority  it 
now  has  in  both  Houses,  to  use  all  possible  precautions  to  secure  the  nation  from 
dishonor,  and  public  credit  from  ruin.  I  fear  that,  after  the  Union  shall  be  restored, 
we  shall  have  an  enemy  in  our  midst  more  dangerous  to  the  country  than  are  the 
traitors  in  arms,  and  that  to  guard  against  the  disastrous  future  which  awaits  us  in 
so  many  forms,  resulting  from  a  union  in  our  public  councils  with  a  demoralized  and 
most  exasperated  enemy,  true  wisdom  will  require  the  Government  to  adopt  and  act 
upon  the  opinion  that  treason  by  a  State  Government  is  political  suicide. 

"JAMES  A.  HAMILTON. 

"  November,  1862." 

"  INTEREST  ON  LOANS.    DIRECT  TAXES. 

"  Interest  on  Loans. — Robert  B.  Minturn,  head  of  the  house  of  Grinnell,  Minturn 


REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON.  543 

&  Co.,  New  York,  who  is  the  particular  correspondent  of  the  Barings,  of  London, 
and  whose  daughter  married  one  of  the  sons  of  that  family,  called  upon  me,  and 
anxiously  urged  that  the  interest  on  stock  loans  should  not  be  less  than  7  per  cent. 
lie  verily  believes,  if  it  is  less  that  the  loans  will  not  be  taken  at  par,  and  that  the 
credit  of  the  Government  will  be  depreciated. 

"  It  is  urged  by  him  and  others,  adepts  in  finance,  that  the  difference  in  expense 
to  the  Government  is  not  to  be  considered  under  existing  circumstances;  that  our 
future  must  be  so  successful  that  the  revenue  from  imports  will  vastly  exceed  all 
demands.  The  country  is  now  bare  of  imported  goods —  that  the  imports  must  there 
fore  bound  up  to  a  vast  extent — that  we  never  have  had  such  an  amount  of  spe 
cie — that  this  will  increase — that  capitalists  in  this  country  will  be  tempted  by  the 
high  rate  and  absolute  security  to  take  the  loans,  in  which  case  the  interest  will  be 
paid  to  our  own  citizens,  and  the  stock  being  at  par  will  swell  the  volume  of  circula 
tion. 

Treasury  Notes. — The  general  impression  is,  that  authority  should  be  given  to 
issue  note's  of  $10  without  interest,  redeemable  by  the  sub-treasurers,  not  to  be 
received  in  payment  of  duties.  In  this  opinion  I  fully  concur.  Such  notes  would 
afford  a  currency  for  the  Western  States ;  they  could  be  most  conveniently  used  in 
paying  soldiers'  wages,  and  would  be  gladly  received  by  them  in  order  to  remit  to 
their  families  and  friends.  They  would  not  be  so  liable  to  be  lost  as  gold,  or 
squandered.  These  are  vastly  important  advantages.  They  are  so  manifest  that  it 
would  be  wise  to  ask  that  power  should  be  given  to  the  Secretary  to  issue  some 
portion  of  the  notes  issued  without  interest.  If  he  thought  it  expedient,  such  a  pro 
viso  could  do  no  harm.  Should  the  law  to  be  passed  require  all  to  be  issued  bear 
ing  interest,  the  experiment  could  not  be  made. 

"  Treasury  Notes  at  Interest,  to  make  a  National  Loan. — John  Earl  "Williams, 
President  of  the  Metropolitan  Bank,  the  soundest  man  on  currency  in  New  York, 
not  only  approves  of  notes  without  interest,  but  urges,  in  the  paper  I  inclose,  that 
the  loan  for  the  people  should  bear  10  per  cent,  interest.  Should  these  notes  on 
their  face  give  2|  cents  per  day,  this  would  be  Qjvv  Por  cent.,  which  would  ap 
proach  as  nearly  to  10  per  cent,  per  annum  as  might  be  required.  Mr.  Williams' 
opinion  as  to  currency  in  the  West  is  deserving  of  marked  consideration.  It  was 
his  bank,  by  his  inspiration,  which  provided  currency  a  few  years  ago  to  bring  for 
ward  the  products  of  the  West  and  which  became  the  agent  of  the  Western  banks. 

"  See  what  he  says  as  to  Exchequer  bills  by  England  at  5  or  4  per  cent. 

"Direct  Taxes.— I  advise  a  recommendation  to  raise  $30,000,000  by  direct  taxes, 
according  to  the  Constitutional  rule  for  representation  and  direct  taxation : 

Slaves,  4,000,000  at  $500  each,  $2,000,000,000  (three-fifths)  $1,600,000,000 

Real  estate  in  Slave  States 3,000,000,000 

Real  estate  in  Free  States 25,400,000,000 


Total $30,000,000,000 

u  One  mill  on  $100  on  $30,000,000,000  would  give  $30,000,000,  say  a  revenue  of 
$30,000,000  at  one  mill.  Divide  this  among  the  States  according  to  the  rule  of 
Federal  representation,  and  authorize  any  that  should  assume  the  tax  to  receive 
therefor  a  commission  equal  to  15  per  cent,  the  cost  to  the  United  States  of  collection. 


544  REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON. 

"  This  arrangement  would  be  a  convenient  means  of  assuming  the  debts  of  the 
States  incurred  by  advances  in  the  present  war,  and  would  thus  afford  immediate 
relief  to  the  Treasury. 

"  As  the  slave  States  would  not  pay  their  portion  of  this  tax,  it  would  be  a  debt 
against  them  upon  final  settlement.  We  must  therefore  compute  the  revenue  from 
such  a  tax  only  upon  the  real  estate  in  the  free  States,  which  I  have  estimated  at 
$25,400,000,000.  [J-iF0  This  is  an  estimate  without  any  data,  as  I  have  no  means  here 
of  obtaining  ratios. 

"  $25,400,000,000  at  one  mill  would  give  a  revenue  of  $25,000,000  at  least  in 
round  numbers,  which  sum,  apportioned  among  the  free  States  according  to  the 
Federal  rule,  would  be  advanced  by  most  of  them  without  delay. 

"  Such  a  course  by  the  States,  affording  the  surest  manifestation  of  their  confi 
dence  in  the  Union,  would  induce  the  utmost  confidence  at  home  and  abroad. 

"  Another  idea,  and  I  have  done.  Loans  would  be  effected  at  home  and  abroad 
with  much  greater  facility  should  our  armies  make  an  important  and  successful 
advance  upon  the  enemy,  and  particularly  if  we  shonld  drive  the  rebels  out  of 
Richmond. 

"JAMES  A.  HAMILTON." 

"PLAN  OF  A  BANK  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES, 

"  To  be  incorporated  by  an  Act  of  Congress.  For  several  minor  details,  see  the 
Act  of  1791  and  the  Act  of  1816. 

u  The  Constitutional  power  of  Congress  cannot  be  questioned.  The  action  of 
the  Government  in  1791  by  Congress,  and  by  the  Executive  branch,  upon  the  most 
mature  deliberation,  the  acquiescent  action  of  all  the  departments  of  the  Govern 
ment  during  twenty  years,  the  action  of  the  Legislative  and  Executive  branches  of 
the  Government  in  1816,  the  decisions  of  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States 
affirming  the  Constitutional  power,  the  acquiescence  of  the  people  during  another 
period  of  twenty  years,  these  two  periods  being  more  than  one  half  of  the  existence 
of  the  Government  under  the  existing  Constitution,  have  settled  that  question. 

"  A  capital  of  fifty  millions  of  dollars  to  be  subscribed,  three  fourths  in  the  6  per 
cent,  stock  of  the  United  States  at  par,  and  one  fourth  in  the  coin  of  the  United 
States. 

"  Location. — City  of  New  York,  with  power  to  establish  branches  in  certain 
named  cities.  The  stock  of  the  branches,  one  quarter  to  be  furnished  by  the  prin 
cipal  bank,  three  quarters  to  be  furnished  by  individual  subscription,  to  wit .  three 
quarters  by  stock  of  the  United  States,  and  one  quarter  in  the  coin  of  the  United 
States. 

"The  Treasurer  of  the  United  States  to  famish  notes  to  the  principal  and  the 
branches  on  demand,  in  amounts  equal  to  the  stock  of  the  United  States  held  by 
them  respectively,  which  stock  shall  be  transferred  by  the  bank  and  its  branches  to 
the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  of  the  United  States,  to  be  held  in  trust  for  the  ulti 
mate  payment  of  the  demand  notes. 

"  The  principal  bank  to  receive  all  the  notes  from  the  Treasury,  hold  for  issue 
as  large  an  amount  thereof  as  it  holds  stock  and  coin,  and  to  distribute  among  the 
several  branches  the  said  notes  according  to  the  amount  of  capital  subscribed  by  in 
dividuals,  in  stock  of  the  United  States  and  in  cash. 


REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES   A.  HAMILTON.  545 

"  The  capital  to  be  one  hundred  millions  of  dollars,  fifty  millions  to  be  held  by 
the  principal  bank,  fifty  millions  to  be  distributed  among  the  several  branches  in 
such  amounts  as  the  principal  bank  may  consider  proper,  to  be  held  by  each,  having 
reference  to  the  business  of  the  respective  localities. 

"The  capital  of  each  branch  to  be  paid  for  by  its  stock-holders. 

"Capital  stock  to  be  forty  millions  of  dollars,  to  be  subscribed  for  75  per  cent, 
in  six  per  cent,  of  the  stock,  and  25  per  cent,  in  the  coin  of  the  United  States.  To 
have  power  to  establish  branches  in  various  cities  of  the  United  States,  to  appropri 
ate  the  capital  in  such  an  amount  as  the  principal  bank  may  deem  necessary  and  ex 
pedient  to  each  of  said  branches.  The  said  capital  stock  of  said  branches  to  be  sub 
scribed  for  75  per  cent,  in  6  per  cent,  stock  of  the  United  States,  and  25  per  cent, 
in  coin. 

"  JAMES  A.  HAMILTON." 

"Plan  of  a  Bank  to  ~be  incorporated  by  the  United  States  as  its  fiscal  agent  for  and 
during  the  term  of  thirty  years,  the  principal  Bank  to  he  located  in  the  city  of 
New  York,  to  have  power  to  establish  branches  in  such  places  as  may  he  useful,  and 
sanctioned  by  the  Congress  of  the  United  States. 

"  The  Capital  Stock  of  the  said  Bank  to  be  one  hundred  millions  of  dollars,  forty 
per  cent,  thereof  to  be  subscribed  for  and  held  by  the  principal  Bank,  the  balance, 
sixty  per  cent,  thereof,  to  be  distributed  from  time  to  time  among  the  branches 
which  may  be  established  by  the  principal  Bank  in  such  amounts  as  the  principal 
Bank  may  deem  proper  and  expedient.  The  forty  millions  to  be  held  by  the  prin 
cipal  Bank  as  its  capital,  to  be  subscribed  for  as  follows :  75  per  cent,  in  six  per 
cent,  stock,  and  25  per  cent,  in  the  coin  of  the  United  States.  The  amount  of  stock 
apportioned  to  each  branch  to  be  subscribed  for  in  like  manner.  All  the  stock  so 
subscribed  to  be  transferred  to  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  of  the  United  States, 
in  trust  for  the  security  and  eventual  payment  of  the  notes  to  be  issued  by  said  prin 
cipal  and  its  several  branch  banks.  The  said  notes  to  be  provided  by  the  United 
States,  and  issued  to  the  principal  Bank  from  time  to  time  as  required,  in  amounts 
equal  to  the  amount  of  the  stock  so  transferred  as  aforesaid.  The  faith  of  the  Gov 
ernment  of  the  United  States  being  pledged  for  the  eventual  payment  by  the  United 
States,  the  security  for  the  payment  of  the  notes  so  issued  being  an  equal  amount 
of  its  own  stock  and  the  additional  amount  of  25  per  cent,  subscribed  in  coin. 

u  The  principal  Bank  to  pay  the  actual  expense  of  printing  and  preparing  the 
said  notes. 

"  The  Directors,  thirteen  in  number,  of  the  principal  Bank,  to  be  elected  annually 
by  the  stock-holders,  each  share  to  be  entitled  to  one  vote. 

"The  names  of  those  of  said  Directors  having  the  highest  number  of  votes  to 
be,  immediately  after  such  election,  sent  to  the  President  of  the  United  States,  who 
having  selected  one  of  three  persons  so  presented  to  him  for  President  of  said  Bank, 
shall  nominate  such  person  to  the  Senate  as  President,  and  by  and  with  the  consent 
of  the  Senate,  he  shall  appoint  such  person  President  of  said  Bank,  and  another  for 
Vice-President  of  said  Bank,  to  be  nominated  and  appointed  as  is  above  provided  in 
regard  to  President. 

"  The  stock-holders  of  each  of  the  branch  banks  to  elect  for  such  branch  a 
board  of  directors  twelve  in  number,  and  the  principal  Bank  shall  appoint  a  stock 
holder  of  said  branch  to  be  President  of  said  branch  Bank,  who  shall  by  such  ap- 
35 


546  REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON. 

pointment  be  one  of  the  board  of  directors  of  said  Bank,  and  shall  hold  his  office 
during  the  pleasure  of  the  said  principal  Bank. 

"  The  President  of  the  principal  Bank  may  be  removed  from  office  by  the  Presi 
dent  of  the  United  States,  for  cause,  by  and  with  the  advice  and  consent  of  the  Sen 
ate  of  the  United  States,  and  upon  an  emergency  when  the  Senate  shall  not  be  in 
session,  suspended.  During  such  suspension,  and  until  another  appointment  by  the 
President,  the  Vice-president  shall  be  President  of  said  Bank. 

"  The  said  principal  Bank  to  be  located  in  the  city  of  New  York,  and  to  be  fiscal 
agent  of  the  Government,  and  as  such,  under  the  direction  of  the  Secretary  of  the 
Treasury,  it  shall  receive  on  deposit  and  hold  to  the  use  of  the  United  States  the 
revenues  of  the  Government  of  the  United  States  (the  capital  Bank  to  direct  when, 
where,  and  under  what  circumstances  the  several  branches  should  receive  such 
revenue),  which  revenues  so  received  shall  be  immediately  passed  to  the  credit  of 
the  Treasurer  of  the  United  States,  and  shall  be  held  intact  subject  to  the  order  at 
all  times  of  the  Government  of  the  United  States  through  the  Treasury  Department. 

"That  the  said  principal  Bank  shall  transfer  the  funds  of  the  United  States  or 
any  part  thereof  to  such  persons  and  places  as  the  Treasurer  of  the  United  States 
.may  from  time  to  time  direct,  without  any  charge  whatever  to  the  United  States. 

"  That  the  said  capital  Bank  and  the  said  branches  may  make  loans  and  discounts 
to  the  whole  amount  of  its  capital  and  deposits  exclusive  of  the  amount  of  the  public 
deposits. 

"That  the  United  States  notes  issued  by  the  said  Bank  and  its  branches  shall  be 
received  by  the  collecting  officers  of  the  United  States  for  public  dues  of  all  kinds 
and  descriptions  whether  for  duties,  taxes,  or  the  proceeds  of  the  sales  of  public 
lands  or  otherwise. 

"  That  the  said  notes  which  shall  be  issued  by  said  branches  shall  be  paid  on 
^demand  by  the  branch  which  indorsed  the  same,  and  not  necessarily  by  any  other 
'branch ;  but  that  all  said  notes  issued  by  the  said  branch  banks  as  well  as  such  as 
-maybe  issued  by  the  principal  Bank  shall,  on  demand,  be  paid  by  the  principal  Bank. 

"  That  the  disbursing  officers  of  the  Government  of  the  United  States  shnll  leave 
-on  deposit  the  amount  of  money  furnished  to  them  by  the  Treasury,  and  shall  on 
their  checks  or  drafts,  for  such  deposits  as  the  same  may  be  required  to  be  used, 
declare  on  what  accounts  and  for  what  purposes  the  said  checks  are  drawn,  and  said 
check  shall,  in  all  cases  when  practicable,  be  made  payable  to  the  person  who  is  to 
-receive  the  money  therefor,  who  shall  indorse  on  said  check  a  receipt  for  the  same. 

"That  it  shall  be  the  duty  of  the  said  Bank  and  branches  weekly  to  return  to  the 
Treasury  Department  abstracts  of  the  accounts  of  such  officers  and  of  the  checks 
which  may  be  paid  as  aforesaid. 

"This  arrangement,  intended  to  prevent  the  improper  use  of  public  moneys  by 
disbursing  officers,  may  be  so  altered  in  its  details  by  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury 
tas  may  be  required  by  commerce  and  the  security  of  the  Government. 

"  JAMES  A.  HAMILTON." 

HON.  SALMON  P.  CHASE,  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  TO  JAMES  A.  HAMILTON. 

"  WASHINGTON,  November  22d,  1862. 

"MY  DEAR  SIK:  Accept  my  thanks  for  your  letter  and  the  paper  of  suggestions 
•which  accompanies  it,  I  have  read  them  attentively  and  find  them  very  instructive. 


REMINISCENCES    OP    JAMES  A.  HAMILTON.  547 

If  the  banking  system  is  established,  will  it  be  advisable  to  extinguish  the  debt? 
Should  not  an  amount  equal  to  that  required  for  security  of  issues  be  continued? 

"  I  should  be  delighted  to  have  you  with  me,  and  no  doubt  should  benefit  much 
by  your  knowledge  and  judgment;  but  could  you  be  contented  while  I  must  be  busy 
in  writing,  rather  than  study  ?  if  so,  you  will  be  most  welcome. 

u  Yours,  most  faithfully." 

JAMES  A.  HAMILTON  TO  DR.  HARTT. 

"  October  21,  1862. 

"DEAR  SIR:  The  day  is  approaching  when  it  will  be  useful  that  the  Loyal 
League  or  its  Executive  Committee  should  act  in  reference  to  the  election.  A  series 
of  resolutions  should  be  passed  by  one  or  the  other,  applauding  the  policy  of  the 
President  in  a  vigorous  prosecution  of  the  war  by  enforcing  the  laws  of  Congress, 
by  emancipation  and  by  all  other  Constitutional  means  within  the  range  of  his  un 
limited  military  power,  but,  above  all,  one  requiring  or  requesting  all  the  members 
of  the  League  to  support  by  their  personal  exertions  and  their  votes  all  such  candid 
ates  and  none  other,  who  are  pledged  to  support  the  President's  policy  of  emancipa 
tion,  and  the  most  vigorous  prosecution  of  the  war,  and  calling  upon  the  affiliated 
Emancipation  Leagues  throughout  the  State  to  require  their  members  to  pursue  the 
same  course. 

"  Such  a  proceeding  on  our  part  will  have  no  inconsiderable  influence  upon  the 
election. 

"  Your  obedient  servant,  &c." 

SALMON  P.  CHASE,  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  TO  JAMES  A.  HAMILTON. 

"  TREASURY  DEPARTMENT,  November  27,  1862. 

"MY  DEAR  SIR  :  Thanks  for  your  note  and  the  leaf  from  the  Bankers'  Magazine. 
The  '  Notes '  on  the  leaf  were  written  by  Mr.  Homans,  a  clerk  in  my  department, 
and  suggested  by  inquiries  which  I  directed,  of  course  not  altogether  unfamiliar  to 
me.  I  am  working  away  at  my  report,  and  see  some  light  and  much  darkness.  It 
would  do  me  good  to  have  you  here  to  talk  and  advise  with  me,  but  I  cannot  hope 
for  that  advantage  now,  and  would  not  trespass  on  your  kindness  by  asking  for  it. 

"  Your  friend,  most  sincerely." 

JAMES  A.  HAMILTON  TO  Hox.  SALMON  P.  CHASE,  Secretary  of  the  Treasury. 

"  NEVIS,  DOBBS  FERRY  P.  0.,  November  29,  1862. 

"MY  DEAR  SIR :  Your  very  kind  letter  of  the  22d  instant  was  not  received  until 
yesterday,  owing  to  my  absence  from  my  home. 

"  Most  certainly  the  amount  of  debt  necessary  for  the  security  of  bank  issues 
should  be  incapable  of  being  extinguished  for  at  least  thirty  years,  and  not  after 
that  period  if  the  system  should  work  well. 

"  I  have  believed  that  the  bill  authorizing  the  Banking  System  ought  to  give 
power  to  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  to  issue  six  per  cent,  stock  to  an  amount  not 
over  two  hundred  millions  of  dollars  (or  whatever  other  amount  might  be  deemed 
necessary)  redeemable  at  the  pleasure  of  the  government  after  thirty  years — such 
stock  to  be  sold  to  the  Banking  Associations  in  such  amounts  as  they  should  require  ; 
the  said  stock  to  be  deposited  with  the  Treasurer  of  the  United  States  pursuant  to  the 


548  REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON. 

sixteenth  section  of  the  said  act — the  said  stock  to  be  paid  for  by  them  in  Treasury 
notes,  six  per  cent,  stock,  or  the  current  coin  of  the  United  States.  And  further  to 
the  stock  hereby  authorized  to  be  issued,  only  so  much  of  the  5th  section  of  the  Act 
of  25th  February,  1862,  establishing  a  funding  system  as  requires  the  payment  of  the 
interest  of  the  United  States  in  coin,  shall  apply  to  this  stock. 

"  The  pnyment  for  this  stock  in  Treasury  notes  or  stock,  at  the  option  of  the 
association,  might  induce  capitalists  to  form  such  associations  without  delay  under 
the  belief  that  they  were  purchasing  the  stock  at  thirty  per  cent.  belo\v  par. 

"  I  submit  these  views  as  they  arise  for  your  consideration. 

"  I  have  the  honor  to  be,  truly,  your  friend,  &c." 

JAMES  A.  HAMILTON  TO  HON.  SALMON  P.  CHASE,  Secretary  of  the  Treasury. 

"  NEYIS,  December  9,  1862. 

"MyDEAESiK:  I  have  read  with  very  great  satisfaction  your  report.  Your 
administration  of  the  finances  in  this  most  difficult  and  momentous  struggle  will  do 
you  immortal  honor ;  and  should  this  Congress  adopt  your  banking  measure,  it  will 
confer  upon  the  nation  inappreciable  advantages. 

"  Your  devoted  friend,  &c." 

"  At  a  meeting  of  citizens  of  New  York,  convened  on  23d  December,  1862,  to 
consider  the  condition  of  the  Republic,  with  a  view  to  aid  the  Government  in  decided 
measures  to  crush  the  rebellion,  it  was 

"  Resolved,  That  James  A.  Hamilton,  Robert  Dale  Owen,  William  Curtis  Noyes, 
Charles  King,  James  "VV.  White,  J.  F.  Gray,  William  A.  Hall,  George  D.  Phelps,  and 
Bradhurst  Schieffelm,  be  a  Committee  (with  power  to  add  to  their  number)  to  visit 
Washington,  in  order  to  represent  to  the  President  the  necessity  of  carrying  out  the 
policy  of  emancipation  set  forth  in  his  proclamation  of  the  22d  of  September,  and 
that  they  be  further  instructed  to  use  all  proper  influence  with  the  two  Houses  of 
Congress  to  induce  them  to  carry  out  in  their  legislation  the  scheme  of  emancipation. 

"  BRADIIUEST  SCHIEFFELIN,  Secretary. 

"  CHARLES  KING,  Chairman" 

JAMES  A.  HAMILTON  TO  HON.  SALMON  P.  CHASE,  Secretary  of  the  Treasury. 

"  WASHINGTON,  December  31, 1862. 

"  MY  DEAR  SIR  :  I  enclose  two  additional  sections  for  your  bill.  The  first  one 
needs  no  comment ;  it  was  by  inadvertence  omitted  from  the  bill  I  handed  to  you. 
The  second  one  is  submitted  with  hesitation  from  the  fear  that  you  have  already 
decided  not  to  adopt  it.  However,  at  the  risk  of  seeming  to  be  intrusive,  I  again 
commend  it  to  your  consideration  with  the  deepest  solicitude,  not  only  in  order  to  se 
cure  the  payment  of  our  debts  beyond  all  peradventure,  but  because  it  is,  as  was  said 
by  him  who  devised  this  system, '  the  true  secret  for  rendering  public  credit  immor 
tal.'  Let  me  add  to  what  I  have  before  stated  on  this  subject,  that  by  thus  perma 
nently  appropriating  specific  revenues  to  the  payment  in  coin  of  the  existing  debt 
and  the  new  loans,  you  give  them  a  much  increased  value  in  market.  Thus  capital 
ists,  having  ascertained  that  these  revenues  are  permanently  appropriated  to  these 
loans,  are  adequate  thereto,  and  that  they  are  absolutely  devoted,  being  vested  in 


REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES  A.  HAMILTON.  549 

trust  for  that  purpose,  it  is  a  matter  of  indifference  to  them  whether  further  debts 
and  to  what  amount  will  be  required,  because  such  debts  cannot  divide  this  fund  with 
them.  Their  priority  of  payment  is  known  and  fixed. 

"  I  am  also  moved  to  urge  your  adoption  of  this  system  by  considerations  per 
sonal  to  yourself.  I  am  informed  that  members  of  the  House  intend  to  propose  the 
reiidoption  of  the  old  successful  system,  and  I  desire  you  to  be  in  advance  of  all  others 
on  this  subject ;  to  make  your  bill  in  all  respects  such  a  one  as  will  confirm  the 
public  confidence  in  your  great  financial  abilities  and  thus  induce  the  acceptance  of 
your  banking  system.  And  here  let  me  remark  as  to  the  latter,  that  the  authority 
to  deposit  with  the  proposed  banks  ought  not  to  exclude  the  deposits  of  the  revenues 
from  duties.  The  proposed  bill  ought  to  authorize  you  to  make  such  deposits  upon 
receiving  adequate  security  by  United  States  Bonds  and  upon  such  terms  as  you  may 
think  proper  to  prescribe. 

"  I  have  no  doubt  that  the  authority  to  deposit  will  induce  existing  banks  and 
capitalists  to  come  into  your  system,  and  the  greater  amount  you  have  to  deposit,  the 
more  extended  will  be  this  influence. 

"  Sincerely  your  friend,  <fec." 


CHAPTEK      XV. 


1863—1866. 

Suggestions  to  Mr.  Chase — Letter  to  Secretary  Fessenden — Notes  at  interest  and 
convertible — Texas,  its  true  condition  and  means  of  treatment — Letter  to  Sena 
tor  Summer  —  Napoleon  and  Mexico  —  Passage  of  Secretary  Chase's  banking 
bill  —  Selection  of  Mr.  Olcott  as  Comptroller  of  the  Currency  —  A  suggestion 
about  Savings  Banks — Commission  to  inquire  into  the  condition  of  the  Freed- 
men — The  invasion  of  Pennsylvania — The  riots  in  New  York — Threatened  dif 
ficulty  at  Tarrytown — The  enlistment  of  blacks — Revenue  to  be  derived  from 
mines — Proposed  act  to  abolish  slavery — Levying  export  duties— Payment  of 
the  interest  on  the  State  debt  in  coin — The  Chicago  platform  and  the  nomina 
tions — Mr.  Fesseuden  Secretary  of  the  Treasury — Public  lands  and  the  public 
debt — False  charges  by  the  Confederate  Congress. 

FINANCIAL  SUGGESTIONS  FOR  MR.  CHASE. 

THE  "  SINKING  FUND,"  established  by  the  5th  section  of  "  an  Act  authorizing 
the  issue  of  United  States  notes  and  for  the  redemption  or  funding  thereof,  and 
for  purchasing  the  floating  debt  of  theUnited  States,"  passed  February  25th,  1862 
(Statutes  at  Large,  p.  346),  is  as  sound  a  system  as  can  be  devised ;  but  it  wants 
that  characteristic  of  permanence  which  can  alone  secure  public  confidence  and 
thus  impart  to  the  debt  of  the  United  States  that  absolute  value  which  will, 
instead  of  its  being  a  great  and  unceasing  evil,  render  it  a  blessing  to  the 
country. 

The  section  referred  to  declared  that  "  all  duties  on  imported  goods " 
"  shall  be  paid  in  coin,  &c. ;  "  and  the  coin  so  paid  shall  be  set  apart  as  a  spe 
cial  fund,  and  applied  as  follows : 

First)  To  the  payment  in  coin  of  the  interest,  &c.  Second.  To  the  purchase 
or  payment  of  one  per  centum  of  the  entire  debt  of  the  United  States  to  be 
made  within  each  fiscal  year. 

It  will  be  perceived  that  there  is  in  this  enactment  no  engagement  that  the 
existing  duties  shall  be  continued ;  and  consequently,  without  the  violation  of 
the  public  faith,  they  may  be  reduced  to  the  lowest  rate,  and  thus  the  "  special 
fund  "  may  be  wholly  inadequate  to  the  payment  of  the  interest  or  one  per 
centum  of  the  principal. 

It  is  well  known  that  the  appropriation  of  a  fund  which  in  amount  will  pay 


REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON.  551 

the  interest  of  the  debt,  and  one  per  cent,  of  the  principal  to  be  applied  annually 
to  the  purchase  of  the  principal,  will  extinguish  the  debt  in  less  than  thirty-four 
years.  By  the  operation  of  the  sinking  fund  of  Great  Britain,  four  hundred 
million  pounds  sterling  of  the  public  debt  were  redeemed  from  1786  to  1818 
(Bristed's  Resources  of  the  United  States,  page  91,  edition  1818) ;  and  by  the  opera 
tions  of  the  sinking  fund  first  established  by  Congress,  the  debts  of  the  R evo 
lution,  the  quasi  war  with  France,  and  the  war  of  1812  were  extinguished. 

The  system  of  the  United  States  aimed  to  establish  two  principal  points. 
"  First,  To  constitute  a  fund  sufficient  in  every  possible  event  for  extinguishing 
the  whole  debt  of  the  Revolution  in  a  period  not  exceeding  thirty  years." 
"  Second,  To  fix  the  destination  of  the  fund  unchangeably,  by  not  only  appropri 
ating  it  permanently  under  the  direction  of  commissioners,  by  vesting  it  in  them 
as  property  in  trust ;  but  by  making  its  faithful  application  a  part  of  the  con 
tract  with  the  creditors." 

The  first  point  is  established  at  present  by  the  Act  of  25th  of  February,  1862, 
5th  section,  by  constituting  at  the  existing  rate  of  duties  a  fund  sufficient  for  the 
payment  of  the  interest  on  a  debt  of  one  thousand  millions  of  dollars  at  five  per 
cent. ;  and  one  per  centum  on  such  an  amount  of  debt  to  be  applied  to  the  pur 
chase  or  reimbursement  of  that  principal  sum.  The  second  point  was  estab 
lished  by  the  following  enactments  :  by  an  Act  making  further  provision  for 
the  payment  of  the  debts  of  the  United  States,  passed  August  10th,  1790  (sec 
tion  7th),  which  declares  "  that  the  several  duties  imposed  by  this  Act  shall  le 
continued  to  le  collected  and  paid  until  the  debts  and  purposes  for  which  they  are 
'pledged  and  appropriated  shall  le  fully  discharged ;  provided  that  nothing  herein 
contained  shall  be  construed  to  prevent  the  Legislature  of  the  United  States 
from  substituting  other  duties  or  taxes  of  equal  value  to  any  or  all  of  said 
duties  or  imports." 

The  duties  imposed  by  this  Act  were  altered  by  an  Act  passed  May  2d, 
1792;  by  the  13th  section  it  was  provided  that  the  duties  imposed  by  this  Act 
should  continue  to  be  levied  and  paid,  until  the  debts  are  paid. 

These  enactments  gave  that  permanence  to  the  funds  appropriated,  which 
was  deemed  indispensable  to  the  security  of  the  debt,  without  preventing  such 
changes  of  the  duties  as  experience  might  indicate  as  necessary  or  expedient. 

By  "  an  Act  making  further  provision  for  support  of  the  public  credit,  and 
for  the  redemption  of  the  public  debt,"  passed  March  3d,  1795,  section  9,  it  was 
provided,  that,  "  as  well  the  money  which  shall  accrue  to  the  said  sinking  fund  by- 
virtue  of  the  provisions  of  this  Act,  as  well  as  those  which  shall  have  accrued, 
by  the  provisions  of  any  former  Act  or  Acts,  shall  be  under  the  direction  and 
management  of  the  commissioners  of  the  sinking  fund,"  &c.,  &c.,  "  and  shaft 
be  and  continue  appropriated  to  said  fund  until  the  whole  of  the  present  debts 
of  the  United  States,"  &c.,  &c.,  "shall  le  and  are  "hereby  declared  to  le  vested  in' 
the  said  commissioners  in  trust,  to  be  applied  according  to  the  provisions  of  the 
aforesaid  Act,"  &c.,  &c.,  "  to  the  reimbursement  and  redemption  of  the  said. 


552  REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES  A.  HAMILTON. 

debts,  including  the  loans  aforesaid,  until  the  same  shall  be  fully  reimbursed 
and  redeemed  ;  "  and  the  faith  of  the  United  States  is  hereby  pledged,  that  the 
money  and  funds  aforesaid  shall  inviolably  remain,  and  be  appropriated  and 
vested  as  aforesaid,  to  be  applied  to  the  reimbursement  and  redemption  in  the 
manner  aforesaid,  until  the  same  shall  be  completely  and  fully  effected. 

These  are  the  essential  enactments  which  established  the  sinking  fund  of  the 
United  States. 

This  system  received  the  sanction  of  Mr.  Jefferson  by  an  Act  passed  in 
1802,  giving  it  greater  efficiency;  and  by  the  report  of  Mr.  Gallatin,  his  most 
confidential  minister,  in  these  words :  "  That  the  actual  revenues  of  the  Union 
are  sufficient  to  defray  all  expenses,  civil  and  military,  of  Government  to  the  ex 
tent  authorized  by  existing  laws  ;  to  meet  all  engagements  of  the  United  States, 
and  to  discharge  in  fifteen  and  a  half  years  the  whole  of  our  public  debt." 

The  same  system  received  the  sanction  of  nearly  every  Administration  by 
various  enactments  up  to  the  year  1848.  I  believe  there  have  been  thirty 
Acts  passed  by  Congress  in  which  the  great  maxim,  "  that  the  creation  of  debt 
should  always  be  accompanied  with  the  means  of  extinguishment,"  is  clearly 
required  and  enforced.  We  have  thus,  in  support  of  the  wisdom  of  such  a  sys 
tem,  the  sanction  of  the  opinion  of  the  Fathers  of  his  country ;  and  we  have, 
what  is  much  stronger,  the  result  of  experience  in  the  great  fact  that  this  is 
the  only  nation  which  has  paid  off  its  public  debt. 

Experience,  un^er  the  direction  of  the  Treasury  by  Mr.  McCulloch,  proves 
conclusively  that  the  proposed  legislation — that  is  to  say,  to  appropriate  the 
fund  to  pay  the  interest  and  one  per  cent,  of  the  debt  to  commissioners  in  trust 
to  purchase  or  pay  the  debt,  and  a  like  appropriation  of  the  interest  on  the 
amounts  of  debt  so  paid  or  purchased  in  the  same  manner  by  the  said  commis 
sioners — was  indispensable.  The  Act  of  26th  February,  1862,  has  been  treated 
by  Secretary  McCulloch,  as  a  dead  letter;  which  is  not  surprising,  as  he,  in  his 
first  report  to  Congress,  recommended  the  repeal  of  that  Act.  This  was,  in  fact,  a 
recommendation  to  violate  the  public  faith. 

JAMES  A.  HAMILTON  TO  HON.  WM.  P.  FESSENDEX,  Secretary  of  the  Treasury, 

Washington,  D.  C. 

"DOBBS  FERRY,  January  22,  1863. 

"  DEAR  Sir:  I  beg  leave  to  call  your  attention  to  the  resolution  presented  by  Mr. 
Dixon  of  Connecticut,  to  amend  the  Constitution  thus  :  '  The  Congress  shall  have  the 
power  to  lay  a  tax  or  duty  on  articles  exported  from  any  State,"1  and  to  suggest  that, 
as  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  it  would  be  well  to  address  a  letter  to  the  Committee 
of  Ways  and  Means,  urging  the  importance  of  such  an  amendment  in  a  fiscal  point  of 
view,  indicating  the  vast  amount  of  revenue  which  could  be  derived  fro  MI  an  export 
duty  upon  breadstuff's,  petroleum,  pork,  tobacco,  rice,  and  cotton,  and  suggesting  such 
incidental  advantages  as  your  great  familiarity  with  the  subject  would  occur  to  you. 

"There  is  reason  to  believe  that  the  effect  of  an  export  duty  on  breadstuff's  by 
making  the  food  of  the  operators  of  Great  Britain  dearer,  and  on  cotton,  by  making 


REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON.  553 

the  raw  material  dearer,  would  induce  English  manufacturers  to  remove  their  cap 
ital  and  operatives,  and  establish  themselves  here.  I  learned  when  I  was  District 
Attorney  of  the  United  States  in  1829,  that  such  was  the  effect  in  more  than  one  in 
stance  of  our  high  protective  system  of  that  period,  and  afterward  in  1837,  when  in 
England,  I  was  informed  if  that  system  had  been  continued,  very  many  of  the  manu 
factories  were  prepared  to  do  the  same. 

"  I  believe  our  present  condition  gives  us  the  opportunity  to  make  the  Constitu 
tion  what  the  wisest  statesmen  in  the  convention  wished  it  to  be,  but  in  which  they 
were  thwarted  by  the  selfishness  and  arrogance  of  the  South.  As  to  this  clause, 
you  will  recollect  that  the  South,  under  a  threat  of  rejecting,  insisted  either  that  the 
power  to  levy  a  duty  on  exports  should  be  yielded,  or  that  all  laws  regulating 
commerce  should  require  a  two-third  vote. 

"I  suppose  it  would  be  best  not  to  press  this  until  the  amendment  abolishing 
slavery  is  disposed  of.  I  am  solicitous  that  you  should  prepare  with  care  such  a  let 
ter,  and  that  it  should  be  published  at  the  right  time,  because  it  would  be  potential 
and  that  you  should  thus  be  connected  prominently  with  this  most  important  and 
essential  amendment. 

"I  believe  no  other  Government  has  denied  itself  this  power. 

"  I  have  the  honor  to  be,  with  great  respect,  your  friend." 

HON.  SALMON  P.  CHASE,  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  TO  JAMES  A.  HAMILTON. 

"TREASURY  DEPARTMENT,  January  26,  1863. 

u MY  DEAR  SIR:  Your  note  is  just  received.  The  bill  will,  I  think,  piss  ;  public 
sentiment  now  seems  thoroughly  to  demand  it.  The  tax  on  banks  will  probably 
go  into  the  financial  bill,  and  so  the  necessity  for  putting  it  in  the  banking  bill  be 
avoided.  Very  truly  and  faithfully  yours,  &c." 

JAMES  A.  HAMILTON  TO  HON.  S.  P.  CHASE,  Secretary  of  the  Treasury, 

Washington. 

"DOBBS  FERRY  P.  0.,  February  5,  1863. 

"  DEAR  SIR  :  Yesterday  Mr.  M.  Taylor,  a  Bank  President,  one  of  the  shrewdest 
men  in  Wall  Street,  said  to  my  informant,  '  If  notes  at  interest  and  convertible  are 
issued,  I  will  take  for  myself  and  friends  three  millions.'  He  insists  that  the  cur 
rency  is  not  redundant. 

"  It  has  occurred  to  me  to  say  to  you  that  the  authority  to  issue  such  notes  ought 
to  be  at  a  rate  not  over  six  per  cent. ;  this  would  be  a  permission  to  issue  them  at  a 
less  rate,  which  I  am  convinced  is  most  expedient.  It  is  of  advantage  to  the  Treas 
ury  that  the  market  rate  of  interest  should  be  low,  less  than  six  per  cent.,  in  order 
to  render  your  six  per  cent,  bond  an  advantageous  investment.  If  your  notes  are  at 
six  per  cent.,  they  will  fix  the  market  value  at  that  or  a  little  higher  rate ;  on  the  cou 
pons  I  would  go  as  low  as  four  per  cent.  This  will  be  high  enough  to  entice  de 
posits  from  the  Banks  where  no  interest  is  paid. 

"  The  more  I  hear  from  disinterested  parties  and  reflect  upon  the  subject,  the 
better  satisfied  I  am  that  the  currency  is  not  redundant,  and  that  the  price  of  gold 
is  not,  under  all  circumstances,  the  true  criterion  of  the  value.  I  will  not  repeat  to 
you  the  argument. 


554  REMINISCENCES    OF  JAMES  A.  HAMILTON. 

"  Do  not  consider  me  presumptuous  in  making  suggestions  to  you  on  this  subject. 
I  am  well  aware  that  your  reflections  embrace  all  that  is  important,  and  that  I  can 
probably  suggest ;  yet  I  pray  you  to  believe  that  I  am  urged  to  address  you,  as  I 
now  do,  by  an  intense  desire  to  serve  our  country  and  to  promote  the  success  of  a 

friend. 

"I  have  the  honor  to  be,  with  sincere  regard,  yourp. 

"P.  S.  Since  writing  the  above,  the  morning  papers  announce  that  the  Senate 
Committee  propose  to  deprive  you  of  the  power  to  deposit  any  part  of  the  revenue 
with  Banks.  This  is  a  great  mistake,  because  it  removes  one  of  the  strongest  induce 
ments  to  existing  banks  in  the  cities  to  come  in  under  your  system. 

"Yours,  &c." 

TEXAS,  ITS  TRUE  CONDITION  AND  PROPER  TREATMENT. 

This  was  to  me  a  subject  of  absorbing  interest.  After  the  military  plan  de 
tailed  in  the  following  letters  had  been  formed,  a  sketch  was  prepared  and  with 
the  assistance  of  Mr.  Kapp,  an  intelligent  German,  and  most  patriotic  adopted 
citizen,  was  submitted  to  a  number  of  influential  Germans  in  New  York  who 
highly  approved,  and  gave  the  assurance  that  if  the  Government  would  call  for 
volunteers,  the  proposed  80,000  would  be  enlisted  at  "  the  tap  of  the  drum." 

JAMES  A.  HAMILTON  TO  SENATOR   CHARLES  SUMNER. 

"  DOBBS  FERRY,  NEW  YORK,  January  15,  1863. 

"  DEAR  SIR  :  I  have  the  honor  to  send  to  you  the  draft  of  a  bill  which  will  clearly 
indicate  the  course  which  I  think  ought  to  be  taken  with  Texas.  I  believe  the  pro 
posed  number  of  men  could  be  raised  without  difficulty  from  among  our  German  popu 
lation  upon  the  terms  proposed,  and  that  30,000  men  under  a  competent  leader,  to 
gether  with  the  Union  men  of  Texas,  would  conquer  the  country  in  a  few  months. 
Men  who  would  be  unwilling  to  enlist  for  three  years  or  the  war,  would  readily 
volunteer  for  a  specified  object,  and  particularly  where  the  term  of  service  would 
depend  upon  the  efficiency  of  their  efforts.  Texas  is  perhaps,  better  known  to  and 
more  highly  appreciated  by  the  Germans  than  any  of  the  remote  parts  of  the  country. 
They  would  be  conveyed  to  the  places  to  be  their  future  homes,  and  sustained  at  the 
public  expense.  The  Bill  looks  to  the  appropriation  to  them  of  the  plantations 
which  have  been  occupied  and  prepared  for  immediate  cultivation,  and  gives  them 
$100  with  their  wages  to  build  such  houses  as  may  be  necessary  for  immediate  use, 
leaving  with  them  their  arms,  and  so  placing  them  together,  as  will  enable  them  con 
veniently  to  preserve  their  military  organization,  an  important  provision,  as  secur 
ing  peaceful  possession  of  their  homesteads,  and  the  country  against  insurrection. 

"I  propose  to  form  a  bill  to  establish  a  territorial  Government  for  Texas.  That 
country  may  be  rightfully  considered  as  standing  in  a  position  altogether  different 
from  any  of  the  States  in  rebellion,  unconstitutionally  admitted  by  joint  resolution, 
not  by  treaty.  (I  hold  that  no  agreement  can  be  made  by  this  Government  with 
another  independent  nation  except  by  treaty.)  However  this  may  be,  Texas  was  an 
independent  sovereign  power  when  the  Congress  of  the  United  States  consented 
that  Texas  should  be  a  State  of  this  Union.  Texas,  when  she  declared  that  agree 
ment  so  formed  null  and  of  no  effect,  as  she  did  by  her  act  of  secession  as  we  com- 


REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES   A.  HAMILTON.  555 

monly  call  it,  assumed  her  original  position  as  a  sovereign  and  independent  power, 
and  as  such  she  made  war  upon  the  United  States,  then  standing  toward  her  as  a 
foreign  power,  just  as  the  other  nations  of  the  world  were. 

"  Now,  if  this  he  a  correct  view  of  the  subject,  or  one  which  the  United  States 
have  the  right  to  consider  as  that  one  which  Texas  has  practically  assumed,  whether 
right  or  wrong,  our  Government  may  and  ought  to  accept  the  condition  of  war 
which  she  has  imposed  upon  us,  and  we  are  thus  authorized  to  conquer  this  nation, 
and  to  hold  it  by  right  of  conquest.  By  doing  so,  we  get  rid  of  the  original  agree 
ment  with  all  its  embarrassments  as  to  slavery  in  Texas,  and  as  to  four  more  slave 
States.  On  the  other  hand,  if  we  consider  and  treat  Texas  as  a  State  of  the  Union 
under  the  aforesaid  agreement,  we  must  take  that  in  the  whole,  and  thus  expose 
ourselves  to  a  charge  of  want  of  good  faith  if  we  refuse  to  admit  other  slave  States 
carved  out  of  her  Territory. 

"  It  is  quite  necessary  for  me  to  suggest  to  your  comprehensive  mind  reasons 
and  motives  for  adopting  and  sustaining  this  view  of  this  subject.  When  conquered, 
in  peace  or  war,  the  Congress  have  under  Article  1st,  Section  8,  Chapter  11,  com 
plete  power  to  establish  a  Territorial  Government,  and  to  apply  all  the  provisions  of 
the  ordinance  of  1789  thereto. 

u  I  am  called  upon  by  friends  in  New  York  to  prepare  an  Emancipation  Act,  pure 
and  simple.  Mr.  Owen  believes  such  an  act  can  be  readily  passed,  and  if  I  am  capa 
ble  of  exertion  enough,  I  intend  to  sketch  an  Act  to  provide  for  the  freedmen  of 
African  descent.  This  is  a  task  I  shrink  from,  because  I  am  confident  I  am  not  up 
to  it.  I  hope  you  can  read  what  I  have  written. 

"  I  remain  with  respect  and  regard,  yours  truly,  &c." 

JAMES  A.  HAMILTON  TO  PRESIDENT  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN". 

"  DOBBS  FERRY  P.  O.,  February  16,  1863. 

"DEAR  SIR:  My  unceasing  solicitude  in  relation  to  our  country  must  be  my 
excuse  for  addressing  this  letter  to  you. 

u  I  am  satisfied  that  Napoleon,  in  making  war  upon  Mexico  without  committing 
himself,  which  he  is  not  apt  to  do,  designed  intervention,  the  establishment  of  the 
Southern  confederacy,  and  thus  to  acquire  for  France  the  richest  colony  in  the  world 
formed  by  the  Northern  States  of  Mexico  united  to  the  State  of  Texas.  His  proposi 
tion  to  Great  Britain  and  Russia,  followed  up  by  his  attempt  to  induce  us  to  hold 
'direct  informal  conferences  with  the  authority  which  may  represent  the  States  of 
the  South'  were  both  intended  to  stimulate  the  traitors  to  continue  the  contest  until 
his  progress  in  Mexico  gave  him  assurance  of  success  there,  and  thus  afforded  him 
the  means  of  striking  a  decisive  blow,  through  Texas,  at  the  United  St-ites. 

"  Such  an  acquisition  would  commend  itself  to  the  people  of  France  by  its  com 
mercial  advantages,  its  rich  mines  and  agricultural  products,  and  particularly  by  its 
being  an  enticing  outlet  to  the  redundant  industrious  and  frugal  agricultural  popula 
tion  of  that  country,  and  thus  by  increasing  the  rewards  of  labor  at  home,  to  give 
him  a  better  chance  of  internal  quiet. 

u  The  Pope  would  influence  the  Catholic  clergy  in  Mexico  (the  great  power  there) 
to  aid  his  designs,  in  order,  as  the  Emperor  intimates,  to  extend  the  Latin  Church. 
The  United  States  divided,  would  shield  his  province  from  attack,  at  least  for  such 
a  period  as  might  enable  him  to  consolidate  his  power  in  his  new  acquisition. 


55G  REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON. 

"  The  clear  and  definite  rejection  of  the  last  proposal  does  Mr.  Seward  great 
honor.  I  rejoice  that  he  has  so  well  taken  the  only  course  consistent  with  our  coun 
try's  honor.  I  do  not  believe  that  the  Emperor  expected  or  wished  it  should  be  ac 
cepted.  By  the  rejection,  it  may  be,  as  a  respectable  English  journal  says,  'that 
he  has  left  himself  apparently  but  one  alternative,  to  recognize  the  South,  and  raise 
the  Southern  blockade.'  Whether  this  is  to  be  the  alternative  he  will  take  or  not, 
the  occasion  calls  upon  the  Government  for  the  exercise  of  wise  precautions  and 
adequate  preparation  for  the  worst. 

"  The  first  step  to  that  end  is,  to  throw  a  large  force  without  delay  into  Texas 
to  subdue  and  settle  that  Territory ;  and  to  do  this  most  effectually,  I  earnestly  advise 
that  you  send  a  message  to  Congress,  asking  authority  to  call  for  50,000  men  to  form 
an  army  for  the  sole  purpose  of  subduing  and  settling  Texas.  A  call  in  this  form 
would  be,  as  I  learn  from  those  acquainted  with  the  German  populations  in  New 
York  and  elsewhere,  immediately  answered. 

"First. — The  army  should  receive  the  same  pay,  clothing,  and  rations  as  the  reg 
ular  army. 

'-'•Second. — When  the  work  is  done,  the  men  should  receive  each  a  bounty  of  $100, 
and  eighty  acres  of  land  under  the  Homestead  Act ;  they  should  retain  their  arms 
and  military  organization ;  the  land  to  be  laid  out  in  contiguous  sections  by  regi 
ments  and  brigades,  and  the  rations  should  be  continued  for  one  year  after  they  are 
mustered  out  of  service  in  that  country;  and  whatever  else  is  required,  should  be 
done  to  fix  there  a  military  body  having  an  interest  in  the  soil  sufficient,  and  at  all 
times  ready  with  the  Union  inhabitants  to  defend  Texas  against  enemies  from  with 
in  or  without. 

"  This  measure  would  not  only  secure  Texas  to  the  United  States,  but  it  might 
admonish  the  Emperor  that  his  magnificent  designs  were  not  unattended  with  the 
danger  of  defeat  which  would,  perhaps,  shake  his  throne. 

u  In  addition  allow  me  to  say,  this  suggestion  affords  to  the  President  a  good 
opportunity  for  sending  a  message  to  Congress  which  would  arouse  the  dormant 
energies  of  the  patriotic  people,  without  referring  to  the  late  attempt  of  the  Emperor, 
except  as  having  been  '  guided  beyond  all  the  friendship  which  actuates  him  in  re 
gard  to  the  United  States.'  It  would  be  understood  by  our  people  as  a  measure  of 
preparation  against  the  attempts  of  a  foreign  power  to  dismember  their  country,  and 
would  thus  have  a  tendency  to  repress  the  mischievous  spirit  of  party,  and  of  dis 
loyal  and  malignant  fault-finding  so  prevaL-nt  at  this  time. 

"  The  people,  confident  in  your  devotion  to  their  interests,  are  always  rejoiced  to 
hear  from  you ;  and  at  this  time  it  would  be  particularly  useful  at  home  and  abroad. 

"  If  you  would  reiterate  your  fixed  purpose,  in  obedience  to  your  special  duty  to 
the  people  and  to  the  Supreme  Disposer  of  events — who  cannot  be  indifferent  to  those 
who  are  valiantly  sustaining  the  cause  of  justice  and  the  highest  Christian  civiliza 
tion — to  carry  on  this  war  regardless  of  all  consequences  direct  or  contingent ;  in 
order,  in  the  language  of  Washington's  proclamation  in  1793,  'to  reduce  the  refrac 
tory  to  a  due  subordination  to  the  laws,'  and  that  it  will  be  prosecuted  by  all  such 
means  within  the  power  of  the  President  as  will  conduce  to  that  end. 

"The  Constitution,  the  Union,  and  the  National  life  being  in  imminent  danger, 
it  is  confidently  believed  that  the  first  confers  upon  the  Government,  ordained  and 
established  by  the  people  of  the  United  States,  all  the  power  which  can,  in  such  an 
emergency,  be  required  to  preserve  the  two  last — the  Union  and  the  National  life. 


REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES   A.   HAMILTON.  557 

There  are  views  in  regard  to  Texas,  its  annexation,  &c.,  which,  when  properly 
examined  under  proper  circumstances — that  is  to  say,  after  she  is  subdued — will 
present  her  position  relatively  to  the  United  States  altogether  different  from  that  of 
other  States  now  in  rebellion.  But  of  this  hereafter. 

"  I  have  the  honor  to  be,  with  great  respect,  your  friend,  &c." 

AN  ACT  TO  SUBDUE  AND  SETTLE  TEXAS,  AND  FOR  OTHER  PURPOSES. 

"  Be  it  enacted  by  the  Senate  and  House  of  Representatives  of  the  United  States 
of  America  in  Congress  assembled,  that  the  President  be,  and  he  is  hereby  author 
ized,  in  addition  to  the  volunteer  force  which  he  is  now  authorized  by  law  to  raise, 
to  accept  the  services  of  any  number  of  volunteers  not  exceeding  30,000,  in  such 
proportions  of  infantry,  cavalry,  and  artillery  as  he  may  deem  most  expedient,  for  the 
express  and  sole  purpose  of  subduing  Texas,  and  thereafter  of  becoming  settlers 
therein.  And  that  such  volunteers,  whenever  the  people  of  Texas  shall  be  subdued 
and  brought  into  submission  to  the  laws  of  the  LTnited  States,  shall  be  mustered  out 
of  service ;  and  every  soldier  who  shall  enlist  under  the  provisions  of  this  Act  shall 
receive  two  months'  pay  upon  the  mustering  of  his  company  or  regiment  into  the 
serv;ce  of  the  United  States;  and  all  persons  who  shall  be  enrolled  into  the  service 
of  the  United  States  under  this  Act  shall  receive  the  same  pay  and  rations  now 
allowed  by  law  to  soldiers  according  to  their  respective  grades ;  and  all  provisions 
of  law  relating  to  volunteers  enlisted  in  the  service  of  the  United  States  for  three 
years,  or  the  war  (except  in  the  relation  to  bounty),  shall  be,  and  the  same  are  here 
by  deckred  to  embrace  the  volunteers  to  be  raised  under  the  provisions  of  this  sec 
tion,  not  inconsistent  therewith. 

"And  be  it  further  enacted,  that  whenever  the  volunteers  raised  by  this  Act 
shall  be  mustered  out  of  service,  each  non-commissioned  officer  and  private  shall  re 
ceive  a  bounty  of  $100,  and  one  hundred  and  sixty  acres  of  land,  and  they  shall 
retain  their  arms  and  accoutrements,  and  their  military  organization,  to  b^  ready  to 
perform  the  duties  of  the  militia  of  the  country  whenever  required  so  to  do  ;  the  said 
bounty  lands  to  belaid  off  in  quarter  sections  contiguous  to  each  other  f>r  each 
regiment,  and  in  such  districts  of  counrty  and  pLices  as  will  best  preserve  the  peace 
and  good  order  of  the  loyal  people  thereof,  and  will  promote  the  interest  of  the  sol 
diers  who  are  settlers  therein,  and  as  shall  be  designated  for  that  purpose  by  the 
military  governor  of  Texas  hereinafter  authorized  to  be  appointed  ;  the  said  bounty 
land  to  be  occupied  and  cultivated  by  the  owners  thereof  for  and  during  the  period 
of  five  years,  and  to  be  held  pursuant  to  the  second  section  of  the  Act,  entitled,  '  An 
Act  to  secure  homesteads  to  actual  settlers  on  the  public  domain,'  passed  May  20, 
1862. 

"  And  be  it  further  enacted,  that  the  President  be,  and  he  is  hereby  authorized, 
to  take  and  appropriate  any  part  or  all  of  the  real  estate  of  any  person  or  persons  in 
Texas  whose  property  it  was  made  the  duty  of  the  President,  by  the  fifth  section  of 
an  Act,  entitled,  fc  An  Act  to  suppress  insurrection,  to  punish  treason  and  rehellion,  to 
seize  and  confiscate  the  property  of  rebels,  and  for  other  purposes,'  passed  July  17", 
1862,  to  cause  to  be  seized  and  to  be  applied  to  the  use  of  the  army  of  the  United 
States,  and  to  cause  the  same  to  be  appropriated  among  the  soldiers  who  may  be 
enlisted  and  perform  their  duties  faithfully  under  this  Act. 

"  And  be  it  further  enacted,  that  to  all  such  of  the  volunteers  who  may  be  killed^ 
in  battle,  or  may  die  in  the  service  aforesaid,  the  bounties  provided  by  this  Act,  of 
money  and  land,  shall  go  to  the  family  or  legal  representatives  of  such  deceased 
soldier  in  the  same  manner  as  is  provided  by  the  second  section  of  the  Homestead 
Act,  hereinbefore  referred  to. 

"And  be  it  further  enacted,  that  the  expenses  incurred  in  carrying  this  Act  into 
effect,  shall  be  paid  out  of  the  general  appropriation  for  the  army  and  the  volun 
teers. 

"  And  be  it  further  enacted,  that  the  President  of  the  United  States  be,  and  he  is 
hereby  authorized,  as  a  military  necessity,  to  appoint  a  suitable  person  a^  Governor 
of  Texas,  in  whom  the  executive  power  thereof  shall  be  vested,  who  shall  reside 


558  REMINISCENCES    OF  JAMES  A.  HAMILTON. 

therein  and  held  his  office  during  the  term  of  three  years,  unless  sooner  removed  by 
the  President  of  the  United  States.  He  shall  be  Commander-in-Chief  of  the  militia 
of  Texas,  and  ex  officio  superintendent  of  Indian  affairs.  He  shall  have  power  to 
grant  pardons  for  offences  not  against  the  United  States,  and  reprieves  for  offences 
against  the  United  States,  until  the  decision  of  the  President  thereon  shall  be  made 
known,  and  to  appoint  and  commission  all  officers,  civil  and  of  the  military,  whose 
appointments  are  not  otherwise  provided  for,  and  which  bhall,  in  the  judgment  of 
the  President,  be  necessary  and  proper.  He  shall  take  care  that  the  laws  be  faith 
fully  executed." 

The  above  Act  was  inclosed  to  the  President  to  be  used  in  order  to  carry 
out  the  system  proposed  by  the  letter  to  him  of  the  Itith  of  February,  1863. 

JAMES  A.  HAMILTON  TO  THE  HON.  SALMON  P.  CHASE,  Secretary  of  the 

Treasury. 

"DOBBS  FEERY  P.  O.,  February  27,  1863. 

"My  DEAR  SIR:  I  congratulate  you  with  all  my  heart,  that  your  Banking  Bill 
is  passed.  Among  the  great  events  which  will  distinguish  this,  the  most  interesting 
chapter  in  our  history,  or  perhaps  in  that  of  any  other  nation,  this  one  will  be 
measured  by  the  benefits  it  will  confer  upon  the  people  of  all  parts  of  our  country ; 
and  to  him  whose  sagacity  in  devising,  courage  in  proposing,  and  perseverance  in 
carrying  it  out,  it  will  give  immortal  honor. 

"When  in  the  future  of  our  country's  unrivalled  commerce  the  whole  body  of 
those  who  are  engaged  therein,  and  indeed  of  those  who  buy  and  sell  and  toil,  shall 
rejoice  in  the  best  currency  in  the  world,  looking  back  to  this  period  of  gloom  and 
disaster,  of  incompetent  captains  and  statesmen,  your  name  will  be  uttered  with 
gratitude  and  praise.  The  next  thing  is  to  induce  men  of  business  and  wealth  to 
form  associations  under  this  law.  I  have  written  to  some  such  in  New  York, 
urging  them  to  do  so ;  and  in  order  to  stimulate  their  enterprise,  I  have  intimated 
that  the  first  bank  which  shall  be  formed  upon  an  extended  basis,  and  by  proper 
men,  will  probably  be  that  one  which  will  be  employed  as  a  fiscal  agent.  This  will 
be  a  great  advantage. 

"  I  have  the  honor  to  be  your  devoted  friend  and  servant,  &c." 

JAMES  A.  HAMILTON  TO  THE  HON.  SALMON  P.  CHASE,  Secretary  of  Treasury. 

"NEVIS,  DOBBS  FERRY  P.  O.,  March  10,  1863. 

"  MY  DEAR  SIR  :  I  write  this  note  under  the  conviction  that  the  friendly  relations 
between  us  not  only  authorize  but  require  me  to  do  so. 

"  Thurlow  Weed  has,  as  a  good  joke,  related  a  conversation  you  have  held  with 
him  as  to  your  chances  for  the  Presidency.  This  comes  through  such  a  source  as  to 
give  me  the  assurance  of  its  truth  (not  that  you  have  so  conversed  with  him,  but 
that  he  had  so  stated).  I  believe  him  to  be  a  very  unfair  man,  and  I  now  give  you 
an  incident  to  show  how  unreliable  he  is. 

"  Some  years  ago,  on  my  way  as  a  delegate  to  a  Whig  Convention  at  Utica,  to 
nominate  a  candidate  for  governor,  he  took  a  seat  next  to  me  in  the  car  from  Albany, 
and  asked  my  opinion  as  to  the  person  proper  to  be  nominated,  which  I  gave  with 
out  reserve.  He  fully  concurred  with  me  and  pointed  out  the  means  to  be  used  to 
insure  the  nomination  of  such  person  and  his  election,  with  the  objections  to  the 
other  gentleman  who  was  understood  to  be  a  candidate  for  nomination.  Our  con- 


REMINISCENCES    OF   JAMES    A.  HAMILTON.  559 

versation  was  unreserved,  and  left  in  my  mind  such  a  clear  conviction  of  Weed's 
wishes  and  purposes  as  that  when  I  arrived  at  Utica,  and  met  with  those  who  were 
the  advocates  of  the  nomination  of  Lira  whom  I  preferred,  I  gave  as  a  reason  for  my 
confidence  in  the  result  the  fact  that  Mr.  Weed  was  with  us  In  answer,  I  was  told, 
"  You  are  mistaken — Weed  is  now  in  that  room  (pointing  to  a  door)  with  the  friends 

of to  secure  his  nomination.'     I  expressed  my  surprise,   and  waited  for  some 

time  to  see  who  were  in  the  room,  when  one  of  them  came  out.    I  said,  '  Well ! 

what  have  you  decided,  who  is  to  be  the  candidate? '    lie  replied,  '  Mr. ,'  I 

said,  'Does  Weed  concur  in  that? '  He  said, '  He  does,  it  is  all  arranged.'  Mr.  Weed 
shortly  afterward  came  out  and  came  up  to  speak  to  me.  I  said,  'No!  sir.  I  am 
informed  of  what  you  have  been  about.  I  never  permit  a  man  to  cheat  me  twice. 
I  cannot  know  you.' 

"  We  did  not  speak  for  years  afterward.  This  is  stated  not  in  confidence,  but 
to  put  you  on  your  guard. 

"  With  respect  and  regard,  yours  truly,  &c." 

JAMES  A.  HAMILTON  TO  HON.  SALMON  P.  CHASE,  Secretary  of  Treasury. 

"  DOBBS  FEERY  P.  0.,  March  10,  1863. 

"  MY  DEAK  SIR  :  You  have  made  an  excellent  choice  of  a  Comptroller  of  the  cur 
rency.  Mr.  Olcott  is  an  experienced  banker,  very  conservative,  of  good  business 
habits  and  unquestionable  integrity.  I  have  not  his  personal  acquaintance.  My 
only  fear  is,  he  is  too  much  associated  with  Weed.  I  should  have  preferred  Mr. 
Cisco.  He  will  probably  have  leisure  to  form  a  system  which  will  give  a  distinct 
and  analytical  digest  of  the  returns  he  must  receive  ;  which  at  a  glance  will  inform 
you  of  the  course  of  the  commercial  business  of  the  country. 

"  As  the  law  authorizes  you  to  deposit  a  part  of  the  revenues  with  one  or  more 
of  these  banks,  thus  making  such  the  fiscal  agent  of  the  government,  this  power 
will  enable  a  skilful  financier  to  repress  that  reckless  spirit  of  overtrading  which 
periodically  (say  every  ten  years)  has  produced  suspensions  by  the  banks  and  ex 
tensive  bankruptcy.  This,  and  the  power  to  give  a  currency  of  absolute  and  uniform 
value  throughout  the  Republic,  are  the  prominent  value  of  your  system. 

"I  had  a  very  interesting  conversation  with  Albert  Gallatin  on  this  subject. 
He  considered  a  United  States  Bank  as  indispensable  to  the  Treasury,  and  as  most 
useful  as  a  great  regulator  and  promoter  of  commerce,  and  also  with  Mr.  Crawford, 
in  1820,  who  expressed  like  views. 

"  The  Sub-treasury  scheme  was  the  fruit  of  a  sterile  soil,  having  very  little  culti 
vation. 

"  It  was  a  great  misfortune  to  the  country  that  Mr.  Van  Buren  was  not  appointed 
a  judge  of  the  Supreme  Court,  as  he  hoped  to  be  when  Smith  Thompson  was  appoint 
ed.  In  a  fiscal  point  of  view,  the  true  use  of  the  precious  metals  is  to  make  them 
the  foundation  of  credit.  To  make  them  barren  by  burying  them  in  a  Sub-treasury, 
is  taking  a  long  step  backward. 

"That  system  has  been  found  to  be  incapable  of  doing  what  was  boastfully 
promised  for  it,  to  wit:  to  restrain  the  over-issues  of  the  banks,  and  thus  to  prevent 
panics,  suspensions,  and  bankruptcies.  During  its  existence,  there  have  been  three 
or  more  such  disastrous  events,  while  during  the  two  United  States  banks  (40  years), 
I  believe  there  was  not  one. 


560  REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES  A.  HAMILTON. 

"  Your  choice  of  the  means  to  raise  money  is  looked  for  with  very  great  interest. 
I  have  entire  confidence  that  it  will  be  a  judicious  one. 
"  With  sincere  respect, 

"  Your  friend  and  servant,  &c." 

JAMES  McKAY  TO  JAMES  A.  HAMILTON. 

"March  21,  1863. 

"My  DEAR  SIR:  I  was  truly  sorry  not  to  see  you  when  you  were  in  town  in  the 
early  part  of  the  week.  On  the  very  day  you  were  here,  I  received  a  telegraph 
from  the  Secretary  of  War  saying  he  would  like  to  see  me.  I  went  on  immediately, 
and  only  returned  this  morning.  The  commission  in  which  you  feel  so  much 
interest,  and  were  principally  instrumental  in  getting  organized,  has  been  ordered, 
and  consists  of  Owen,  Dr.  Samuel  G.  Howe,  of  Boston,  and  myself.  In  making  the 
order  for  the  commission,  Mr.  Stanton  has  used  the  broadest  terms,  and  has  requested 
us  verbally  to  draw  up  our  own  instructions,  with  the  single  sugges'.im  that  they 
should  have  scope  enough  to  comprehend  the  whole  subject.  We  have  written  Dr. 
Howe,  requesting  him  to  meet  us  here  on  Monday  or  Tuesday  for  the  purpose  of 
preparing  these  instructions,  &c.  We  have  also  requested  Governor  Andrew,  if  his 
engagements  will  permit,  to  give  us  the  benefit  of  his  advice,  and  now,  my  dear  sir, 
I  want  to  ask  the  same  favor  of  you.  Mr.  Owen  I  expect  to-night,  but  I  promised 
him  to  write  you  on  this  subject,  and  ask  a  conference  with  you.  As  for  myself,  I 
cannot  think  of  beginning  so  great  a  work  as  this  seems  to  me,  without  the  benefit  of 
your  counsel  and  advice.  Please  let  me  hear  from  you,  and  much  ob.ige 

"  Yours,  most  sincerely,  &c." 

JAMES  A.  HAMILTON  TO  HON.  D.  H.  ROBERTSON. 

"DOBBS  FERRY  P.  0.,  March  27,  1863. 

"  DEAR  SIR  :  I  am  sure  it  would  be  useful  to  the  country,  as  well  as  to  the  frugal 
and  industrious  portion  of  our  laboring  fellow-citizens,  if  the  savings  banks  were 
required  by  law  to  receive  on  special  deposit  the  public  securities  of  the  State  and 
National  Government;  and  to  collect  the  interest  as  it  becomes  due  therein,  and 
carry  that  to  the  credit  of  the  depositor. 

"  Persons  now  in  my  employment  leave  their  wages  on  deposit  at  interest  with 
me.  I  would  much  prefer  and  urge  them  that  they  should  invest  in  the  national 
stocks,  which  they  decline  to  do,  because  they  have  no  safe  place  to  keep  such  bonds 
or  evidences  of  debt.  The  remedy  I  propose  would  remove  that  difficulty  :  it  would 
give  them  a  higher  rate  of  interest  than  the  banks  give,  it  would  tend  to  absorb  so 
much  of  the  national  debt,  and  to  bring  that  class  of  persons  into  such  a  connection 
•with  the  government  of  the  United  States  as  would  teach  them  its  value,  and  to  give 
it  their  support,  whereas  it  is  now  only  known  to  them  through  the  tax-gatherers. 

"I  have  made  a  rough  draft  of  a  bill  for  that  purpose. 

"  With  respect,  yours,  &c." 

"  W?iereast  National  and  personal  considerations  require  that  the  industrious  and 
Iruiral  portion  of  our  laboring  fellow-citizens  should  have  the  opportunity  of  mani 
festing  their  confidence  in  the  Government  of  their  country,  and  the  advantages 
which  would  result  from  their  becoming  the  owners  of  the  National  and  State 
Securities,  which  they  are  now  restrained  from  purchasing  by  the  want  of  secure 
places  to  keep  such  securities,  wherefore 


REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES  A.   HAMILTON.  561 

"Be  it  enacted,  That  the  Savings  Banks  in  this  State  be,  and  they  are  hereby  au 
thorized  and  required  to  receive  and  hold  on  special  deposit  the  bonds  or  evidences 
of  the  debt  of  this  State  or  of  the  United  States  to  the  credit  of  the  depositors 
thereof,  to  any  amount  not  exceeding  thousand  dollars,  and  that  it  shall 

be  the  duty  of  the  said  banks  from  time  to  time,  as  the  same  becomes  due,  to 
collect  the  interest  on  said  special  deposits  and  to  carry  the  same  to  the  credit 
of  the  depo&itor  thereof  when  collected." 

H.  D.  ROBERTSON  TO  JAMES  A.  HAMILTON. 

"  SENATE  CHAMBER,  ALBANY,  March  29,  1862. 

"Mr  DEAR  SIR  :  Yours  in  relation  to  Savings  Banks  is  received.  I  like  the  idea 
suggested  by  you  exceedingly,  and  shall  introduce  a  bill  embodying  the  provisions 
of  the  one  you  sent  np,  but  I  greatly  fe:ir  that  it  is  too  late  to  pass  it  this  Session. 
However,  it  will  call  attention  to  the  necessity  of  such  a  law. 

u  Yours  respectfully,  &c." 

COL.  JAMES  McKAY  TO  JAMES  A.  HAMILTON.' 

"  NEW  YORK,  March  27,  1863. 

"  MY  DEAR  SIR:  Inclosed  I  send  you  a  copy  of  the  order  for  the  Commission, 
and  also  a  draft  of  the  instructions  as  we  have  prepared  them;  will  you  have  the 
goodness  to  suggest  any  additions  or  amendments  to  these  latter  that  may  seem  to 
you  appropria  e;  will  you  also  think  of  an  appropriate  name  for  the  Commission, 
which  Mr.  Stanton  asked  me  to  do,  and  we  have  not  yet  quite  settled  upon  any.  I 
have  not  yet  heard  from  Dr.  Howe  since  he  lefc  us,  and  do  not  now  know  the  exact 
day  when  he  may  return  with  Gov.  Andrew  ;  nor  do  I  know,  indeed,  if  the  latter  will 
be  able  to  come  at  all,  as  he  writes  me  that  the  Massachusetts  Legislature  is  about 
closing  its  session,  and  he  is  very  much  occupied. 
"  Let  me  hear  from  you  soon,  and  much  oblige 

"  Yours,  with  sincere  esteem." 

"  Ordered,  That  Robert  Dale  Owen,  of  Indiana,  Col.  James  McKay,  of  New  York, 
and  Samuel  G.  Howe,  of  Boston,  Mass.,  be,  and  are  hereby  appointed  commissioners 
to  inquire  into  and  ascertain  the  actual  (physical,  mental,  and  moral)  condition  of 
such  persons  of  African  descent,  as  by  the  Acts  of  Congress,  or  the  Pre>ident's 
proclamation  have  been  emancipated,  and  of  such  as  may  be  found  within  the  lines 
of  ihe  armies  of  the  United  States,  or  inhabiting  or  being  within  such  districts  of 
country  as  were  once  in  rebellion  against,  and  now  under  the  control  of  the  United 
States. 

"And  to  report  such  a  system  of  measures  as  will  best  and  most  effectually  con 
tribute  to  the  protection  and  support  of  such  persons,  and  enable  them  to  support 
and  defend  themselves  as  freedmen,  and  to  elevate  them  in  the  scale  of  human 
beings.  Also  in  what  way  they  may  be  most  usefully  employed  in  the  service  of  the 
Government  of  the  United  States  for  the  suppression  of  the  rebellion." 

JAMES  A.  HAMILTON  TO  COL.  JAMES  McKAY,  New  York. 

"March  28,  1863. 

"  MY  DEAR  SIR  :  Your  letter  of  yesterday,  inclosing  a  copy  of  the  order,  &en  was 
received  to-day.     Tha  last  has  been  examined  with  my  great  care.     I  now  return 
36 


562  REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES  A.  HAMILTON. 

the  order  accompanied  with  some  suggestion  of  change  in  the  first  paragraph.  I 
think  it  best  to  adopt  the  language  of  the  llth  Section  of  the  Act  of  July  17th, 
1862,  *  persons  of  African  descent,'  as  well  because  it  is  there  used,  and  because  it  is 
more  definite  than  *  colored  population.7  I  refer  to  proclamations  other  than  the 
one  proclamation  of  July  1st,  1863,  because  that  of  September  22d,  1862,  was  the 
foundation  of  the  latter,  and  they  must  be  taken  together. 

"  I  also  extend  your  inquiries  to  freedmen,  who  may  be  found  in  such  parts  of 
Louisiana,  &c.,  as  were  excepted  from  the  proclamation  of  July  1st,  who  may  have 
come  from  other  places,  or  may  be  freed  by  other  acts,  being  the  slaves  of  rebels. 

"  Should  you  adopt  any  of  these  suggestions,  let  them  be  produced  in  your  hand 
writing  to  avoid  exciting  any  sensibility. 

"  Yours  truly," 

JAMES  A.  HAMILTON  TO  HON.  SALMON  P.  CHASE,  Secretary  of  the  Treasury. 

"April  14,  1863. 

"My  DEAR  SLR:  I  am  endeavoring  to  induce  the  frugal  and  industrious  of 
the  laboring  classes  in  my  neighborhood  to  invest  their  savings  in  the  bonds 
of  the  United  States,  and  with  some  success.  Their  objection  is,  that  they  have  no 
place  of  safe  deposit.  To  obviate  this  difficulty,  I  drafted  a  bill  for  the  Senator  for 
this  district  which  he  approves,  but  feared  it  could  not  be  carried  at  this  session. 
I  call  your  attention  to  this  subject  in  order  that  you  may  extend  your  influence 
to  Albany  and  elsewhere.  It  is  only  necessary  to  enact  that  the  savings  banks 
shall  receive  and  hold  on  special  deposit  the  stocks  and  National  Securities,  to 
•collect  the  interest  and  carry  the  same  to  the  credit  of  the  depositor  of  such  securi 
ties.  Such  a  measure  would  induce  the  absorption  of  your  bonds  to  the  amount  of 
millions,  would  benefit  the  people  and  would  be  a  means  of  strengthening  the  Gov 
ernment  of  the  United  States. 

"I  have  the  honor  to  be,  with  respect,  &c." 

HON.  SALMON  P.  CHASE,  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  TO  JAMES  A.  HAMILTON. 

"  Treasury  Department,  April  8,  1863. 

"MY  DEAR  MR.  HAMILTON:  Yours  of  the  14th  has  just  been  received.  The 
suggestion  made  as  to  deposits  of  State  and  National  Securities  with  Savings  Banks 
meets  my  entire  approval,  and  I  have  sent  your  letter  to  an  active  friend,  now  in 
Albany,  who,  if  it  does  not  reach  him  too  late,  will  do  all  in  his  power  to  secure 
•the  passage  by  the  Legislature  of  such  a  bill  as  you  suggest. 

"  We  must  make  such  collections  and  deposits  a  part  of  the  general  banking  sy£- 
,tem  at  the  next  Session  of  Congress. 

"  Yours  very  truly,  &c." 

JAMES  A.  HAMILTON  TO  HON.  CHARLES  SUMNER,  Washington,  D.  C. 

I  "June  26,  1863. 

u  MY  DEAR  SIR  :  I  pray  you  to  urge  the  President  and  Secretary  of  War  individ 
ually,  to  call  all  the  troops  from  South  Carolina,  North  Carolina,  and  Virginia,  that 
.are  not  absolutely  necessary  to  protect  garrisons,  &c.,  and  transport  them  to 
Baltimore  and  Philadelphia. 


REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON.  563 

"  It  is  believed  50,000  disciplined  troops  will  thus  be  at  command  to  resist  the 
advance  of  Lee's  marauding  corps,  and  ultimately  to  destroy  his  army. 

"  These  troops  are  useless  where  they  are.  In  the  city  of  New  York  yesterday, 
I  found  extreme  dissatisfaction  among  our  friends.  If  I  can  be  of  any  service  in 
Washington,  I  will  go  there  at  a  moment's  notice. 

"Truly  your  friend  and  obedient  servant.1' 

JAMES  A.  HAMILTON  to  the  Chairman  of  the  Military  Committee  of  the 

8th  District. 

"  June  30,  1863. 

"The  invasion  of  Pennsylvania  by  a  formidable  enemy  threatening  Philadelphia, 
induces  me  to  address  this  letter  to  you  as  a  member  of  the  Military  Committee  of 
this  District. 

"  The  danger  that  our  sister  State  will  be  overwhelmed  by  Lee's  army,  unless  an 
immense  force  shall  be  accumulated  in  his  front,  is  so  imminent  as  to  call  for  prompt 
and  most  energetic  measures,  individual  and  collective,  to  summon  to  arms  all  the 
able-bodied  men  of  this  State. 

"  I  suggest  that  our  Committee  should  meet  at  the  Astor  House,  New  York,  on 
Friday  next,  July  3rd,  at  11  A.  M.,  for  consultation  on  the  subject. 

"  I  have  addressed  all  of  our  members  whose  addresses  I  have  to  this  end,  and 
I  beg  leave  to  suggest  that  you  should  do  the  same." 

FROM  JAMES  A.  HAMILTON  TO  HORATIO  SEYMOUR. 

"July3,  1863. 

"  The  Military  Committee  of  the  8th  Senatorial  District  of  the  State  of  New  York, 
appointed  by  Gov.  Morgan  to  raise  Regiments  of  Infantry  in  that  District,  believing 
that  it  is  the  duty  of  the  People  of  this  State  to  aid  their  brethren  of  Pennsylvania 
and  Maryland  in  driving  the  invading  enemy  from  these  States,  and  that  it  is  far 
better  to  meet  the  powerful  army  of  the  Rebels  in  Pennsylvania  than  in  New  York, 
have  the  honor  to  present  their  respects,  and  to  tender  their  services  to  your  Ex 
cellency  to  assist  in  any  manner  you  may  indicate,  in  raising  the  soldiers  you  have 
so  promptly  and  energetically  called  to  the  field,  to  put  down  this  atrocious  Rebellion. 

"  By  order  of  the  Committee, 

"JAMES  A.  HAMILTON.'' 
No  notice  was  taken  of  this  letter  by  His  Excellency. 

JAMES  A.  HAMILTON  TO  HON.  EDWIN  M.  STANTON. 

"July  16,  1863. 

u  In  my  letter  yesterday  I  informed  you  of  the  measures  taken  to  resist  the  mob 
in  the  neighborhood  (Tarrytown).  At  present,  all  is  quiet,  with  threatenings,  how 
ever,  at  all  the  landing  places  along  the  River. 

"  There  is  a  large  foreign  population  at  Yonkers,  in  the  pistol  factory  and  other 
manufactories,  who  will  be  compelled  to  yield  to  the  rioters,  and  may  be  brought 
into  the  field  against  us. 

"  Captain  Leonard,  Provost  Marshal,  has  acted  with  great  promptitude  and 
efficiency.  We,  at  the  same  time,  want  your  assistance. 


564  REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES  A.  HAMILTON. 

"First. — We  want  four  or  five  hundred  soldiers.  When  the  riots  are  put  down  in 
the  city,  the  soldiers  can  be  sent  to  us.  (The  rioters  will  certainly  come  here.) 

u  Second. — Whenever  the  draft  is  made,  it  should  be  done  at  the  Court  House, 
White  Plains  (the  county  town).  The  building  of  massive  stone  can  be  made  a 
fortress.  It  is  in  an  open  space,  incapable  of  being  burned.  The  town  has  not  as 
large  a  foreign  element  as  there  is  in  Tarrytown.  and  above  all,  if  the  building 
should  be  fired,  private  property  would  not  be  destroyed.  We  could  in  that  build 
ing  and  the  jail,  close  by  the  C.  H.  where  there  are  very  few  tenants,  provide  for  a 
large  force. 

"  Third. — We  want  money  to  pay  incidental  expenses,  for  transportation,  rations, 
spies,  &c.  If  you  have  not  a  fund  for  this  purpose,  I  will  provide  the  means  at  your 
request. 

"  Fourth.— I  think  it  would  be  useful  that  the  District  Attorney  of  the  United 
States  for  the  Southern  district  of  New  York  (which  includes  this  and  other  river 
counties),  should  be  instructed  to  take  measures  to  cause  to  be  arrested  some  of  the 
leaders.  I  believe  the  law  is,  that  if  two  or  more  shall  combine  to  resist  the  execu 
tion  of  the  laws  of  the  United  States,  they  are  guilty  of  felony  (of  treason). 

"The  Provost  Marshal  can  make  the  necessary  oath  in  relation  to  some  of  the 
people;  and  by  the  employment  of  detectives,  we  can  get  the  names  of  others. 
Nothing  would  so  much  tend  to  repress  rioters  as  shutting  up  the  leaders  for  a  few 
days  or  weeks.  This  course  would  be  in  conformity  with  the  pretended  wishes  of 
the  men  who  have  stimulated  these  excesses. 

"  P.  S.  The  enrollment  papers  of  the  districts  are  beyond  the  reach  of  rioters  for 
the  present." 

MOSES  G.  LEONARD  TO  JAMES  A.  HAMILTON. 

"August  13,  1863. 

"  Your  note  of  the  10th  inst.  did  not  come  to  hand  until  this  A.  M.  I  will  most 
gladly  inform  you  of  the  time  for  the  draft,  and  be  assured,  my  dear  sir,  that  there 
is  no  one  in  the  entire  district  in  whose  judgment  I  would  more  readily  confide  than 
yours.  I  heartily  thank  you,  not  only  for  the  past  of  your  services,  but  the  renew 
ed  pledge  of  your  proposed  aid. 

"  Mr.  Felter  has  not  as  yet  received  any  money  from  the  Government.  Why 
delayed,  I  do  not  know,  but  I  hope  not  much  longer.  I  am  sure  he  will  remit  to 
you  as  soon  as  he  shall  receive  from  Washington.  He  has  already  spoken  of  it 
to  me. 

"  Hoping  that  you  may  be  recuperated  in  health  and  strength  by  your  stay  at  the 
Springs,  and  that  your  useful  life  may  be  long  protracted, 

"  I  remain,  &c.,  &c." 

MOSES  G.  LEONARD  TO  JAMES  A.  HAMILTON. 

"  October  21,  1863. 

11  Your  note  of  October  19th  has  been  received. 

"  Your  suggestion  as  to  the  prompt  measures  to  be  taken  with  any  person  at 
tempting  to  bribe  shall  be  complied  with. 

u  I  would  also  say,  that  your  ready  compliance  to  address  '  any  meetings  at  any 
time  or  place,'  is  nothing  more  than  your  friends  and  the  friends  of  the  '  good  cause ' 


REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON.  565 

anticipated.    I  will  confer  with  the  county  committee  in  reference  thereto,  and  in 
the  mean  time,  dear  sir, 

a  I  am,  very  sincerely,  your  obed't  servV 

This  correspondence  related  to  an  attempt  by  some  of  our  foreign  popula 
tion  to  prevent  the  draft,  by  destroying  the  records  with  the  building  in  which 
the  Marshal's  office  was.  Meetings  were  held  in  the  neighborhood  of  Tarry- 
town  by  men  from  the  east  side  of  the  river  as  well  as  the  west,  and  harangued 
by  designing  Copperheads.  At  one  of  these  meetings,  the  people  were  urged  to 
go  on  with  this  felonious  course  by  a  speaker  who  said,  "  We  have  been  advised 
to  this  course  by  a  lawyer,  a  justice  of  the  peace,  and  even  by  a  clergyman.  We 
have  the  power,  if  we  are  united,  to  stop  this  offensive  course  of  raising  men." 

A  body  of  rioters  went  on  their  way  from  the  south  part  of  the  town, 
advancing  to  Tarrytown  with  music  and  a  flag,  endeavoring  by  threats  to  com 
pel  men  in  the  fields  to  stop  their  work  and  go  along  with  them  ;  when  in  their 
course  they  learned  from  our  scouts  that  we  were  prepared  for  them,  they 
stopped  by  the  roadside  and  scattered. 

On  the  ground  ,near  the  marshal's  office  we  collected  about  fifty  men,  who 
were  armed  with  such  guns  as  could  be  obtained.  The  arrangement  was,  that 
one  half  of  this  force  should  be  stationed  in  the  building  where  that  office  was, 
and  the  residue  in  the  second  story  of  an  opposite  building.  The  orders  were, 
to  keep  strict  silence,  and  when  the  rioters  made  an  attack  on  the  door  of  the 
office  building,  to  fire  a  volley  from  the  opposite  side  of  the  street  into  their 
midst,  and  most  effectively  ;  and  this  would  have  been  done.  The  force  in  the 
office  building  was  under  the  command  of  a  young  lieutenant  of  the  army,  who 
stopped  at  the  station,  and  that  in  the  opposite  building  by  the  writer. 

THE  REV.  __  TO  JAMES  A.  HAMILTON. 

"July  15,  1863. 

"  MY  DEAE  MR.  HAMILTON  :  I  am  one  who  believes  that  the  laws  should  be  obey 
ed,  and  that  every  citizen  should  give  to  his  country  and  government  what  a  child 
should  give  to  his  parents  and  parental  home.  At  the  eame  time,  in  either  case, 
wisdom  would  suggest  that  the  laws  and  rules  should  be  such  as  the  citizen  and 
child,  if  well-disposed,  would  take  pleasure  in  obeying.  Now,  I  believe  that  it  is  an 
acknowledged  fact,  that  a  draft  never  has  been,  and  never  will  be,  obeyed  with 
pleasure  by  any  people  under  any  government.  Such  being  the  case,  it  must  be 
unwise,  if  any  thing  else  will  take  its  place. 

"  Taking  it  for  granted,  then,  which  I  believe  I  may,  that  one  willing  volunteer 
is  worth  in  the  army  two  unwilling  conscripts,  I  would  ask  your  judgment  as  to 
whether  you  do  not  think  that  a  very  effective  army,  equal  to  any  exigencies,  might 
not  be  kept  in  the  field  by  the  volunteer  system  under  the  following  circumstances : 
First.  The  draft  is  not  postponed,  but  given  up  now  and  forever,  and  declared  un 
constitutional.  Second.  In  its  place  a  careful  and  thorough  militia  system  establish 
ed  ;  such  as  we  have  at  present,  I  presume,  would  do,  although  I  am  not  familiar 
enough  with  it  to  speak  decidedly,  capable  of  being  carried,  up  to  any  amount  of 
efficiency  in  the  way  of  drill,  according  as  the  times  required.  At  the  present  time, 


566  KEMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES  A.  HAMILTON. 

for  example,  let  every  man  between  the  ages  of  eighteen  and  forty-five  be  required 
to  drill  for  two  hours  three  times  a  week,  either  in  the  district  of  his  residence  or  of 
his  business,  as  most  convenient ;  let  the  exempts  be  very  few,  and  the  fine  of  ab 
sence  heavy.  Thus  the  rich  and  the  poor,  the  merchant  and  the  laboring  man, 
would  meet  together  often  with  arms  in  their  hands  on  the  common  platform  of  a 
common  country,  with  no  $300  difference  between  them,  and  women  and  children 
and  old  men  would  find  pleasure  and  health  in  witnessing  the  drill,  as  something 
that  had  to  do  with  country,  and  not  money.  Then  let  the  drill  officers  be  also  re 
cruiting  officers,  and  trust  to  the  military  ardor  which  would  be  excited  by  the 
handling  of  arms  and  the  good  opportunity  of  a  word  here  and  a  word  there  on  the 
part  of  the  officers,  to  find  as  many  willing  and  enthusiastic  volunteers  as  the 
country  might  require.  It  would  make  a  foreign  or  a  domestic  enemy  tremble  to 
know  that  every  man  from  eighteen  to  forty-five,  throughout  the  whole  of  our 
land  was  drilling  three  days  in  the  week ;  whereas,  after  the  experience  of  this 
week,  the  necessity  of  a  draft  will  ever  be  a  source  of  rejoicing  to  the  enemy  and  of 
fear  to  the  Government. 

"  "With  much  respect,  I  am  your  obedient  servant,  &c." 


JAMES  A.  HAMILTON  TO  THE  REV, 


"July  16,  1863. 

"KEVEREND  AND  DEAE  SIR  :  I  regret  that  my  engagements  do  not  permit  me  to 
give  as  full  an  answer  to  your  letter  of  yesterday  as  my  respect  for  your  opinions 
and  the  subject  of  it  demands.  The  fundamental  condition  of  every  political  com 
munity,  state  or  nation,  is  individual  and  personal  sacrifice.  "We  necessarily  give  up 
a  portion  of  our  personal  rights  and  our  individual  opinions.  I  do  not  mean  to  say 
that  you  and  I  have  not  the  right  to  form  opinions  and  to  express  them,  as  to  the 
policy  or  constitutionality  of  laws,  but  whether  we  approve  or  not,  we  are  bound  to 
obey,  and  do  all  in  our  power,  and  at  any  sacrifice,  to  sustain  the  laws. 

"  There  are  various  civil  duties  that  are  unpleasant  and  oftentimes  injurious  to 
us;  to  attend  as  jurors  and  witnesses,  to  pay  taxes,  to  give  our  lives  to  the  service 
of  the  country,  and  when  our  country  is  at  war,  right  or  wrong  in  our  opinion,  to 
sustain  the  Government.  I  hold  these  to  be  truths  which  no  good  citizen  will  deny, 
and  I  also  hold,  that  although  the  citizens  may  find  these  duties  far  from  pleasurable, 
they  are  bound  to  perform  them  earnestly. 

"  The  analogy  between  the  duty  of  a  citizen  to  his  Government,  and  of  a  child  to 
a  parent,  does  not  strike  me  as  very  clear ;  however,  suppose  your  boy  should  find 
more  pleasure  in  going  to  his  play  than  his  school  or  his  church,  would  you  think 
he  is  to  be  permitted  to  have  his  choice  ? 

"  I  admit  that  a  law  authorizing  a  draft  will  never  be  obeyed  with  pleasure,  and 
yet  I  believe  that  there  may  be  occasions  when  that  mode  of  raising  troops  must  be 
resorted  to,  and  that  such  is  the  case  at  this  moment,  because  in  this  State  there  is 
no  organized  militia.  A  law  for  that  purpose  was  passed  last  winter,  but  umil 
within  a  few  days,  nothing  has  been  done  to  carry  it  out. 

"  In  the  war  of  1812,  and  for  years  after,  we  had  an  organized  militia,  but  it  was 
burdensome  and  disagreeable  to  the  people,  and  the  law  was  changed. 

"  You  probably  know  that  for  years  past  there  has  not  been  any  militia  training 
in  this  State.  In  the  city  of  New  York  there  have  been  uniformed  companies  whose 


REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON.  567 

organization  has  been  kept  up.  The  enrollment  of  the  militia  depends  upon  the 
State  Governments,  and  if  they  do  not  choose  to  have  such  a  force,  the  United 
States  cannot  call  it  into  being,  and  consequently  not  in  the  national  service  *  to  exe 
cute  the  laws  of  the  Union,  suppress  insurrection,  and  repel  invasions.'  The 
authority  of  training  the  militia  and  appointing  the  officer?,  is  expressly  reserved  to 
the  States. 

"I  believe  the  existing  conscription  law  is  constitutional.  Congress  has  power 
;  to  raise  and  support  armies.'  This  is  an  extensive  and  unlimited  power.  The  Con 
gress  has  the  power  expressly  given,  to  '  make  all  laws  which  shall  be  necessary  and 
proper  for  carrying  into  execution  the  foregoing  powers.'  Under  this  clause,  the 
Supreme  Court  has  decided  that  the  Congress  is  the  sole  judge  of  the  means  which 
are  expedient  to  carry  into  execution  the  express  power,  and  that  whatever  meas 
ures  Congress  shall  judge  necessary  (expedient)  not  forbidden  by  other  parts  of  the 
constitution,  are  constitutional.  Apply  these  authorities — Congress  has  decided  to 
raise  an  army  by  conscription,  that  is  by  draft,  and  to  give  the  President  the  power 
to  appoint  all  the  officers  required  to  carry  such  law  into  effect.  But  I  have  to  re 
mark  above  all,  all  the  officers  and  departments  of  the  Government  are  as  much 
bound  to  obey  the  laws  in  their  official  as  in  their  individual  capacity.  This  is  a  well 
settled  axiom.  The  President  must  consequently  raise  armies  in  the  mode  required 
by  law,  and  under  his  oath  of  office  he  'must  take  care  that  the  laws  are  faithfully 
executed.'  He  has,  consequently,  no  choice  of  means,  but  if  he  had,  in  this  State  he 
could  not  use  the  means  you  refer  to,  because  they  do  not  exist. 

"  It  would  be  giving  up  the  Government  to  yield  to  the  demands  of  a  mob,  and 
pusillanimously  to  refrain  from  carrying  into  effect  a  law  because  of  the  threats  or 
violence  of  a  mob. 

"  With  great  respect,  yours,  &c." 

JAMES  A.  HAMILTON  TO  THE  HON.   HUGH  L.  BOND. 

"NEVIS,  DOBBS  FERRY,  September  7,  1863. 

"  SIR:  Your  letter  of  the  15th  ultimo  addressed  to  the  Secretary  of  War  treats 
with  great  ability  a  subject  of  vast  importance  to  Maryland,  and  it  is  believed  to  be 
one  of  vital  consequence  to  the  whole  country.  The  employment  of  the  Blacky  slave 
and  free,  in  the  military  service  of  the  United  States,  may  be  decisive  of  the  contest 
in  which  we  are  now  engaged  to  preserve  the  national  life.  If  the  slaves  are  not 
employed  by  the  United  States,  they  will  be  by  the  enemy. 

"  The  proclamation  of  August  1st,  issued  by  the  arch-traitor  Davis,  was  intended 
as  an  intimation  to  his  vassals,  the  slave-holders,  that  if  he  could  not  obtain  white 
men  to  fill  up  the  broken  ranks  of  his  armies,  he  would  with  the  energy  of  despera 
tion  command  the  services  of  their  slaves. 

"•  Mr.  Madison  (Federalist  No.  43),  referring  to  insurrection  says,  '  I  take  no  notice- 
of  an  unhappy  species  of  population  abounding  in  some  of  the  States,  who  during 
the  calm  of  regular  government  are  sunk  below  the  level  of  men,  but  who  in  the 
tempestuous  scenes  of  civil  violence  may  emerge  into  the  human  character,  and  givs- 
a  superiority  of  strength  to  any  party  with  which  they  may  associate  themselves.'' 

"  This  premonition  of  a  judicious  statesman  thoroughly  acquainted  w'.th  this  sub 
ject,  ought  not  to  be  passed  unheeded. 

"  If  the  President  of  the  United  States  does  not  use  all  the  means  in  his  power  to 


568  REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON. 

secure  the  military  services  of  this  '  unhappy  species  of  population,'  and  thus  '  give 
a  superiority  of  strength  to  his  side,  the  enemy  will  certainly  do  so.' 

"The  right  of  the  President  to  command  the  services  of  the  slaves  of  Maryland, 
and  of  all  other  parts  of  the  country  now  subject  to  the  control  of  the  Government 
of  the  United  States,  or  which  can  he  reached  by  his  armies,  is  as  clear  as  that  he 
has  the  right  to  receive  or  command  the  services  of  the  free  blacks  or  white  men. 

"  It  is  a  principle  of  public  law  universally  recognized  and  acted  upon,  that  all 
persons  born  within  the  realm  or  'extent  of  government,'  owe  natural  and  unquali 
fied  allegiance  to  the  Government  under  which  they  are  born,  except  those  who  are 
the  children  of  persons  owing  allegiance  to  a  foreign  State  or  potentate. 

"  In  the  language  of  Blackstone,  '  Every  man  owes  natural  allegiance  where  he 
is  born.'  Again  '  natural  allegiance  is  such  as  is  due  from  all  men  within  the  King's 
dominions  immediately  upon  their  birth.'  The  dominion  and  control  of  the  Con 
stitution  of  the  United  States  embraces  all  the  country  and  people  within  its  exterior 
limits.  Allegiance  is  the  tie  or  ligament  which  binds  the  subject  to  the  King  in 
return  for  that  protection  which  the  King  affords  the  subject.'  From  these  great 
and  fundamental  principles,  it  follows  that  all  men  born  within  the  jurisdiction  of 
the  United  States,  owing  allegiance  thereto,  are  bound  to  serve  the  Government  as 
soldiers  or  in  any  other  capacity  which  the  law  may  require.  As  there  is  not,  and 
cannot  be  any  exemption  but  the  one  above  stated,  it  is  clear  beyond  all  question 
that  such  allegiance  and  service  is  due  as  well  by  4  persons  held  to  service  and  labor 
in  a  State  by  the  laws  thereof,'  as  by  free  men  white  or  black.  State  laws  cannot 
absolve  the  persons  so  held  from  their  allegiance  and  duty  to  the  Government  under 
the  Constitution  and  laws  of  the  United  States,  because  it  is  declared  by  the  Consti 
tution,  article  6th,  clause  2d,  *  This  Constitution,  and  the  laws  of  the  United  States 
which  shall  be  made  in  pursuance  thereof,  and  all  treaties  made  and  which  shall  be 
made  under  the  authority  of  the  United  States  shall  be  the  supreme  law  of  the  land, 
and  the  judges  in  every  State  shall  be  bound  thereby,  any  thing  in  the  Constitution 
or  laws  of  any  State  to  the  contrary  notwithstanding.'  The  laws  which  bind  per 
sons  of  African  descent  to  service,  being  State  laws,  are  subordinate  to  the  Consti 
tution  and  laws  of  the  United  States,  and  can  have  no  power  to  withdraw  persons 
so  held  from  their  allegiance,  or  shield  them  from  military  or  other  service  to  the 
United  States.  This  is  so  clear  that  to  state  it  is  to  prove  it. 

"  Your  statement  that '  the  fundamental  idea  of  all  the  laws  on  the  statute  book 
respecting  this  matter  is,  that  military  service  is  the  great  duty  of  all  persons  who 
enjoy  the  protection  of,  or  owe  obedience  to,  the  law,  the  servant  as  well  as  the  mas 
ter,'  is  perfectly  correct.  I  go  a  step  further  and  say,  without  the  fear  of  contradiction, 
that  under  the  law  authorizing  a  draft  it  is  the  duty  of  the  War  Department  to  order 
the  enrollment  of  slaves  and  freemen  of  African  descent,  as  well  as  white  men,  in 
order  that  they  may  be  subject  to  the  draft,  and  that  the  laws  of  the  States  author 
izing  persons  of  African  descent  to  be  held  to  service  and  labor,  cannot  withdraw 
such  persons,  if  drafted,  from  the  military  service  of  the  Government. 

:-  The  conscription  law  requires  all  men  within  certain  ages  to  be  enrolled.  There 
is  no  exception  whatever  in  regard  to  those  who  have  the  requisite  bodily  strength. 
The  President  is,  consequently,  as  much  bound  in  his  official  character  and  acts,  by 
the  Constitution  and  laws  of  the  United  States  as  he  is  in  his  individual  character. 
Hamilton  on  this  subject  says :  *  The  power  to  make  laws  is  the  power  of  pro 
nouncing  authoritatively  the  will  of  the  nation  as  to  all  persons  and  things  over  which 


REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON.  569 

it  has  jurisdiction,  or  it  may  be  defined  to  be  the  power  of  prescribing  rules  binding 
upon  all  persons  and  things  over  which  the  nation  has  jurisdiction.  It  acts  com- 
pulsorily  upon  all  persons.'  *  *  *  *  'A  law  of  "the  land,  till  revoked  or  annulled  by 
the  competent  authority,  is  binding  not  less  on  each  branch  or  department  of  the 
Government  than  on  each  individual  of  Society.  Each  House  of  Congress  collec 
tively,  as  well  as  the  members  of  it  separately,  are  under  a  constitutional  obligation 
to  observe  the  injunctions  of  a  preexisting  law,  and  to  give  it  effect.' 

"Let  the  President  observe  the  injunctions  of  the  laws  on  this  subject,  and  give 
them  effect  by  ordering  the  enrollment  of  the  slaves  for  the  purpose  of  the  draft, 
and  directing  all  enlisting  officers  to  receive  as  volunteers  all  persons,  including  those 
held  to  service ;  blacks  as  slaves,  and  whites  as  apprentices. 

"  There  is  no  authority  in  any  officer  or  department  of  the  Government  to  de 
prive  any  man,  black  or  white,  free  or  slave,  of  the  honor  of  serving  his  country  in 
this,  '  her  hour  of  utmost  need,'  if  by  age  and  physical  capacity  he  is  within  the 
limits  prescribed  by  law. 

"  Your  obedient  servant,  &c." 

HUGH  L.  BOND  TO  JAMES  A.  HAMILTON. 

"  BALTIMORE,  September  12,  1863. 

"  DEAR  SIR  :  I  desire  to  return  you  my  sincere  thanks  for  your  very  able  argu 
ment  respecting  the  enlistment  of  blacks,  free  and  slave. 

"Aside  from  the  pleasure  it  gives  me,  as  I  suppose  it  gives  every  other  person, 
to  know  he  is  not  alone  in  his  opinions,  I  am  doubly  pleased  that  gentlemen  of  my 
own  profession  who  are  wont  to  look  at  questions  of  law  uninfluenced  by  public 
opinion,  agree  with  me  in  my  conclusions.  Inclosed,  I  send  you  a  letter  from  our 
Governor  which  is  intended  as  an  answer  to  the  letter  which  you  are  pleased  to 
approve. 

"  I  intend  to  make  a  short  reply  to  some  of  the  Governor's  statements  which  are 
local  in  their  application,  and  to  publish  your  argument  in  support  of  my  position. 

"I  should  be  pleased  with  your  consent  to  omit  the  last  sentence  of  your  letter. 
The  argument  is  complete  without  it. 

"The  government  has  a  right  to  call  upon  all  persons  to  bear  arms  irrespective 
of  their  personal  obligations,  and  if  they  choose  to  remunerate  loyal  slave  owners, 
it  is  ex  gratia,  and  not  of  right. 

"  You  state  in  your  note  that  this  sentence  was  put  to  avoid  the  objection  of  the 
article  in  the  Intelligencer.  That  article  is  insolent,  and  in  the  tone  which  prevailed 
here  in  days  gone  by. 

"  Mr.  Lincoln's  proclamation,  too,  at  least  emancipated  us  from  tyranny  of  that 
description,  but  I  did  not  think  it  worth  while  to  mar  the  argument  of  your  letter 
by  that  allusion  to  their  article. 

"I  shall  deal  with  them  in  a  different  manner. 
"With  great  respect, 

"I  am,  yours  truly." 

JAMES  A.   HAMILTON  TO  HON.  SALMON  P.  CHASE,  Secretary  of  the  Treasury. 

"  NEVIS,  DOBBS  FERRY  P.  O.,  October  1,  1863. 
"DEAR  SIR:  I  had  intended  for  some  time  to  call  your  attention  to  the  subject 


570  REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON. 

of  this  letter,  but  have  delayed  doing  so  by  '  the  sluggishness  of  age,'  and  by  the 
belief  that  it  had  already  engaged  your  comprehensive  mind,  and  has  most  probably 
been  moulded  into  a  system  of  full  proportions. 

"I  refer  to  the  revenue  to  be  drawn  from  the  mines  of  precious  metals  and 
quicksilver. 

"  I  venture  to  call  your  attention  to  this  important  and  very  difficult  task,  not 
only  because  through  it  a  vast  revenue  may  be  secured  to  the  government,  and 
that  every  year's  delay  in  bringing  the  mines  and  their  products  under  the  control 
of  the  government  will  render  it  more  difficult  to  do  so ;  but  because  I  am  solicitous 
that,  in  addition  to  your  marvellously  successful  administration  of  the  finances  of  our 
Country  amid  such  overwhelming  difficulties,  you  should  add  to  your  fame  the 
crowning  glory  of  having  devised  such  a  wise  and  comprehensive  system.  This 
will  be  a  monument  of  your  skill  as  a  financier  as  enduring  as  the  mines  will  be. 

"  Two  points  have  occurred  as  essential.  First,  that  the  mineral  region  shall  be 
surveyed,  and  properly  divided  into  proper  allotments,  and  second,  that  all  persons 
who  are  now  working  or  may  hereafter  seek  to  work  the  mines,  shall  be  required 
to  purchase  a  plot  or  parcel  of  land — the  price  to  be  very  low,  the  object  of  the  sale 
not  being  revenue,  but  to  keep  a  record  of  the  names  and  places  of  all  persons 
who  may  by  legal  authority  be  on  the  lands,  and  thus  to  be  enabled  with  facility 
to  draw  from  the  product  of  their  labor  an  annual  percentage. 

"Third,  That  a  seigniorage  shall  be  paid  yearly  on  all  gold,  silver,  or  quicksilver 
which  shall  be  produced  by  each  purchaser  so  long  as  he  shall  work  the  mines  on 
the  plot  he  has  purchased. 

"  lam  not  prepared  either  by  a  knowledge  of  the  subject  or  by  skill  to  suggest 
any  particular  system  of  measures  to  produce  adequate  and  certain  results.  I  re 
collect  having  read  an  article  in  one  of  the  monthlies,  written  by  the  Hon.  Robert 
J.  "Walker,  in  which  he  treats  of  the  proper  division  of  these  lands.  I  think  his 
conclusion  was  that  the  subdivisions  should  be  very  small. 

"  If  I  can  be  of  any  service  to  you  on  this  subject,  I  hope  you  will  not  hesitate 
to  command  me. 

"With  very  great  respect  and  regard, 

"  Your  friend  and  servant,  &c." 

AN  ACT  TO  ABOLISH  SLAVERY. 

u  Whereas  the  President  of  the  United  States,  on  the  first  day  of  January,  1863, 
as  a  necessity  of  war,  and  in  his  character  of  commander-in-chief  of  the  armies  of 
the  United  States,  did  issue  a  Proclamation  of  Freedom  to  all  persons  held  as  slaves 
in  certain  States  or  parts  of  States  therein  named — they  being  in  rebellion  against 
the  Government  and  people  of  the  United  States, 

"  And  whereas,  the  existence  of  slavery  in  any  part  of  the  United  States  is  in 
direct  and  manifest  violation  of  the  sublime  principle  of  liberty  on  which  the  Gov 
ernment  of  the  United  States  is  founded,  and  whereas  the  existence  of  slavery  in 
certain  States  of  this  Union  by  the  laws  thereof  has  caused  and  continues  the  crimi 
nal  rebellion  which  now  threatens  the  national  existence,  it  lias  become  a  matter  of 
indispensable  necessity  on  the  part  of  the  Congress  in  the  exercise  of  its  war  powers, 
and  in  defence  of  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States,  to  abolish  slavery.  There 
fore 

"  Be  it  enacted  ly  the  Senate  and  House  of  Representatives  in  Congress  assembled, 
that  the  condition  of  slavery  is  forever  abolished  within  the  limits  of  the  United 
States,  and  that  hereafter  no  person  who  breathes  within  the  limits  of  the  United 


REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON.  571 

States  and  the  jurisdiction  of  the  Constitution  can  be  a  slave,  and  that  all  laws  of 
States  which  establish  or  authorize  any  person  to  be  held  to  service  or  labor  to  any 
other  person  are  illegal,  void,  and  of  no  effect,  as  well  because  they  violate  the  great 
principle  of  liberty  in  which  the  system  of  Government  of  the  United  States  and  of 
the  respective  States  is  founded,  as  because  no  law  can  rightfully  exist  which  gives 
to  one  man  property  in  another, 

"  And  be  it  further  enacted,  That  all  persons  of  African  descent,  who  are  hereby 
and  by  the  proclamation  of  the  President  made  free,  shall  stand  before  the  courts 
and  be  considered  and  treated  therein  as  entitled  to  full  and  complete  protection  in 
their  persons  and  property  as  any  white  person  does  or  can  be  considered  and  treated, 
and  that  hereafter  the  crime  of  slavery  and  all  its  consequences  to  those  who  were 
heretofore  held  as  slaves,  is  obliterated  and  forever  destroyed." 

JAMES   A.    HAMILTON,  TO  His    EXCELLENCY  JOHN  A.  ANDREW,  Governor  of 
the  State  of  Massachusetts,  Boston,  Mass. 

"DOBBS  FERRY  P.  O.,  December  19,  1863. 

"My  DEAR  SIR:  I  had  the  honor  to  receive  your  letter  of  the  IGthinst.  in 
due  course  of  mail,  in  which  you  are  pleased  to  refer  in  very  flattering  terms  to  my 
suggestions  on  public  affairs. 

"There  is  another  amendment  of  the  Constitution  to  which  I  invite  your  atten 
tion  :  we  ought  to  take  advantage  of  the  present  state  of  public  opinion  and  feel 
ing,  to  make  the  Constitution  what  the  most  skilled  of  its  builders  wished  it  to  be, 
but  in  which  they  were  thwarted  by  the  arrogance  and  selfishness  of  the  South. 
The  concessions  to  which  I  refer  are  familiar  to  you. 

"  First.— The  slave  trade  for  (20)  twenty  years. 

"  Second. — The  fugitive  slave  clause  (allow  me  to  say,  that  in  the  draft  of  the 
constitution  in  my  father's  handwriting,  which  I  have,  there  is  the  clause  for  the 
rendition  of  fugitives  from  justice,  in  the  very  language  of  the  existing  Constitution, 
bat  there  is  no  fugitive  slave  clause). 

"  Third. — The  inhibition  of  duties  upon  exports. 

"  I  wish,  by  amendment,  to  rescind  the  last;  duties  upon  exports  are,  under  cer 
tain  circumstances,  as  fit  and  profitable  sources  of  revenue  aa  upon  imports. 

"  As  a  general  rule,  the  consumer  pays  the  duty  ;  under  this  rule  it  is  notorious 
that  the  people  of  the  free  States  pay  almost  all  the  import  duties,  because  they  are 
essentially  the  consumers.  The  slaves  do  not,  nor  do  the  poor  white  trash  consume 
imported  articles,  except  the  latter,  tea  and  coffee. 

"  The  rich  slave-holders  consume  a  portion,  but  by  no  means  as  largely  as  the 
same  class  of  the  North.  It  would  not  be  inequitable  to  impose  an  export  duty  on 
cotton,  tobacco,  and  rice,  and  by-and-by  on  sugars. 

"The  effect  of  such  a  duty  upon  cotton,  independent  of  its  advantages  to  the 
Treasury,  would  be  to  shield  our  cotton  manufacturers  from  the  low  wages  and  low 
price  of  capital  of  Great  Britain. 

"  The  differences  of  price  by  the  amount  of  duty  would  be  a  protection,  and  in  a 
manner  less  obnoxious  to  free  trade  than  any  other.  I  am  anxious  to  secure  to  the 
American  manufacturers  every  advantage  which  will  enable  them  to  compete  with 
those  of  England,  not  only  because  we  shall  become,  as  Jackson  said,  '  truly  inde 
pendent,'  but  I  know  that  in  no  way  can  we  strike  so  deadly  a  blow  to  that  arro 
gant  people  as  by  becoming  competitors  with  them  in  the  markets  of  the  world. 

"  The  governing  classes  of  England  have  wished,  and  in  so  far  as  .they  dared 


572  REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON. 

they  have  promoted  the  division*  of  our  country,  in  order  to  secure  their  manufac- 
tarers  from  this  competition.  The  Sooth  would  hare  imposed  an  export  duty  upon 
cotton.  &£.,  and  would  have  received  the  manufactured  articles  at  a  low  scale  of 
duties,  and  then  distributed  them  throngh  the  great  rivers  of  the  West,  of  which  they 
would  control  the  months,  into  the  great  western  countries,  where  the  best  market 
of  the  Eastern  mani^aeturers  were  to  be  found,  and  thus  a  protective  policy  would 
be  impossible." 


JL  HAICILTOX  TO  SAMUEL  B.    RUGOLZS.  ESQ.,  New  York. 

"  NEVIS,  DC-BBS  FEEET  P.  <X  January  7.  1564. 

*•  DEAB  SEE  :  I  have  learned  with  pleasure  from  the  following  extract  that  ac 
tion  has  been  taken  by  the  Chamber  of  Commerce  of  Philadelphia  and  Xe  w  York  in 
fivor  of  amending  the  Constirution  so  as  to  allow  Congress  to  levy  export  dudes. 

"Duties  on  Exports."  The  Secretary  then  read  the  report  of  the  Executive 
Committee,  to  whom  had  been  referred  the  resolutions  of  the  Philadelphia  Cham 
ber  of  Commerce,  in  regard  to  memorializing  Congress  in  fkvor  of  an  amendment 
of  the  Constitution  so  as  to  permit  the  levying  of  duties  on  exports, 

^IrcDrporated  in  the  Report  was  a  resolution  concurring  in  substance  with 
the  views  of  the  Philadelphia  Board. 

"Mr.  Haggles  moved  an  amendment  to  the  resolution  to  the  effect  that  the  sub 
ject  should  be  brought  with  promptness  before  the  present  Congress. 

**  The  question  being  first  upon  the  adoption  of  the  Committee's  Report,  was 
duly  put  to  vote  and  carried.  In  regard  to  Mr.  Roggles's  amendment,  Mr.  Cooper 
mmd.  thai  it  fie  orer  ufcfl  the  mext  meeting. 

"  On  the  19th  ultimo,  I  addicaaud  *  letter  to  Governor  Andrew,  in  which  after 
referring  to  the  amendment  to  abolish  slavery,  I  amid:  'There  m  another  amend 
ment  of  the  Constitution  to  which  I  invite  your  attention  :  we  ought  to  take  advan 
tage  of  the  present  condition  of  public  opinion  and  feeling  to  make  the  Constitution 
what  the  most  skilled  of  its  builders  wished  it  to  be  :  but  in  which  they  were 
thwarted  by  the  arrogance  and  «*lftJii»Mi  of  the  Sooth. 

-  •  The  concessions  to  which  I  refer  are  *"»fl'*r  to  you  :  1st,  The  dare  trade  for 
t»ealj>  yean;  2d.  The  fugitive  slave  clause  Tallow  me  to  say  that  in  the  draft  in  my 
father's  handwriting,  which  I  hare,  there  was  a  clause  for  the  rendition  of  fugitives 
from  justice  in  the  very  language  of  the  existing  Constitution,  but  there  is  no  fugitive 
slave  clause)  ;  and  3d,  The  inhibition  of  duties  on  exports  :  such  duties  are  under  cer 
tain  linaimntaBUH  as  proper  sources  of  revenue  as  upon  imports.' 

-  The  South  insisted  either  that  all  laws  regulating  commerce  should  be  passed 
by  a  two  third  (f  )  vote,  or  that  the  power  to  lay  duties  upon  exports  should  be  for- 
'-.l'-----.:    .    '  "--     •'..-    ----_-  ~.  2  -I.  —  :  i--.;  ::.  '-  -  ..     -   .-  -.--.    ...    -:••::.;...--...-.-/ 
worid  not  adopt  the  OourfiUUon. 

"The  iiiifBMiiiMiirf  first  in  importance  is  to  abolish  slavery.  The  next  is  to  ex 
punge  from  Article  1,  Section  9,  and  Clirnm  5.  the  words  *  no  tax  or  duty  shall  be 
levied  on  articles  CApurted  from  any  Slate.9  The  language  of  Section  8,  Clauses  1 
and  2.  Article  1,  *  The  fWguai  shall  have  power  to  levy  and  collect  taxes,  duties. 
imposts,  and  eiuapB,  are  safirietiflj  comprehensive  to  authorize  import  as  well  as 
-.  -  ~  -  r.  -----  :  -  ' 

**  The  •oat  i  IB  i  f  •  il  yrocf^dlng  to  this  end  woJdbc,  to  prepare  a  petition,  which 


REMINISCENCES    OP    JAMES  A.    HAMILTON.  573 

you  can  do  better  than  any  other  man,  and  to  cause  it  to  be  printed,  and  circulated 
for  signatures  all  over  the  country,  with  printed  directions  at  foot,  that  when  signed 
it  should  be  enclosed  to  a  member  of  Congress.  In  this  way.  I  beliere,  a  million  of 
signatures  could  be  obtained  in  a  short  time. 

"  The  rale  &s  to  daties  is,  that  the  consumer  pay§  the  tax  (there  are  exceptions). 
The  import  duties  are  mainly  paid  by  the  people  of  the  free  States ;  the  slaves  an 
not  consumers,  and  poor  white  trash  consnrae  very  little;  and  the  slaveholders  do 
not  consume  to  the  same  extent  as  do  Northern  men  who  have  the  same  amount  of 
income. 

'•  The  export  duty  on  cotron  would  be  a  great  encouragement  to  our  manufacto 
ries.  The  aggregate  value  of  domestic  exports  for  the  fi-^al  year  ending  Juce,  1861, 
was  over  $223,000,000,  one  per  cent,  on  this  would  yield  a  sum  of  twentv-t»-o  mil 
lions  of  dollars. 

"  I  intend  to  suggest  to  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  to  intimate  ^nt  sach  am 
amendment  would  add  greatly  to  the  revenue,  and  advise  it  to  be  made. 

"  I  write  to  you  without  intending  to  do  more  than  touch  upon  the  subject. 
'•  With  great  respect  and  regard,  your  obedient  servant." 

JAMES  A.  HAMILTON  TO   Hox.  Lucirs  ROBDJSOX,  Comptroller. 

•;  XEVIS,  DOBBS  FEBET  P.  <X  May  2,  1S£L 

•'Mr  DEAE  SEB:  Your  letter  of  the  30th  ulrimo  was  received  to-day.  Oa 
Thursday  last,  I  went  to  the  city  and  conferred  with  gentlemen  on  the  subject  of 
your  correspondence,  and  was  convinced  that  there  was,  then,  a  deep  sense  of  the 
integrity  in  the  State,  and  dissatisfaction  with  the  Leg'sLiture  in  refusing  to  provide 
for  the  payment  of  the  interest  on  the  Public  Debt  in  coin,  and  thai  a  strong  desire 
then  existed  to  do  something  to  secure  the  credit  of  the  Sta:e. 

"  Your  very  fuil  and  satisfactory  letter  induces  me  to  fear  that  the  demoralization 
of  our  public  men  is  deeper  and  more  extended  than  I  had  supposed.  What  are  we 
coming  to?  However,  let  us  n.  t  despair  of  the  republic,  bat  remember  that  Plato 
*  enjoins  every  virtuous  citizen  to  rescue  the  State  from  the  usurpation  of  vice  and 
ignorance.* 

"  I  will  take  an  opportunity  again  to  see  some  of  the  intelligent  capitalists  in 
New  York  on  the  subject, 

"  I  have  great  pleasure  in  learning  that  you  had  the  patriotism  and  courage  in 
1S63  to  take  the  responsibility  of  paying  in  coin  the  interest  of  the  public  debt. 
"  I  have  the  honor  to  be,  with  great  respect,  yours,  &c.~ 

JAMES  A.  HAMILTON  TO  HON.  ISAAC  X.  ARXOLD,  House  of  Representatives, 

Washington,  D.  C. 

"Jolj  1,1864, 

<;  DKAB  SIB  :  I  beg  leave  to  call  TOOT  attention  to  an  act  of  Congress  of  an  early 

date,  of  a  most  disgraceful  character :  I  mean  that  which  legalizes  the  internal  State 
slave  trade,  in  the  hope  that  you  will  introduce  a  bill  to  repeal  the  9th  section  of  the 
Act  of  March  2d,  1807,  see  Gordon's  digest  of  the  laws  of  the  United  States,  page  623 
and  624,  articles  3120  and  3121. 

••  This  secdon  declares  that  the  captain  of  a  vessel  sailing  coastwise  from  SET 


574  REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON. 

port  of  the  United  States,  to  any  port  or  place  within  the  jurisdiction  of  the  same, 
having  any  negro,  mulatto,  &c.,  for  the  purpose  of  transporting  them  to  be  sold  or  dis 
posed  of  as  slaves,  'shall  previous  to  departure  make  a  manifest  &c/  I  need  not 
copy  the  residue. 

"  You  will,  I  believe,  find  that  this  law,  giving  security  to  this  infamous  traffic, 
was  passed  to  take  effect  on  the  day  (January  1st,  1808)  when  the  foreign  slave  trade 
was  forbidden,  and  thus  to  aid  in  the  supply  of  slaves  by  domestic  trading  to  the 
States  cut  off  from  the  foreign  production. 

"  The  accursed  slave-holders  took  advantage  of  the  desire  of  the  North  to  pro 
hibit  the  foreign,  to  induce  them  to  sanction  the  domestic  trade.  The  7th  section 
of  the  Act  of  March  2d,  1807,  prohibits  the  foreign  trade,  and  the  9th  section  of  the 
same  act  sanctions  by  regulating  the  domestic,  from  and  after  January  1st,  1808. 

"  The  duties  of  the  Congress  of  which  you  are  a  member  will,  I  am  sure,  be  ardu 
ous,  and  perhaps  more  useful  and  important  than  those  of  any  former  Congress. 

"My  best  wishes  personally  and  especially  always  attend  you. 

"  I  have  the  honor  to  be,  with  respect  and  regard, 

"  Your  obedient  servant." 

HON.  SALMON  P.  CHASE  TO  JAMES  A.  HAMILTON. 

"WASHINGTON,  July  9,  1864. 

MY  DEAR  SIR  :  Receive  my  gratitude  for  your  very  kind  note,  as  well  as  for 
the  early  assistance  and  constant  friendship  with  which  you  have  honored  me. 

"  I  have  been  called  ambitious,  but  I  desire  no  office  except  as  an  opportunity 
for  useful  work,  and  will  not  retain  one  a  moment  at  the  expense  of  honor  or  duty." 

JAMES  A.  HAMILTON  TO  HON.  W.  P.  FESSENDEN,  Secretary  of  the  Treasury, 

New  York. 

"DOBBS  FERRY  P.  O.,  July  10,  1864. 

"  DEAR  SIR  :  I  congratulate  you  that  you  have  been  appointed,  and  the  country 
that  you  have  accepted  the  office  of  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  because  I  am  sure  you 
are  master  of  the  situation,  difficult  as  it  is.  Delicacy  to  you  restrains  the  expression 
of  my  well  settled  opinion  on  this  subject. 

"  I  am  anxious  to  serve  you  in  any  way  in  my  power,  and  therefore  write  this 
note  to  say  that  of  all  men  in  New  York,  the  most  competent  man  for  Mr.  Cisco's 
place  (Assistant  Treasurer)  is  Mr.  Moses  Taylor. 

"  With  sincere  regard  and  respect,  your  friend,  J.  A.  II. 

"P.  S.  I  am  compelled  by  the  condition  of  the  times  to  say  that  I  do  not  seek, 
and  would  not  receive  any  office  or  favor  from  the  Government.  Yours." 

THE  CHICAGO  PLATFORM  AND  THE  NOMINATION. 

General  McClellan  has  been  urged  to  accept  the  nomination  and  repudiate  the 
platform  ;  to  do  so  would  be  an  act  of  personal  as  well  as  political  dishonor.  That 
platform  was  adopted  with  great  unanimity,  and  be  was  nominated  in  the  fullest 
confidence  that  he  entirely  approved  the  public  measures  it  declared  were  demand 
ed  by  the  public  interest;  and  by  his  nomination  the  convention  gave  the  highest 
pledge  that  Gen.  McClellan,  if  elected,  would  make  immediate  efforts  "  for  a  cessation 


REMINISCENCES    OP    JAMES  A.  HAMILTON.  575 

of  hostilities"  with  a  view  to  an  ultimate  convention  of  all  the  States,  or  other 
peaceable  means  to  the  end,  that  at  the  earliest  practicable  moment  peace  may  be 
restored. 

The  convention  which  framed,  and  those  who  adopt  and  support  this  platform 
and  General  McClellan  if  he  accepts  the  nomination,  encourage  the  traitors  in  arms 
to  continue  the  war,  thus  giving  "  aid  and  comfort  to  the  enemy  "  which,  if  not  actual 
is  certainly  moral  treason. 

It  is  not  to  be  believed  that  a  Major-General  in  the  army  of  the  United  States 
can  be  capable  of  such  unworthy  conduct. 

September  6,  1864. 

JAMES  A.  HAMILTON  TO  COL.  McKAY,  New  York. 

"November  25,  1864. 

I  sought  you  yesterday  to  confer  with  you  on  the  subject  of  this 
letter,  and  to  make  arrangements  to  meet  with  you  and  one  or  two  other  efficient 
practical,  and  ardent  emancipationists. 

"  At  the  last  session  of  the  present  Congress,  a  resolution  to  amend  the  Consti 
tution  to  abolish  slavery  was  passed  in  the  Senate  by  the  constitutional  number  of 
f  two  thirds  (f).     In  the  House  of  Representatives  it  wanted  eleven  votes  of  that 
number ;  that  resolution  is  still  pending  in  the  House,  and  may  be  taken  up  at  anv 

f  ima  * 


time 


"In  the  next  Congress  to  meet  at  its  regular  session,  on  the  first  Monday  of 
December,  1865  (one  year  hence),  there  will  be  a  constitutional  number  in  each 
House  to  pass  such  a  resolution.  Of  the  Legislatures  to  assemble  this  year,  there 
are  more  than  three  fourths  the  constitutional  number  who  will  adopt  such  a  reso 
lution. 

"  These  bodies,  however,  will  not  be  called  to  act  upon  such  a  resolution  of  the 
Congress  which  will  meet  in  December,  1865.  As  to  those  bodies,  there  is  always 
danger  of  changes.  In  addition,  it  may  be  said  to  be  most  probable  that  before  the 
winter  of  1865  and  '66  several,  if  not  all  the  States  in  rebellion,  will  lay  down  their 
arms  and  send  members  to  Congress,  and  having  returned  to  their  duty  of  allegiance, 
their  Legislatures  will  vote  against  the  proposed  amendment,  and  thus  it  may  be 
defeated. 

"  Under  these  circumstances,  not  a  moment  of  time  should  be  lost  which  can  be 
usefully  employed  in  the  great  work  of  abolishing  slavery,  and  to  that  end,  it  is 
vastly  important  that  every  thing  should  be  done  without  delay  to  effect  this  vital 
change. 

"  The  question  now  arises  :  What  can  be  done  ?  I  answer,  first,  the  resolution 
now  pending  in  the  House  should  be  called  up  without  delay,  in  order,  if  rejected, 
to  prove  that  all  our  dependence  is  upon  the  next  Congress,  and  immediately  to  take 
measures  to  induce  the  President  to  call  an  extra  session  of  Congress,  to  meet  on 

*!,  ~    At-l-    ^Jf   ~\r _       i 


the  4th  of  March  next. 


•'  By  what  measures  can  that  be  accomplished  ?  I  answer,  first,  by  inducing  the 
Legislatures  of  those  States  known  to  be  in  favor  of  such  amendment  to  pass  resolu 
tions  advising  the  President  to  call  an  extra  session  of  Congress,  and  at  the  same 
time  declaring  their  readiness  to  adopt  such  a  resolution  of  amendment,  if  submitted 
to  them. 

"Second,  By  meetings  of  the  people  in  the  States,  and  various  parts  of  the 
States,  to  pass  resolutions  invoking  the  President  to  make  such  a  call. 


576  REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON. 

"  This  is  a  great,  and  in  my  judgment,  an  imperious  duty.  It  will  require  the 
concert  in  action  of  earnest  and  patriotic  men  throughout  the  country. 

"I  submit  these  questions  to  the  earnest  consideration  of  yourself  and  such  others 
as  you  may  choose. 

"  With  sincere  regard,  your  friend." 

BENJAMIN  D.  SILLIMAN  TO  JAMES  A.  HAMILTON. 

"December  19,  1864. 

"My  DEAR  SIR  :  I  hope  that  the  republication  and  extended  circulation  of  your 
excellent  address  to  naval  cadets  will  not  be  long  postponed. 

"  The  exposition  of  the  history  and  nature  and  effect  of  the  Constitution  is  as 
valuable  as  it  is  admirable ;  it  will  be  prized  by  those  who  are  well  informed,  and 
will  instruct  the  many  who  erroneously  suppose  themselves  to  be  so. 

"Respectfully  and  sincerely  yours." 

HON.  CHARLES  SUMNER  TO  JAMES  A.  HAMILTON. 

"  SENATE  CHAMBER,  December  22,  1864. 

"  MY  DEAR  SIR  :  I  feel  the  force  of  your  suggestions  as  to  the  Bankrupt  Bill.  I 
am  receiving  letters  about  almost  everyday;  the  desire  fur  its  passage  seems  to 
be  general,  and  it  is  a  good  Bill,  though  not  too  good  to  be  made  better. 

"  The  Constitutional  Amendment  will  come  up  on  the  10th  of  January,  and 
leading  men  of  the  House  have  strong  hopes  of  success. 

"  If  not  done  this  session,  an  extra  session,  as  you  suggest,  will  have  to  be  called. 

"  Faithfully  yours." 

JAMES  A.  HAMILTON  TO  THE  PRESIDENT  OF  THE  U.  S.,  Washington,  D.  C. 

"  DOBBS  FERRY  P.  0.,  January  14,  1865. 

"DEAR SIR:  Assuming  that  Mr.  Fessenden  is  to  leave  the  Treasury  on  the  4th 
of  March  next,  I  take  the  liberty  to  suggest  to  you  that  his  excellency  John  W. 
Andrew,  Governor  of  Massachusetts,  is  the  most  competent  man  in  the  country, 
next  to  the  present  incumbent,  for  that  place.  Governor  Andrews'  intellec 
tual  vigor,  his  extensive  acquirements,  his  energy  and  singular  aptitude  for  adapta 
tion,  will  enable  him  most  readily  to  overcome  all  the  difficulties  of  that  most 
laborious  and  responsible  office. 

"  I  have  the  honor  to  be,  with  great  respect, 

"  Your  friend  and  obd't  servV 

SAMUEL  B.  RUGGLES  TO  JAMES  A.  HAMILTON. 

"  January  14,  1865. 

"  MY  DEAR  SIR  :  I  beg  to  thank  you  for  your  very  acceptable  and  instructive 
letter  of  the  9th  inst.  on  the  subject  of  amending  the  Constitution,  by  permitting  a 
tax  or  duty  on  exports,  and  am  glad  to  hear  that  you  have  occupied  your  mind 
with  the  subject.  You  may  have  seen  by  the  newspapers  that  our  Chamber  of 
Commerce  have  had  the  matter  under  consideration,  on  the  application  of  the  Board 
of  Trade  of  Philadelphia,  to  unite  with  them  in  memorializing  Congress  on  the  sub 
ject.  At  the  last  meeting  of  the  Chamber,  it  was  thought  most  discreet  to  postpone 
any  movement  in  the  matter  until  after  Congress  should  have  finally  disposed  of  the 
pending  proposition  to  abolish  slavery.  For  that  purpose,  the  subject  was  postponed, 


REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON.  577 

by  general  consent,  until  the  regular  monthly  meeting  on  the  first  Thursday  of 
February  next ;  meanwhile  I  truly  hope  that  you  will  do  what  you  can  to  enlighten 
the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  and  the  members  of  Congress,  to  educate  them  a 
little  in  advance. 

"  A  duty  on  exports,  including  cotton,  breadstuff*,  provisions,  and  petroleum, 
might  be  made  to  yield  from  fifty  to  a  hundred  millions  yearly,  and  the  agriculture, 
commerce,  and  manufactures  of  the  country  to  a  corresponding  extent.  It  is  the 
more  necessary  to  obtain  such  a  measure  of  relief,  when  we  perceive  how  rapidly 
we  are  drifting  into  bankruptcy,  State  debt  for  soldiers'  bounties  (which  they  never 
receive),  and  its  consequent  grievous  load  of  taxation. 

"  I  shall  take  your  letter  with  me  to  Washington,  and  shall  venture  to  show  it  to 
some  of  the  Members  of  Congress. 

"  Whenever  I  have  had  an  opportunity  to  bring  this  amendment  to  the  attention 
of  leading  men  in  Washington,  it  has  been  [done ;  but,  I  regret  to  say,  without  the 
least  success." 

JAMES  A.  HAMILTON  to  His  Excellency  R.  E.  FENTON,  Governor  of  the  State 

of  New  York. 

"  DOBBS  FEEEY  P.  O.,  February  1, 1865. 

"  SIE  :  I  take  the  liberty  to  suggest  that  the  importance  of  the  resolution  passed 
by  Congress  yesterday,  to  amend  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States  by  abolishing 
slavery,  calls  upon  you  to  announce  the  fact  by  a  special  message  to  the  Legislature 
of  the  State  now  in  session,  and  to  urge  its  adoption. 

"  I  hope  you  will  pardon  this  my  intrusion  by  imputing  it  to  my  wish  that  our 
State  should  have  the  honor  of  being  the  first  to  give  its  sanction  to  this  measure, 
which  will  be  praised  throughout  the  world  as  the  best  evidence  of  our  wise  states 
manship  and  our  high  Christian  civilization. 

"  I  have  the  honor  to  be,  with  great  respect,  yours,  &c." 

JAMES  A.  HAMILTON  TO  GEORGE  W.  BLUNT. 

"  DOBBS  FEEEY  P.  0.,  February  7,  1865. 

"DEAE  SIE:  The  inclosed  printed  copy  of  my  correspondence  in  relation  to  the 
reinforcement  of  the  forts  in  Charleston  harbor,  cognate  to  the  paper  you  are  pre 
paring  for  publication,  presents  additional  proof  of  the  imbecility  of  President 
Buchanan.  Your  paper  is  of  great  importance ;  it  will  be  very  useful  at  this  period. 
The  failure  of  the  negotiation  indicates  a  new  point  of  departure,  and  that  we  of  the 
North  must  nerve  ourselves  to  a  much  more  desperate  f-truggle  than  before.  The 
issue  is  fairly  made  up — the  independence  of  the  South,  or  their  submission  by 
conquest.  Your  statement  of  facts  will  awaken  the  intelligent  and  resolute  men  of 
the  North,  of  all  parties,  to  the  imbecility  of  our  high  officers,  civil  and  military. 
Some  of  them  are  in  higher  places.  Thus  exposed,  they  will  be  distrusted  and  perhaps 
driven  to  yield  their  places  to  men  who  have  clearer  perceptions  of  this  mighty 
issue,  and  are  therefore  prepared  to  sustain  that  energetic  policy  by  which  alone 
the  national  life  can  be  preserved. 

"  As  your  paper  will  be  universally  received  and  read  with  great  interest,  it  is 
of  vast  importance  that  it  should  be  prepared  with  the  greatest  care.    A  simple- 
perspicuous  statement  of  your  facts  and  circumstances,  with  such  a  brief  statement 
37 


578  REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON. 

of  the  course  of  the  conspiracy,  the  public  stations  and  characters  of  the  principal 
men  engaged  in.  it,  will  show  what  an  egregious  folly  it  was  to  expect  that  the 
wayward  Sisters  would  shortly  return  to  their  allegiance.  This  belief  \  dictated 
General  Scott's  letter  to  the  President,  written  after  a  conference  with  Mr.  Seward, 
who  induced  the  latter  to  believe  in  the  termination  of  the  war  in  sixty  or  ninety 
days,  to  speak  of  treason  in  arms  as  a  disturbance,  and  the  traitors  as  our  '  honored 
brothers  ;'  and  induced  another  member  of  Mr.  Lincoln's  cabinet,  as  I  have  been  in 
formed,  to  urge  Mr.  Sumner  to  go  to  New  York,  call  a  meeting  of  the  citizens,  and 
urge  them  to  pass  resolutions  in  favor  of  disunion. 

"I  hope  the  work  will  be  prepared  with  the  utmost  deliberation.  There  is  no 
reason  for  haste.  If  I  can  aid  you  I  will  do  so  with  the  greatest  pleasure. 

"  Your  friend,  &c." 

JAMES  A.  HAMILTON  TO  THE  HON.  WILLIAM  H.  SEWARD,  Secretary  of  State, 

Washington,  D.  C. 

"  November  3d,  1865. 

"  SIR  :  I  have  the  honor  to  direct  your  attention,  as  perhaps  useful  in  connection 
with  the  discussion  now  in  progress  between  the  United  States  and  Great  Britain,  in 
relation  to  neutral  rights  and  duties,  to  a  letter  written  by  Alexander  Hamilton  by 
a  'command  from'  President  Washington,  dated  August  4th,  1793  (3d  vol.  Works  of 
Hamilton,  page  374). 

"  I  hope  it  will  not  be  deemed  intrusive  to  suggest,  that  the  greatest  amount  of 
loss  we  have  sustained,  as  a  direct  consequence  and  a  meditated  purpose  of  those 
piracies,  was  the  destruction  of  our  carrying  trade.  "We  lost  thereby  one  thousand 
vessels,  and  five  hundred  thousand  tons;  and,  of  course,  an  immense  amount  of 
freight.  To  illustrate  this  :  before  thase  vessels  were  on  the  ocean,  the  imports  at 
New  York  in  American  vessels,  in  1860,  amounted  to  $62,598,326 ;  in  foreign  vessels, 
$23,404,051.  In  1863,  the  amount  in  American  vessels  was  $23,403,830,  and  in 
foreign  vessels  $65,889,053. 

"  This  discussion  on  our  part  has  certainly  been  conducted  with  dexterity  and 
wisdom ;  and  yet  it  is  feared  by  many  that  its  continuance  may  place  us  in  a  posi 
tion  from  which  we  cannot  retreat  without  dishonor ;  whereas,  on  the  other  hand, 
should  we  bide  our  time,  as  we  may  wisely  do,  under  the  sure  conviction  that,  should 
war  become  imminent  between  Great  Britain  and  a  continental  power,  she  would 
pay  all  our  claims,  in  order  to  avoid  that  retaliation  which  her  contraversions  would 
justify  on  our  part. 

"I  have  the  honor  to  be,  with  great  respect,  your  obedient  servant." 

JAMES  A.  HAMILTON  TO  THE  HON.  HUGH  McCuLLOCH,  Secretary  of  the  Trea 
sury,  Washington,  D.  C. 

"NEVIS,  DOBBS  FERRY  P.  0.,  November  13,  1865. 

"  SIR  :  Without  having  the  honor  of  your  personal  acquaintance,  in  obedience  to 
,my  sense  of  duty,  I  address  this  letter  to  you  in  relation  to  our  financial  affairs. 

"  First.— It  is  believed  that  it  would  be  useful  to  suggest  to  Congress  to  pass  a 
law  under  which  the  public  lands  may  be  made  available  for  the  payment  of  the 


REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES  A.  HAMILTON.  579 

public  debt.  Tin's  may  be  done  in  the  shape  of  rents  or  royalty,  as  Mr.  Fessenden 
suggested  in  his  report  (page  16),  thus:  Require  every  person  who  takes  one  hun 
dred  and  sixty  acres  of  land  (at  the  same  rate  for  a  greater  or  less  quantity)  under 
the  Homestead  Law,  to  pay  one  dollar  at  the  end  of  the  first  year,  two  dollars  the 
second  year,  and  so  on,  increasing  the  payment  one  dollar  every  year  until  the  public 
debt  is  paid ;  but  not  to  extend  beyond  thirty  (30)  years,  exempting  his  land  from 
all  other  taxation  during  that  term  of  years.  The  Treasury  would  thus  receive,  at 
the  end  of  thirty  years,  for  one  hundred  and  sixty  acres  of  land,  the  sum  of  $465 
(one  hundred  and  sixty  acres  at  $1.00  per  acre);  and  interest,  at  six  per  cent,  per 
annum,  would  amount  to  $448.  This  payment,  for  the  first  ten  years,  would  be  so 
inconsiderable  as  not  to  embarrass  the  cultivator  in  the  least. 

"  A  not  unimportant  result  of  this  plan  would  be,  that  as  the  payments  are  to 
cease  as  soon  as  the  debt  is  paid,  there  would  be  a  numerous  body  of  men  in  the 
new  States  having  a  common  interest  in  the  payment  of  the  public  debt,  whose  re 
presentatives  in  Congress  would  be  urgent  to  maintain  or  increase  taxation  to  which 
their  constituents  would  not  be  subject  in  order  to  hasten  that  result. 

"  The  sinking  fund,  if  applied  to  the  purchase  of  the  debt,  as  provided  by  the 
Act  of  26th  February,  1862,  will  pay  off  any  amount  of  debt  in  thirty-three  years 
and  four  months. 

"Second. — I  beg  leave  to  suggest  that  the  iron  manufacturer  should  be  relieved 
from  taxation  upon  the  raw  material,  and  upon  the  several  articles  he  may  use, 
which  have  been  before  taxed.  His  burdens  under  the  existing  internal  revenue 
system  are  so  great  as  to  deprive  him  of  adequate  protection  under  the  tariff. 

"  Third. — Impose  a  duty  on  hoop-skirts  of  one  dollar  each  (parts  of  these  skirts 
are  now  taxed  by  name — repeal  these  taxes).  There  are  in  the  United  States  at 
least  ten  millions  of  females  who  use  these  skirts  (the  richer  portion  have  two  or 
three).  There  would  thus  be  received  an  annual  revenue  of  ten  millions  dollars. 
As  the  laws  of  fashion  are  more  imperative  than  any  other  laws,  the  additional  cost 
of  one  dollar  each  would  riot  diminish  the  use  of  this  article  of  dress. 

THE  REDEMPTION"  OF  THE  LEGAL  TENDER  NOTES. 

"  Mr.  John  D.  Van  Buren's  published  letter,  addressed  to  you  on  this  subject, 
has  deservedly  attracted  much  attention,  as  well  from  its  general  interest  as  because 
he  has  carried  into  the  discussion  much  practical  knowledge  and  wisdom. 

"  To  raise  these  notes  up  to  the  par  of  gold,  rather  than  to  withdraw  them,  is 
not  very  difficult.  It  will  secure  to  the  country  the  best  circulation  in  the  world, 
and  it  will  avoid  that  dire  commercial  convulsion  which  would  necessarily  follow  p 
severe  contraction.  In  the  existing  condition  of  our  country,  particularly  from  the 
desolation  of  the  South,  and  the  consequent  necessity  of  supplying  eight  millions  of 
people  there  with  food,  and  all  the  necessaries  incident  to  civilization  (to  say  nothing 
of  luxuries),  including  a  circulating  medium,  it  appears  to  me  that,  should  the  four 
hundred  and  fifty  millions  of  legal  tender  notes  and  three  hundred  millions  of 
national  bank  notes  be  raised  to  the  par  of  gold,  there  would  not  be  a  redundant 
currency. 

"Mr.  Van  Buren  proposes  in  order  to  obtain  the  gold  fund  of  one  hundred  and 
fifty  millions  of  dollars,  as  follows:  First,  That  the  Internal  Revenue  be  made  suf 
ficient  to  meet  all  the  expenses  of  the  Government,  and  to  pay  all  its  interest,  includ- 


580  11EMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES   A.  HAMILTON. 

ing  that  which  is  payable  in  gold — the  interest  now  payable  in  gold  to  be  paid  in 
paper,  adding  the  premium  on  gold  at  the  time  of  payment. 

"This  mode  of  paying  the  interest  now  payable  in  gold,  it  is  believed,  would  be 
found  to  be  a  bungling  proceeding  and  quite  unnecessary.  The  Government  having 
command  of  the  necessary  funds  to  pay  the  amount  of  interest  and  premium,  could 
better  purchase  and  pay  the  interest  in  gold.  There  is,  however,  another  and  an 
insuperable  objection  to  this  part  of  his  plan. 

"  He  says,  second,  That  the  whole  of  the  customs  revenue  for  the  next  two  years, 
payable  as  now  in  gold,  be  pledged  to  the  redemption  of  the  legal  tender  notes. 

"To  give  this  pledge  would  be  of  no  value,  because  it  necessarily  involves  a 
palpable  violation  of  a  previous  pledge  given  by  Congress  in  relation  to  that  fund. 

"  The  Act  passed  26th  February,  1862,  §  5,  declares  that  all  the  duties  on  im 
ported  goods  shall  be  paid  in  coin,  *  *  *  and  the  coin  so  paid  shall  be  set  apart  as 
a  special  fund,  and  shall  be  applied  as  follows:  'First,  to  the  payment  in  coin  of 
the  interest  on  the  bonds,  &c. ;  second,  to  the  purchase  and  payment  of  one  per 
centum  of  the  entire  debt  of  the  United  States  to  be  made  within  each  fiscal  year' 
*  *  *  '  which  is  to  be  set  apart  as  a  sinking  fund,  and  the  interest  of  which  shall  in 
like  manner  be  applied  to  the  payment  or  purchase  of  the  public  debt.  Third,  The 
residue  thereof  to  be  paid  into  the  Treasury  of  the  United  States.' 

u  This  is  as  clear  and  distinct  a  pledge  to  the  holders  of  the  bonds  of  the  United 
States  as  language  can  express.  First,  that  the  coin  so  received  is  to  be  set  apart, 
and  applied  to  the  payment  of  their  interest,  and,  second,  that  of  the  coin  so  received 
an  amount  equal  to  one  per  centum  of  the  entire  debt  of  the  United  States  shall  be 
set  apart,  and  applied  from  year  to  year  to  the  purchase  or  payment  of  the  principal 
of  the  debt,  and  as  an  additional  security  for  the  faithful  application  to  these  two 
purposes,  the  amount  of  coin  necessary  to  that  end  does  not  go  into  the  Treasury, 
because  the  third  clause  declares  that  'the  residue  of  the  coin  so  received  shall  be 
paid  into  the  Treasury.' 

"  The  clear  interpretation  of  this  Act  is,  that  in  respect  to  the  amount  of  the 
interest  and  the  sinking  fund,  the  coin  so  received  is  set  apart  as  a  special  fund  for 
these  express  purposes,  and  is  not  to  be  considered  or  treated  as  in  the  Treasury  ; 
and  consequently  not  to  be  reached  by  any  appropriation,  or  used  by  the  Treasury 
Department  as  means  to  be  applied  to  ordinary  expenses,  or  to  meet  any  exigency 
whatever — the  residue  only  being  carried  into  the  Treasury  by  a  warrant,  can  be  so 
nsed. 

"  In  connection  with  this  subject,  it  is  worthy  of  remark  that  your  predecessor 
in  his  annual  report  (page  16)  being  unwilling,  as  is  supposed,  in  the  exercise  of  the 
duties  of  his  office,  to  seem  to  violate  the  express  injunction  of  law,  suggested  to 
Congress  to  consider  whether  some  legislation  postponing  for  a  time  the  operation 
of  the  provision  referred  to,  and  designating  a  board  of  officers  as  commissioners  of 
the  Sinking  Fund  under  proper  regulations,  might  not  be  advisable.  *  *  *  *  Such 
legislation  would,  at  least  show  that  the  provision  for  a  Sinking  Fund  is  not  intended 
to  remain  a  dead  letter  on  the  statute  book. 

"  As  Congress  did  not  think  proper  to  do  anything  on  that  subject,  it  may  be 
supposed  they  intended  and  expected  that  the  act  of  26th  February,  1862,  should 
govern  the  Treasury  in  its  disposition  of  the  coin  receive;!  from  imposts,  '  as  soon  as 
the  unnatural  condition  of  affairs  should  terminate.' 

"  The  fund  required  (150  millions)  to  float  the  four  hundred  and  fifty  millions  of 


REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON.  581 

legal  tenders  can  be  obtained  without  a  violation  of  the  pledges  to  the  holders  of 
the  bonds.  The  interest  payable  in  gold  is  about  sixty-five  millions.  One  per  cent. 
of  the  capital  of  the  gold  bearing  debt  amounts  to  about  eleven  million?,  making  a 
total  of  seventy-six  millions. 

"The  amount  of  coin  to  be  received  from  duties  this  fiscal  year  cannot  be  less 
than  two  hundred  and  twenty-six  millions,  which  will  leave  a  'residue 'to  be  set 
apart  of  about  one  hundred  and  fifty  millions,  and  thus  the  interest  and  sinking  fund 
in  gold  will  be  preserved,  and  the  redemption  fund  be  secured  beyond  all  peradven- 
ture  ;  but,  above  all,  the  public  faith  of  our  country  will  be  preserved  immaculate  as 
it  has  been  heretofore. 

'•In  this  connection,  pardon  me  for  further  intruding  upon  you  by  suggesting 
that  now  is  the  time  to  make  full  and  solid  provision  for  the  payment  of  the  interest, 
and  for  a  sinking  fund  which  will  secure  the  payment  of  the  whole  debt  within  a 
limited  period. 

"  The  American  Funding  System  established  in  1791,  paid  off  the  entire  debt  of 
the  Revolution,  and  of  the  war  of  1812.  Thus  it  accomplished  what  no  other 
nation  has  ever  done,  paid  its  debts.  The  great  characteristics  of  that  system  were 
First,  To  constitute  a  fund  sufficient  in  every  supposable  event  for  extinguishing  the 
whole  debt  of  the  United  States  in  a  period  not  exceeding  thirty  (30)  years.  Second, 
To  fix  its  destination  unchangeably  by  not  only  appropriating  it  permanently  under 
the  direction  of  commissioners,  and  vesting  it  in  them  as  property  in  trust,  but  by 
making  its  faithful  application  a  part  of  the  contract  with  creditors. 

"  Experience  has  shown  in  countries  the  most  attentive  to  the  principles  of 
credit,  that  a  simple  appropriation  of  the  sinking  fund  is  not  a  complete  barrier 
against  its  being  diverted  when  immediate  exigencies  press.  Such  has  been  our 
course  during  the  last  three  years,  excused,  doubtless,  by  the  pressing  exigencies  of 
our  condition  ;  but  in  addition  to  the  experience  referred  toby  the  Secretary  of  the 
Treasury  in  1795,  we  refer  to  the  course  of  Great  Britain  and  its  consequences,  as  a 
fearful  warning.  Mr.  Vansittart,  Chief  Secretary  of  the  Exchequer,  in  1813, 
destroyed  the  progressive  force  of  the  Sinking  Fund  by  diverting  all  the  dividends 
of  the  Stock  theretofore  received,  to  the  current  expenses  of  the  year  instead  of  leav 
ing  it,  according  to  Mr.  Pitt's  plan,  for  the  redemption  of  the  public  debt.  (See 
Bristed's  Resources  of  the  United  States,  page  90.) 

"  The  effect  of  this  abandonment  of  the  system,  has  been  that  the  debt  of  Great 
Britain  has  not,  during  the  last  fifty  years,  been  diminished. 

"  Lord  Palmerston,  in  1865,  in  a  speech  in  the  House  of  Commons,  referring  to 
Mr.  Gladstone's  successful  administration  of  the  Finances,  said  :  '  We  have  succeeded 
in  making,  for  the  first  time,  som.e  noteworthy  impression  on  the  public  debt.'  What 
good  reason  can  there  be  for  not  adopting  in  all  its  parts  the  Funding  System  of 
1791,  and  applying  it  to  our  whole  debt? — a  Sinking  Fund  of  one  per  cent,  of  the 
amount  of  the  debt,  and  as  much  more  from  time  to  time  as  the  surplus  of  our  rev 
enue  will  permit  to  be  carried  to  the  credit  of  Commissioners  (high  officers  of  the 
Government)  in  trust,  for  the  purchase  or  payment  of  the  whole  public  debt. 

"  General  Washington  gave  his  sanction  to  that  system.  Mr.  Gallatin,  as  Secre 
tary,  in  his  report  of  1802,  said  that  the  actual  revenues  of  the  Union  are  sufficient 
to  defray  all  the  expenses,  civil  and  military,  of  the  Government  to  the  extent  author 
ized  by  existing  laws  to  meet  all  the  engagements  of  the  Government,  and  to  dis 
charge  in  fifteen  and  a  half  years  (15£)  the  whole  of  our  public  debt;  and  Mr. 


582  REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.   HAMILTON. 

Jefferson,  then  President,  addressed  a  letter  to  Mr.  Gallatin,  dated  April  1,  1802, 
saying,  *  I  have  read  and  considered  your  report  on  the  operation  of  the  sinking 
fund,  and  entirely  approve  it  as  the  best  plan  on  which  we  can  set  out.'  Again 
Mr.  Jefferson,  in  a  letter  dated  June  24,  1813,  to  Mr.  John  "W.  Eppes,  a  member  of 
Congress,  says :  '  It  is  a  wise  rule,  and  should  be  fundamental  in  a  Government 
disposed  to  cherish  its  credit,  and,  at  the  same  time,  to  restrain  the  use  of  it  within 
the  limits  of  its  faculties,  never  to  borrow  a  dollar  without  laying  a  tax  at  the  same 
instant  for  paying  the  interest  annually,  and  the  principal  within  a  given  term,  and 
to  consider  that  tax  as  pledged  to  the  creditors  on  the  public  faith.' 

"  With  this  approval  of  experience,  and  of  all  the  distinguished  men  of  all  parties 
of  the  country,  is  there  any  good  reason  why  this  successful  system  should  not  be 
readopted  and  reenforced  ? 

"  Experience  is  the  oracle  of  truth,  and  when  its  responses  are  unequivocal,  they 
ought  to  be  conclusive  and  sacred. 

"I  have  the  honor  to  be,  with  great  respect,  your  obedient  servant." 

JAMES  A.  HAMILTON  TO  HON.  E.  D.  MORGAN,  Senator,  &c.,  Washington,  D.  C. 

"DOBBS  FERKY,  December  9,  1865. 

"  MY  DEAR  SIR  :  A  very  wise  and  patriotic  letter  addressed  to  you  by  Mr.  Thur- 
low  Weed  in  January,  1864,  earnestly  urging  the  appropriation  of  the  public  lands 
to  the  payment  of  our  public  debt  by  repealing  the  Homestead  law,  prompts  us 
to  suggest  to  you  a  process  by  which  that  immense  fund  may  be  appropriated  to  the 
debt  without  touching  the  law,  or  all  impairing  its  efficiency  in  settling  our  public 
domain. 

.  '*  Pass  a  law  requiring  every  person  who  takes  160  acres  under  that  law,  to  exe 
cute  a  bond  to  the  United  States  to  pay  one  dollar  the  first  year,  ($2)  two  dollars 
the  second  year,  ($3)  three  dollars  the  third  year,  ($4)  four  dollars  the  fourth  year, 
and  so  on,  increasing  the  payment  by  one  dollar  every  year  for  32  years,  (or  until 
the  existing  public  debt  shall  be  paid,  not  to  exceed  32  years)  ;  the  amount  so  received 
to  be  applied  to  the  purchase  or  payment  of  the  principal  of  the  public  debt;  the 
purchaser  to  be  exempt  from  all  taxes  on  his  land  (general,  State,  or  county),  so  long 
as  the  public  debt  continues  unpaid,  and  at  the  same  rate  for  a  less  or  greater 
number  of  acres.  By  this  process,  if  the  payment  continue  for  32  years,  the  general 
Government  will  be  paid,  at  the  end  of  32  years  (as  per  foot  note),*  $537  dollars, 


1st  year §1         llth  year. 

etc.  2  etc. 

3 
4 
5 


*  ANNUAL  PAYMENTS. 

.$11 

21st  year  $21 

31st  year  $31 

12 

etc.      22 

etc.      32 

13 

23 

14 

24 

15 

25 

16 

26 

' 

17 

27 

18 

28 

19 

29 

20 

30 

10 

$55  $155  $255  $63=$528 


REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES    A.  HAMILTON.  583 

which  is  equivalent  to  a  sale  of  160  acres  of  land,  at  $1.25  the  acre,  with  interest 

at  five  per  cent,  per  acre,  viz.: 

160  acres  of  land  at  $1.25  per  acre,  equal  to $200  00 

Interest  at  five  per  cent,  for  32  years 320  00 

$520  00 
Amount  of  annual  payments $528  00 

"  In  a  pecuniary  view,  this  would  be  important,  but  there  is  another  consequence 
of  this  arrangement,  which  no  statesman  can  be  indifferent  to  secure.  The  public 
credit  unimpaired  is  our  first  duty.  This  project  would  secure  a  large  class  whose 
pecuniary  interests  would  be  greatly  promoted  by  the  earliest  payment  of  the  debt; 
they  would  be  most  anxious  that  all  the  taxation  necessary  to  that  end  should  be 
regularly  inforcecl,  and  that  the  resources  of  the  Government  should  be  augmented, 
and  consequently  their  Representatives  would  be  required  to  use  all  their  influence  to 
promote  this  end. 

"  The  payment  of  these  small  annual  sums,  and  particularly  during  the  first  ten 
years,  would  be  so  unimportant  as  not  to  be  at  all  burdensome. 

"  In  regard  to  the  heavy  taxation  necessary  for  several  years,  we  must  look  earn 
estly  at  the  probable  future  condition  of  parties.  There  will  be  a  large  Southern 
representation  whose  constituents  will  consider  their  burdens,  if  not  as  a  penalty, 
certainly  as  a  grievous  wrong.  These  men  will  be  apt  to  unite  with  the  demagogues 
of  the  North,  who  will,  to  obtain  political  power,  hold  out  to  the  people  the  expec 
tation  of  being  relieved  from  taxation.  Mr.  John  Van  Buren's  speech  at  Auburn 
during  the  late  canvass  is  a  type  of  what  will  be  done  on  this  subject. 

"It  was  truly  said  by  an  illustrious  statesman,  '  A  nation  is  never  to  regulate  its 
conduct  by  remote  possibilities  or  mere  contingencies,  but  by  such  probabilities  as 
may  reasonably  be  inferred  from  the  existing  course  of  things,  and  the  usual  course 
of 'human  affairs.'  Surely,  it  is  not  only  possible  but  highly  probable  that  systematic 
and  vigorous  attempts  will  be  made  to  raise  a  popular  clamor  against  taxing  the 
fruits  of  labor  to  pay  interest  to  the  capitalists  who  hold  the  bonds. 

"  I  have  the  honor  to  be,  with  great  respect,  your  friend,  &c." 

SENATOR,  MORGAN  TO  JAMES  A.  HAMILTON,  by  his  Secretary. 

"WASHINGTON,  D.  0.,  December  14,  1865. 

"  MY  DEAR  SIR  :  Senator  Morgan  directs  me  to  acknowledge  the  receipt  of  your 
favor  of  the  9th  inst.,  and  in  reply  thereto  to  say  that  he  has  read  the  same  and 
carefully  noted  its  contents,  and  that  he  deems  the  plan  advanced  by  you  for  real 
izing  from  the  public  lands  a  fund  to  be  appropriated  to  the  discharge  of  the 
public  debt,  in  many  of  its  features,  to  be  a  very  feasible  and  practical  one,  and  it 
will  be  taken  into  consideration  by  him,  not  alone  for  its  merits,  which  are  appar 
ent,  but  also  for  the  reason  that  it  has  emanated  from  one  known  to  be  con 
versant  with  matters  of  public  interest  and  welfare,  and  anxious  to  aid  in  settling 
some  at  least  of  the  many  questions  of  national  importance  now  uppermost  in  the 
minds  of  all  good  and  loyal  men." 

The  following  paper  was  prepared  by  James  A.  Hamilton,  and  a  copy  sent 
to  President  Andrew  Johnson,  in  1866 : 


584  REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES   A.  HAMILTON. 


MALICIOUS  FALSEHOODS  OF  THE  SO-CALLED  CONFEDERATE  GOVERN 
MENT  AND  THE  DEGREES  OF  ITS  CRIMINALITY. 

"On  the  13th  of  October,  1862,  the  following  Act  was  passed  and  approved  by 
Jefferson  Davis : 

"  Whereas,  manifestly  with  the  knowledge  and  concurrence  of  the  Federal  Gov 
ernment,  and  for  the  purpose  of  destroying  the  credit  and  circulation  of  the  Treas 
ury  notes  of  this  Government,  immense  amounts  of  spurious  or  counterfeit  notes, 
purporting  to  be  such  Treasury  notes,  have  been  fabricated  and  advertised  for  sale  in 
the  enemy's  country,  and  have  been  brought  into  these  States,  and  put  in  circulation 
by  persons  in  the  employ  of  the  enemy, 

'  The  Congress,  &c.,  do  enact  that  every  person  in  the  service  of,  or  adhering  to, 
the  enemy,  who  shall  pass,  or  offer  to  pass,  any  such  spurious  or  counterfeit  note  or 
notes  as  aforesaid,  or  shall  sell  or  attempt  to  sell  the  same,  or  shall  bring  such 
notes  into  the  Confederate  States,  or  shall  have  any  such  note  or  notes  in  his  posses 
sion  with  intent  to  pass  or  sell  the  same,  shall,  if  captured,  be  put  to  death  by  hang 
ing,  and  every  commissioned  officer  of  the  enemy  who  shall  permit  any  offence 
mentioned  in  this  section  to  be  committed  by  any  person  under  his  authority,  shall 
be  put  to  death  by  hanging.  Approved,  October  13,  1862.  (See  Statutes  at  Large, 
p.  80.) 

"  This  false  and  malicious  recital  was  made  without  any  evidence,  or  pretence  of 
evidence  whatever,  for  two  villainous  purposes:  1st.  To  disgrace  the  Government 
and  people  of  the  United  States.  2d.  To  prepare  a  ground  for  hanging  our  cap 
tured  soldiers  and  officers,  and  thus  to  get  rid  of  them  more  promptly  and  effectually 
than  by  starvation. 

"It  is  shown  that  the  Confederate  notes  were  extensively  forged  within  the 
rebel  States,  by  the  fact  that  the  sum  of  $5,000  was  appropriated  to  pay  the  travel 
ing  and  other  expenses  incident  to  the  detection  of  forgers.  How  easy  it  would 
have  been  to  distribute  such  forged  notes  among  our  soldiers  by  deserters,  and 
through  the  picket  lines,  and  then  when  they  were  captured  to  impute  to  them  the 
purpose  of  circulating  them,  and  thus  subjecting  them,  to  the  death  penalty  by 
hanging. 

"  We  would  respectfully  suggest  to  the  President  as  a  means  of  protecting  the  good 
name  of  our  Government  from  the  meanness  imputed  to  it  by  this  recital,  to  require 
every  member  of  the  Confederate  Congress  of  1862,  before  he  receives  a  pardon,  to 
state  upon  what  evidence  this  allegation  was  made,  and  also  whether  he  voted  for 
the  following  resolution: 

"  Resolved,  By  the  House  of  Representatives  of  the  Confederate  States,  the  Sen 
ate  concurring,  that  we  do  adhere  to  our  opinion  that  the  so-called  Emancipation 
Proclamation  of  the  President  of  the  United  States,  and  the  enlistment  of  negro 
slaves  in  the  several  federal  armies  now  opposed  to  us,  are  not  among  the  acts  of  legi 
timate  warfare,  but  are  properly  classed  among  such  acts  as  the  right  to  put  to  death 
prisoners  of  war  without  special  cause,  the  right  to  use  poisoned  weapons,  and  the 
right  to  assassinate,  and  if  persisted  in,  will  justify  this  Government  in  the  adoption 
of  measures  of  retaliation. 

"  The  indorsements  on  the  paper  go  to  show  that  this  resolution  was  read  the 
first  and  second  time,  and  made  the  special  order  for  the  secret  session  on  the  16th  of 
February,  1864. 

"  On  the  14th  of  June,  1864,  a  manifesto  passed  by  the  Confederate  Congress 
was  approved  by  Jefferson  Davis  (Statutes  at  Large,  pp.  286-287-288),  copies  whereof 


REMINISCENCES    OF    JAMES  A.  HAMILTON.  585 

were  expressly  directed  to  be  transmitted  to  their  Commissioners  abroad,  to  the  end 
that  the  same  may  be  laid  before  foreign  governments,  in  which,  after  the  most 
glaring  misrepresentations  as  to  the  results  of  battles,  the  commencement  of  the 
war,  &c.,  it  declares  that  '  the  wildest  picture  ever  drawn  by  a  disordered  imagina 
tion  comes  short  of  the  extravagance  which  could  dream  of  the  conquest  of  eight 
millions  of  people,  resolved,  with  one  mind,  to  die  freemen  rather  than  live  slaves. 
And,  forewarned  by  the  savage  and  exterminating  spirit  in  which  this  war  has  been 
waged  upon  them,  and  by  the  mad  avowals  of  its  patrons  and  supporters  of  the  worse 
than  Egyptian  bondage  that  awaits  them  in  the  event  of  their  subjugation,'  etc. 

"  It  is  necessarily  to  be  inferred  that  these  avowals  of  the  worse  than  Egyptian 
bondage  were  made  by  persons  who  had  power.  We  therefore  further  suggest,  before 
the  members  of  the  Executive  Administration  or  of  Congress  be  pardoned,  that 
they  inform  the  President  when  and  by  whom  these  avowals  were  made,  and 
whether  they  have  been  attempted  to  be  enforced. 

"  It  will  be  remembered  that  this  manifesto  was  approved  within  ten  months  of 
their  subjugation,  and  after  Lee  and  other  high  officers  had  declared  that  they  had 
not  men  or  means  to  carry  on  the  war.  This  tissue  of  falsehoods  was  prepared  and 
sent  abroad  to  induce  recognition  and  material  aid." 


APPENDIX, 


APPENDIX  A. 

REPORT  UPON  THE  CONDITION  OF  OUR  FOREIGN  RELATIONS  MADE  TO 
PRESIDENT  JACKSON  BY  JAMES  A.  HAMILTON,  ACTING  SECRE 
TARY  OF  STATE. 

DEPARTMENT  OF  STATE, 
"WASHINGTON,  March  26,  1829. 

THE  Acting  Secretary  of  State  has  the  honor,  in  obedience  'to  the  directions  re 
ceived  from  the  President  of  the  United  States  on  the  17th  instant,  to  cause  to  be 
made  out  for  him  a  synopsis  of  our  Foreign  Relations  as  respects  Commerce, 
Navigation,  and  Friendship,  respectfully  to  report  as  to  the  relations  between  tho 
United  States  and  France. 

JAMES  A.  HAMILTON. 

FRANCE, 

The  commercial  relations  between  the  two  Governments  were  settled  by  a 
Convention,  concluded  in  the  year  1822,  to  take  effect  from  the  1st  of  October 
of  that  year,  to  be  in  force  for  two  years,  and  after  that  time  until  the  conclusion 
of  a  definite  treaty,  or  until  one  of  the  parties  shall  have  declared  its  intention  to 
renounce  it,  which  declaration  shall  be  made  at  least  six  months  beforehand. 

By  lapse  of  time,  in  pursuance  of  the  provisions  of  the  Third  Article  of  this  Con 
vention,  the  trade  between  the  two  countries  is  put  upon  a  footing  of  fair  competi 
tion,  and  the  operation  of  this  Convention  upon  the  navigation  of  the  two  countries 
has  been  to  throw  almost  the  whole  of  the  trade  into  the  hands  of  Americans.  The 
points  now  in  discussion  between  the  two  Governments  are  divided  into  two  parts. 

First. — Claims  on  the  part  of  the  United  States  for  spoliations. 

The  following  is  a  succinct  view  of  these  claims,  the  negotiation  in  regard  to 
them,  and  its  present  situation. 

All  claims  on  the  part  of  the  United  States  prior  to  the  Convention  of  1800,  were 
renounced  by  the  Second  Article  thereof,  in  consideration  of  the  abandonment  by 
France  of  all  her  pretensions  on  the  score  of  the  guaranty  under  the  Eleventh  Arti 
cle  of  the  treaty  of  Alliance  of  1V78,  with  a  reservation  that  would  embrace  the 
three  following  cases,  to  wit : 

First. — Cases  of  capture,  where  no  judicial  proceedings  were  had. 

Second. — Cases  not  definitely  decided  on  in  French  Tribunals  on  the  30th  of 
September,  1800. 

Third. — Captures  made  subsequent  to  that  date. 

By  the  Convention  of  1803,  the  United  States  assumed  all  claims  on  France  prior 
to  the  30th  September,  1800,  for  twenty  millions  of  livres. 

Subsequent  to  this  Convention,  the  Government  of  the  United  States  endeavored 
to  induce  the  French  Government  to  conclude  a  Convention,  having  for  its  object 
the  settlement  of  claims  prior  to  that  Convention  in  those  specified  cases,  but  which 


588  APPENDIX    A. 

has  been  peremptorily  refused  on  the  part  of  France,  on  the  ground  that  the  whole 
affair  was  completely  terminated,  and  the  Government  of  the  United  States  had 
adopted  the  debts  of  its  citizens. 

In  the  year  1806,  the  Continental  system  commenced,  and  out  of  the  Berlin, 
Milan,  Bayonne,  Kambouillet,  and  other  Imperial  Decrees  from  1806  to  1810,  arose  a 
class  of  cases  numerous  arid  to  a  very  large  amount.  They  are  first  divisible  into 
the  following  classes : 

First. — The  vessels  and  cargoes  burnt  at  sea. 

Second. — The  vessels  and  cargoes  seized,  sequestered,  and  not  condemned. 

Six  other  classes  of  claims  resulting  from  irregular  and  illegal  condemnations 
-may  be  considered  under  the  following  heads : 

First. — Condemnations  made  in  contravention  of  an  existing  treaty  so  far  as  re 
lates  to  property  captured  and  seized  prior  to  31st  July,  1809. 

Second. — Condemnations  made  by  Imperial  Decrees  which  do  not  include  cases 
of  Appeal  from  the  Council  of  Prizes  to  the  Council  of  State,  but  those  instances 
where  the  order  of  condemnation  was  issued  immediately  by  Napoleon  ot  by  the 
Council  of  State  without  any  previous  trial  by  the  Council  of  Prizes. 

Third. — Cases  where  the  Council  of  Prizes  did  not  observe  the  forms  of  law,  but 
made  decisions  in  obedience  to  an  Imperial  Decree  without  examining  the  ships' 
papers,  or  giving  the  parties  an  opportunity  of  bringing  their  proofs. 

Fourth. — Cases  where  the  Milan  Decree  was  made  to  have  a  retroactive  effect, 
and  thus  to  reach  vessels  which  sailed  before  it  was  issued  or  so  soon  after  as  not  to 
permit  a  knowledge  of  it  to  reach  them,  and  in  one  case  a  condemnation  was  made 
for  an  alleged  infraction  of  this  Decree  which  happened  before  its  date. 

Fifth. — Condemnations  of  vessels  seized  under  the  Berlin  and  Milan  Decrees,  and 
remaining  undecided  on  1st  November,  1810,  when  these  Decrees  were  revoked  and 
to  be  considered  by  the  Act  of  Revocation  as  not  having  existed. 

Sixth. — Condemnations  for  frivolous  pretences  of  vessels  captured  after  1st  No 
vember,  1810,  to  wit :  irregularities  in  certificates  of  origin  or  other  ship  papers, — 
presumed  navigation  under  British  convoy,  mutiny  on  board,  or  intention  to  remit 
proceeds  through  England. 

The  settlement  of  these  claims  has  been  pressed  upon  the  French  Government 
from  the  earliest  moment,  and  continued  uninterruptedly  down  to  the  present  day. 

Their  justice  is  too  clear  to  be  controverted,  and  has,  from  time  to  time,  been  ad 
mitted  by  the  ministers  for  Foreign  affairs  of  France — they  amount  to  about  ten 
millions  of  dollars. 

In  1816,  a  Joint  Commission  was  on'our  part  proposed, — first,  to  liquidate  the 
amount  due  for  property  either  destroyed  at  sea  or  sequestered  and  not  definitely 
condemned  by  the  Council  of  Prizes.  Second,  to  decide  on  whatever  cases  of  irregu 
lar  or  unlawful  seizures,  captures,  or  condemnations  the  Government  of  France  is 
also  bound  to  make  compensation  for,  and  to  what  amount.  And  this  proposition  was 
accepted  verbally  by  the  French  Government  and  the  acceptance  was  promised  to 
be  reduced  to  writing,  but  upon  further  consideration  was  refused. 

At  first  a  decision  was  postponed  by  the  French  Government,  owing  to  the  em 
barrassed  state  of  France,  until  a  more  auspicious  period  should  arrive.  When  that 
period  arrived,  we  were  told  that  our  claims  might  have  been  more  favorably  re 
ceived  at  an  earlier  period,  to  which  it  was  replied  that  they  had  been  urged  at  an 
earlier  period,  and  postponed  by  France  for  the  reason  just  mentioned. 

In  October,  1817,  Mr.  DeNeuville  first  brought  to  the  notice  of  the  American 
Government  the  pretensions  of  France,  under  the  Eighth  Article  of  the  Convention 
of  Cession  of  Louisiana,  although  they  had  existed,  if  at  all,  from  1803.  They  were 
first  made  obstacles  to  a  commercial  arrangement,  and  next  to  the  settlement  of  our 
claims. 

Next  the  commercial  difficulties  were  made  a  pretext  for  further  postponement, 
and  when,  by  the  Convention  of  1822,  this  difficulty  was  removed,  it  was  insisted 
that  the  discussion  of  the  pretensions  arising  out  of  the  Eighth  Article  of  the  Con 
vention  of  Cession  of  Louisiana,  should  be  connected  with  that  of  our  claims  which, 
being  properly  resisted  by  the  Government  of  the  United  States,  the  two  Govern 
ments  were  at  issue. 


APPENDIX    A.  589 

Afterward,  the  Duke  de  Damas  urged  the  extraordinary  doctrine,  that  the  King 
of  France,  on  reascending  the  Throne,  could  not  take,  nor  had  taken,  the  engage 
ment  to  satisfy  all  the  claims  imposed  on  him  as  indemnity  for  acts  of  violence,  and 
for  the  depredations  committed  by  the  usurping  Government. 

The  Secretary  of  State  of  the  United  States,  in  a  letter  to  their  Minister,  dated 
28th  May,  1827,  goes  over  the  whole  ground  and  instructs  him  to  propose  as  a  basis 
for  the  settlement  of  the  question,  under  the  Convention  of  Cession  of  Louisiana, 
that  it  be  referred  to  the  arbitration  either  of  citizens  of  other  countries  to  be  chosen 
by  the  parties,  or  of  a  friendly  power.  The  complaint  of  France  under  the  Eighth 
Article  of  that  Convention  has  been,  that  French  vessels  and  their  cargoes  have  been 
liable  in  the  ports  of  Louisiana  to  pay  the  alien  duties  imposed  by  the  laws  of  the 
United  States,  and  from  which  duties  British  vessels  were  exempt,  and  her  claim  is 
the  reimbursement  of  these  duties. 

The  question  authorized  by  these  instructions  to  be  referred  to  arbitration,  was 
specifically,  whether  France  be  entitled  or  not  to  have  refunded  any  of  these  alien 
duties  collected  from  French  vessels,  or  their  cargoes,  between  the  date  of  the 
Louisiana  Treaty  and  the  1st  October,  1827,  and  if  the  demand  be  sustained  by  the 
arbitration,  that  they  shall  then  proceed  to  determine  the  amount  which  is  to  be  re 
funded,  which  amount  shall  be  credited  to  France,  against  the  American  claims,  and 
if  it  should  exceed  them,  the  excess  shall  be  paid  by  the  United  States. 

No  decisive  answer  having  been  given  by  France  to  this  proposition,  but  excep 
tion  being  taken  to  its  terms,  Mr.  Brown  was  authorized  on  the  17th  May,  1828, 
to  agree  to  the  reference  of  the  general  question  involved  in  that  dispute,  that  is, 
one  so  stated  as  to  embrace  all  the  rights  claimed  by  France,  according  to  her  in 
terpretation  of  that  Article. 

Mr.  Brown,  by  his  dispatch,  dated  12th  November,  1828,  states  that  the  answer 
to  this  proposition,  as  well  as  to  our  claims,  was  postponed  from  time  to  time  under 
the  various  pretences  that  had  been  before  urged,  and  so  the  negotiation  stands  at 
the  date  of  his  last  dispatch,  on  the  12th  clay  of  January,  1829. 

On  this  subject,  negotiation  appears  to  have  been  exhausted,  and  the  just  claims 
of  our  citizens  have  been  resisted  by  every  pretext  that  ingenuity  could  adopt ;  at 
first  to  evade  a  decision,  and  at  length  emboldened  by  our  forbearance,  it  is  distinct 
ly  avowed  that  the  present  dynasty  is  not  to  be  charged  with  their  payment. 

The  claims  on  the  part  of  France,  are : 

First. — That  under  the  Eighth  Article  of  the  Convention  of  Cession  of  Louisiana. 

Second. — The  Beaumarchais  claim,  and 

Third. — Claims  of  French  citizens  on  account  of  vessels  captured  on  the  coast 
of  Africa. 

The  discussion  of  the  first  pretension  has  been  full  and  free,  and  extended  to  an 
almost  immeasurable  length.  It  was  concluded  in  1824. 

The  claim  of  the  heirs  of  Beaumarchais  has  been  repeatedly  presented  to  Con 
gress,  and  rejected  from  a  conviction,  as  is  believed,  that  it  was  founded  in  a  fraud 
upon  the  United  States. 

The  claims  for  captures  of  vessels  on  the  coast  of  Africa  arose  out  of  attempts 
on  our  part  to  suppress  the  Slave  Trade,  and  have  been  deemed  to  be  of  so  little  im 
portance  as  not  to  have  been  drawn  into  discussion. 

GEEAT  BKITAIN. 

The  relations  between  the  United  States  and  this  Government  are  properly  di 
vided  into  the  following  principal  topics,  now  in  discussion  : 

First. — The  North-Eastern  boundary  line. 

Second.— An  Act  of  Parliament  of  25th  July,  1828,  to  amend  the  laws  relating  to 
the  Customs,  &c. 

Third. — The  recovery  of  fugitive  slaves. 

Fourth. — Sundry  cases  of  impressment  of  seamen. 

I.— A  Convention  between  the  United  States  and  Great  Britain  was  con 
cluded  and  signed  at  London,  on  the  29th  September,  1827,  providing  for  the  refer 
ence  to  the  arbitration  of  a  friendly  sovereign  or  state  of  the  disputed  North-Eastern 
boundary. 


590  APPENDIX    A. 

The  ratifications  of  the  Convention  were  exchanged  at  London,  on  the  2d  April, 
1828,  and  from  that  date  are  to  be  counted  the  intervals  of  time  within  which,  ac 
cording  to  the  terms  of  the  Convention,  the  various  steps  toward  the  proposed 
reference  are  to  be  taken. 

The  Third  Article  of  the  Convention  stipulates,  First, — That  each  party  shall  be 
bound  on  the  application  of  the  other  party,  made  within  six  months  after  the  ex 
change  of  the  ratification,  to  give  authentic  copies  of  such  individually  specified  acts 
of  a  public  nature,  intended  by  such  other  party,  to  be  laid  as  evidence  before  the 
arbiter,  as  are  within  the  exclusive  possession  of  each  party. 

The  term  of  six  months  herein  stipulated,  expired  on  the  2d  October,   1828. 

Pursuant  to  this  stipulation,  Mr.  Vaughan,  His  Britannic  Majesty's  Minister,  near 
the  United  States,  on  the  15th  May,  1828,  addressed  a  note  to  the  Secretary  of  State 
containing  an  application  for  certain  documents  therein  enumerated  in  the  exclusive 
possession  of  the  Government  of  the  United  States,  and  on  the  31st  July  following, 
authentic  copies  of  these  documents  were  transmitted  to  Mr.  Vaughan. 

On  the  26th  September,  1828,  a  note  was  addressed  by  the  Department  of  State 
to  Mr.  Vaughan,  containing  a  list  of  the  documents  of  a  public  nature  in  the  pos 
session  of  the  British  Government,  intended  to  be  laid  before  the  arbiter  on  the  part 
of  the  United  States,  and  demanding  authentic  copies  of  said  documents. 

In  order  to  guard  against  all  misunderstanding  or  equivocation,  the  Minister  of 
the  United  States,  at  London,  was  by  a  dispatch,  dated  the  3d  June,  1828,  instruct 
ed  to  make  a  similar  demand  directly  upon  the  British  Government. 

At  the  date  of  the  last  dispatch  from  the  United  States  Minister  at  London,  the 
documents  had  not  yet  been  delivered  to  him,  but  in  a  note  from  the  Earl  of  Aberdeen 
to  Mr.  Barbour,  dated  1st  January,  1829,  the  British  Minister  apologized  for  the  de 
lay  on  the  ground  of  the  voluminous  character  of  the  papers  demanded,  their  exist 
ence  in  the  British  Colonial  Archives,  and  the  labor  of  transcribing  old  and  almost 
obsolete  State  papers  at  home,  a  search  for  which  would  be  both  laborious  and 
dubious. 

The  third  article  of  the  Convention  further  stipulates,  that  each  party  shall, 
within  nine  months  after  the  exchange  of  the  ratifications,  communicate  to  the  other 
all  the  evidence  intended  to  be  brought  in  support  of  its  claims. 

The  term  of  nine  months  therein  specified  expired  on  the  2d  January,  1829. — 
Pursuant  thereto,  transcripts  of  all  the  written  and  topographical  evidence  intended 
by  the  Government  of  the  United  States  to  be  adduced  in  support  of  their  claim, 
were  delivered  to  Mr.  Vaughan,  on  the  30th  December,  1828,  by  a  clerk  in  the  de 
partment  of  State,  together  with  a  list  of  all  the  documents  and  maps,  and  an  official 
note  from  the  Secretary  of  State,  dated  that  day. 

The  same  stipulation  was  fulfilled  at  London,  by  the  British  Government,  on  the 
1st  January,  1859,  when  the  Earl  of  Aberdeen,  with  a  note  of  that  date,  delivered  to 
Mr.  Barbour  a  series  of  documents  purporting  to  be  copies  of  the  evidence  intended 
to  be  laid  by  the  British  Government  before  the  arbiter.  These  documents  were 
forthwith  transmitted  to  the  Department  of  State,  where  they  were  received  on  the 
26th  of  February,  1829. 

On  the  9th  of  May,  1828,  Albert  Gallatin  and  William  Pitt  Preble  were  appointed 
by  the  President,  with  the  advice  and  consent  of  the  Senate,  agents  in  the  negotiation 
and  on  the  umpirage  relating  to  the  northeastern  boundary  of  the  United  States. 

During  the  summer  of  1828,  these  two  gentlemen  were  engaged  in  collecting 
from  various  sources,  pursuant  to  instructions  from  the  Secretary  of  State,  information 
and  documentary  and  topographical  evidence  to  enable  them  to  frame  and  support 
the  statements  and  arguments  intended  to  be  laid  before  the  arbiter. 

In  November  following,  they  both  attended  at  Washington  to  select  and  arrange 
such  evidence  as  they  thought  necessary  to  adduce  in  support  of  the  American 
claim,  and  to  superintend  the  transcribing  of  the  documents  and  maps,  copies  of 
which  were  communicated  to  the  British  Minister,  on  the  30th  of  December,  as  stated 
above.  It  is  understood  that  they  are  now  both  engaged  in  preparing  material  for 
the  first  statement. 

By  the  second  article  of  the  Convention,  it  is  stipulated  that  the  statements  to 
be  submitted  by  each  party  respectively  to  the  arbiter,  shall  be  mutually  communi- 


APPENDIX    A.  591 

cated  to  each  other  by  the  contracting  parties  ;  that  is  to  say,  by  the  United  States 
to  His  Britannic  Majesty's  Minister,  or  Charge  d'Affaires,  at  Washington,  and  by  Great 
Britain  to  the  Minister,  or  Charge  d1  Affaires  of  the  United  States,  at  London,  within 
fifteen  months  after  the  exchange  of  the  ratifications  of  the  present  convention. 

The  period  therein  prescribed  will  expire  on  the  2d  of  July,  1829. 

It  is  understood,  that  it  is  the  intention  of  Messrs.  Gallatin  and  Preble  to  meet  at 
Washington,  in  May,  1829,  for  the  purpose  of  proceeding  jointly  to  make  out  the  first 
statement  required  by  the  above  stipulation,  to  be  communicated  to  the  British  Min 
ister  on  the  2d  of  July  next,  accompanied  by  transcripts  of  all  the  written  and  topo 
graphical  evidence  intended  to  be  laid  along  with  the  said  statement  before  the  arbi 
ter.  Two  copyists,  and  several  draughtsmen  are  now  engaged  in  preparing  those 
transcripts,  under  the  superintendence  of  one  of  the  clerks  of  the  Department  of 
State. 

The  second  article  of  the  convention  further  stipulates,  that  after  such  communi 
cation  (the  interchange  of  the  first  statement  above  referred  to)  shall  have  taken 
place,  each  party  shall  have  the  power  of  drawing  up  a  second  and  definite  statement 
if  it  thinks  fit  to  do  so,  in  reply  to  the  statement  of  the  other  party  so  communicated, 
which  definite  statement  shall  also  be  mutually  communicated,  in  the  same  manner 
as  aforesaid,  to  each  other  by  the  contracting  parties  within  twenty-one  months  after 
the  exchange  of  the  ratification  of  the  present  Convention, 

The  period  of  time  above  stipulated  will  expire  on  the  2d  of  January,  1830,  be 
fore  which  day  the  second  or  definite  statement  on  the  part  of  the  United  States 
must  be  prepared  and  communicated  to  the  British  Minister,  or  Charge  d' Affaires, 
at  Washington. 

Finally,  the  fifth  article  of  the  Convention  provides  that  "all  the  statements, 
papers,  maps,  and  documents  above-mentioned,  and  which  shall  have  been  mutually 
communicated  as  aforesaid,  shall,  without  any  addition,  subtraction,  or  alteration 
whatsoever,  be  jointly  and  simultaneously  delivered  to  the  Arbitrating  Sovereign 
or  State,  within  two  years  after  the  exchange  of  the  ratifications  of  this  Convention, 
unless  the  arbiter  should  not  within  that  time  have  consented  to  act  as  such;  in 
which  case  all  the  said  statements,  papers,  maps,  and  documents  shall  be  laid  before 
him  within  six  months  after  the  time  when  he  shall  have  consented  so  to  act.  No 
other  statements,  papers,  maps,  or  documents  shall  be  laid  before  the  arbiter  except 
as  hereinafter  provided. 

The  period  stipulated  in  the  above  article  will  expire  on  the  2d  of  April,  1830, 
and  the  statements,  papers,  maps,  and  documents  must  be  laid  before  the  arbiter  be 
fore  that  day,  if  he  shall  have  consented  so  to  act. 

On  the  22d  of  June,  1828,  the  United  States  Charge  <P  Affaires  at  London,  in  his 
despatch,  No.  45,  informed  the  Secretary  of  State,  that  the  King  ol  the  Netherlands 
had  been  agreed  upon  as  the  arbiter,  and  on  the  14th  of  October,  1828,  the  Secretary 
of  State  instructed  the  Charge  d'Affaires  of  the  United  States  at  the  Hague  to  request 
the  King  of  the  Netherlands  to  assume  the  office  of  arbitrator.  No  reply  has,  as  yet, 
been  received  to  these  instructions,  and  it  is  not  known  whether  His  Netherland 
ish  Majesty  has  consented  to  take  the  said  office  upon  himself. 

II. — Act  of  Parliament  of  July  25th,  1828,  to  amend  the  laws  relating  to  the  cus 
toms.  A  copy  of  this  act,  in  a  supplement  to  the  National  Intelligencer  of  September, 
30th,  1828,  is  found  in  this  department. 

By  an  instruction  to  Mr.  Barbour,  of  October  loth,  1828,  he  is  informed  that  the 
aforesaid  act  is  considered  here  as  an  infraction  of  the  second  article  of  the  Conven 
tion  of  1815,  which  provides  for  an  equality  of  duties  in  the  ports  of  each  country 
on  the  importation  of  articles,  the  growth,  produce,  or  manufacture  of  the  other,  in 
the  vessels  of  both,  inasmuch  as  by  the  act  in  question,  cotton  without  regard  to  the 
place  of  its  origin,  is  admitted  into  British  ports  in  British  vessels,  from  British 
Colonies  at  a  duty  of  4d.  per  cwt.,  while  its  transportation  directly  from  any  foreign 
country  in  British  or  other  vessels,  is  subjected  to  a  duty  of  six  per  cent. 

Mr.  Barbour  is  therefore  instructed  to  inquire  whether  it  be  the  intention  of  the 
British  Government  to  make  a  discrimination,  in  point  of  duty,  between  the  im 
portation  of  cotton,  the  growth  of  the  United  States,  in  British  vessels,  from  a  British 
Colony,  and  its  importation  direct  from  the  United  States,  in  vessels  of  the  United 


592  APPENDIX    A. 

States,  and  "whether  merely  touching  at  a  Colonial  port  will  entitle  a  British  vessel 
laden  with  cotton  from  the  United  States  to  an  exemption  from  the  higher  duty,  or 
whether  to  entitle  to  such  exemption  the  cotton  must  be  discharged,  or  the  importa 
tion  of  it  into  the  Colony  have  been  made  in  a  vessel  other  than  that  in  which  it  is 
finally  conveyed  to  the  British  port;  and  should  this  unfavorable  interpretation  be 
given  to  the  act,  Mr.  Barbour  is  instructed  to  remonstrate  against  it. 

On  September  22d,  1828,  Mr.  Barbour  held  a  conference  with  Lord  Aberdeen 
upon  the  subject  of  the  above  instructions,  which  resulted  in  a  suggestion  of  Lord 
Aberdeen,  that  from  the  difficulty  of  his  comprehending  the  subject,  Mr.  Barbour 
should  address  him  a  written  communication  upon  it. 

On  November  27th,  Mr.  Barbour  made  such  communication  in  which  he  sets 
forth  the  subject  of  complaint,  and  asks  the  desired  explanation. 

On  January  3d,  1829,  Mr.  Barbour  addressed  a  note  to  Lord  Aberdeen,  calling 
his  attention  to  his,  Mr.  Barbour's,  note  of  November  27th  and  soliciting  an  answer. 

On  the  Monday  following,  January  10th,  not  having  received  any  reply  to  his 
note  of  November  27th,  or  to  that  of  January  3d,  Mr.  Barbour,  as  appears  by  his 
despatch  to  this  Department,  on  January  22d  held  a  conference  with  Lord  Aberdeen, 
in  which  upon  an  assurance  of  Lord  Aberdeen's,  that  a  reply  was  in  a  course  of  prep 
aration,  and  on  inquiry  of  Mr.  Barbour's  as  to  its  character,  Lord  Aberdeen  said,  he 
believed  it  was  esteemed  of  very  little  practical  consequence,  and  that  the  interpre 
tation  objected  to  by  the  Government  of  the  United  States  was  that  which  fairly  be 
longed  to  the  Act  of  Parliament  in  question,  and  was  designed  by  its  authors ;  the  prin 
cipal  of  whom  was  Mr.  Huskisson.  Mr.  Barbour  replied,  "  that  if  the  principle  were 
maintained  which  had  been  objected  to  by  his  Government,  he  was  instructed  to 
protest  against  it,  as  an  evasion,  if  not  an  infraction,  of  the  treaty,  and  upon  his  sug 
gestion,  that  his  Government  would  be  compelled  to  resort  to  retaliatory  measures  ; 
and  on  inquiry  of  Lord  Aberdeen's  whether  he  referred  in  the  suggestion  to  the  can 
celling  of  the  convention,  he  said  that  he  was  unadvised  as  to  the  character  and 
extent  of  the  retaliatory  measures  contemplated. 

By  his  despatch  No.  13,  dated  January  30th,  1829,  Mr.  Barbour  informs  this  De 
partment,  that  he  had  just  received  a  note  from  Lord  Aberdeen,  in  reply  to  his  of 
the  27th  of  November  last,  and  which  is  enclosed  to  this  Department.  Mr.  Barbour 
also  informs  this  Department  that  he  had  suspended  any  other  reply  to  Lord  Aber 
deen's  note  than  the  acknowledgement  of  its  being  received,  and  had  abstained  from 
notifying  the  British  Government  that  retaliatory  measures  would  be  taken  on  the 
part  of  this  Government,  as  he  had  been  instructed  to  do,  but  should  wait  the  instruc 
tions  from  this  Department  in  relation  thereto. 

Lord  Aberdeen,  in  his  note  above  referred  to,  insists  that  the  Act  of  Parliament 
in  question  involves  no  violation,  in  letter  or  in  spirit,  of  the  Commercial  Convention 
existing  between  the  two  Governments.  He  says  he  admits  that  this  Act  allows 
the  importation  of  cotton  from  any  British  possession  upon  the  payment  of  a  duty 
of  4d.  per  cwt.,  and  he  refers  to  another  Act  of  Parliament  (6  Geo.  IV.  Cap.  107,  46 
Sec.),  to  show  the  meaning  of  the  term  "importation  from  a  British  possession;  " 
by  which  it  appears  that  no  goods  shall  be  deemed  to  be  so  imported,  unless  they 
are  imported  direct  from  such  place,  and  shall  have  been  there  laden  on  board  the 
importing  ship,  either  as  the  first  shipment  of  such  goods  or  after  the  same  shall 
have  been  actually  landed  at  such  place,  and  he  states  that  upon  any  shipment  not 
coming  within  one  or  other  of  the  two  cases,  the  higher  duty  is  unquestionably 
charged,  and  he  informs  this  Government  that  the  most  rigid  orders  have  been 
given  to  avoid  fraud  or  collusion,  and  that  the  consequence  will  be  that  the  cotton 
so  imported,  would  by  being  subjected  to  the  expense  of  unlading  and  relading,  and 
the  colonial  duties,  to  charges  equal  to  the  higher  duty  which  Mr.  Barbour  from  the 
information  of  intelligent  merchants  is  of  the  opinion  that  such  would  be  the  eifect. 
(The  British  Consul  at  New  York  informed  Mr.  Hamilton  that  the  most  rigid  or 
ders  had  been  given,  and  that  the  expense  of  the  relading  was  equal  to  the  higher 
duty). 

Lord  Aberdeen,  referring  to  this  state  of  things,  further  says,  that  the  circuitous 
voyage  which  it  was  anticipated  would  be  made  in  consequence  of  this  difference 
in  the  duties,  could  not  be  made  without  the  assent  of  the  United  States.  They 


APPENDIX   A.  593 

have  the  right  to  prohibit  the  exportation  of  cotton  to  the  British  Colonies  in 
British  ships.  Lord  Aberdeen  disavows  the  impression  entertained  by  this  Govern' 
ment,  that  the  Act  was  principally,  if  not  exclusively,  limited  in  its  effects  on  impor 
tations  into  the  British  ports  to  cotton,  the  growth  of  the  United  States,  and  then 
goes  on  to  give  a  history  of  this  enactment,  viz. :  that  it  is  a  part  of  a  general  sys 
tem,  and  was  adopted  for  the  purpose  of  extending  the  commercial  transactions  of 
the  British  Colonists,  giving  them  the  advantage  of  a  trade  of  deposit  and  facilities 
for  collecting  a  revenue,  and  that  it  is  not  in  terms,  intention,  or  effect  confined  to 
the  possessions  of  Great  Britain  in  North  American,  or  the  West  Indies. 

III.— FUGITIVE  SLAVES. 

In  the  general  instructions  to  Mr.  Gallatin,  of  the  19th  June,  1826,  he  was  au 
thorized  to  propose  to  the  British  Government  an  arrangement  for  the  mutual  sur 
render  of  "  all  persons  held  to  service  or  labor  under  the  laws  of  one  party  who 
escape  into  the  territories  of  the  other,"  and  to  embrace  in  the  arrangement  a  pro 
vision  for  a  like  surrender  of  deserters  from  the  military,  naval,  and  merchant  ser 
vice  of  the  two  countries  respectively. 

By  Mr.  Gallatin's  dispatch,  No.  41,  of  the  21sfc  December,  1826,  lie  informs  this 
Department  that,  in  pursuance  of  his  instructions,  he  had  brought  the  subject  of 
fugitive  slaves  to  the  notice  of  the  British  Government  in  an  informal  conference, 
and  that  the  correctness  of  the  principle  of  restoration  was  admitted,  but  obstacles 
in  the  way  of  an  arrangement  were  suggested,  arising  from  the  decisions  of  the 
British  courts,  and  the  efforts  of  the  British  Abolition  Association. 

The  attention  of  Mr.  GalLitin  was  again  directed  to  the  subject,  in  instructions  to 
him  of  the  24th  February,  1827,  in  which  allusion  was  made  to  resolutions  of  the 
Legislature  of  Kentucky,  invoking  the  interposition  of  the  general  Government  for 
the  purpose  of  effecting  an  arrangement  on  the  subject;  and  on  the  4th  July  fol 
lowing,  Mr.  Gallatin  was  informed  by  Mr.  Addington,  that  "  on  one  point  the  Gov 
ernment  had  come  to  a  conclusion.  It  was  utterly  impossible  for  them  to  agree  to 
a  stipulation  for  the  surrender  of  fugitive  slaves,"  And  in  a  conferen.ce  held  with 
the  British  Plenipotentiaries,  on  the  25th  September,  1827,  Mr.  Gallatin  was  explic 
itly  informed  that  the  British  Government  could  not  accede  to  the  proposal  of  a 
mutual  surrender  of  fugitive  slaves,  alleging  for  reason  that  they  cannot  with  re 
spect  to  the  British  possessions  where  slavery  is  not  admitted,  depart  from  the  prin 
ciple  recognized  by  the  British  Courts,  that  every  man  is  free  who  reaches  British 
ground.  Mr.  Gallatin  adds  that  he  does  not  believe  that  there,  has  been  any  deci 
sion  extending  that  principle  to  Canada  and  other  provinces  on  the  continent  of 
North  America,  and  I  do  not  know,  says  he,  "  whether  the  fact  is  strictly  correct,  that 
slavery  is  forbidden  in  Canada,  but  it  has  been  intimated  to  me  informally,  that  such 
was  the  state  of  public  opinion  here  on  that  subject,  that  no  administration  could  or 
would  admit  in  a  treaty  a  stipulation  such  as  was  asktd  for." 

The  subject  does  not  appear  to  have  been  any  further  pressed  by  Mr.. Gallatin. 

On  the  13th  June,  1828,  Mr.  Clay  transmitted  to  Mr.  Barbour  a.  copy  of  a.  reso 
lution  of  the  House  of  Representatives  of  the  United  States,  of  the  10th  May,  1828, 
requesting  the  President  to  open  a  negotiation  for  the  recovery  of  fugitive  slaves, 
and  referring  Mr.  Barbour  to  the  instructions  on  the  subject  to  Mr.  Gallatin  of  the 
19th  June,  1826,  and  24th  February  and  24th  May,  1827,  instructed  him  to  renew, 
if  he  could  ascertain  that  the  British  Government  was  favorably  disposed  on  the 
subject,  the  proposal  which  Mr.  Gallatin  was  instructed  to  make  in  relation  to  it. 

On  the  1st  October,  Mr.  Barbour  opened  the  subject  in  a  conversation  with  Lord 
Aberdeen,  which  resulted  in  a  suggestion  of  his,  that  "  the  head  of  the  Colonial 
Department  intended  to  bring  the  subject  before  Parliament,  when  he  hoped  tiifi 
evil  complained  of  would  be  obviated."  Here  the  subject  now  rests. 

IV.— IMPRESSMENT. 

On  the  26th  January,  1829,  Mr.  Clay  transmitted  to  Mr.  Barbour  copies  or  a 
38 


594  APPENDIX    A. 

correspondence  between  himself  and  Mr.  Vaughan,  from  the  8th  May,  1826,  to  the 
17th  December,  1828,  relating  to  three  cases  of  impressment,  viz. : 

First, — Of  two  seamen  from  the  Brig  Pharos  of  Boston,  while  at  anchor  in  the 
harbor  of  Freetown,  Sierra  Leone,  by  Captain  Clavering,  commander  of  His  Bri 
tannic  Majesty's  Ship  Redwing,  on  the  6th  December,  1825. 

Second, — Of  four  seamen  ;  two  from  the  Brig  Monroe,  of  Boston,  and  two  from 
the  Brig  Juno,  of  Bedford,  in  Clarence  Bay,  Island  of  Fernando  Po,  near  the  coast 
of  Africa,  by  Captain  Owner,  of  His  Britannic  Majesty's  Ship  Eden,  in  the  Spring 
of  1828. 

Third,— Ql  two  seamen  from  the  Brig  Telegraph,  in  the  Bay  of  Campeachy,  by 
order  of  Captain  Rich,  commander  of  the  British  Sloop  of  War  Harpy,  on  the  19th 
September,  1828. 

In  the  first  case,  the  complaint  was  originally  made  to  Mr.  Vaughan  by  Mr.  Clay, 
on  the  8th  May,  1826,  on  the  ground  of  a  statement  of  the  case  made  by  Mr. 
Hodges,  Consul  of  the  United  States  at  the  Cape  de  Verd  Islands.  In  reply  to  the 
complaint,  Mr.  Vaughan,  on  the  22d  of  the  same  month,  transmitted  a  communica 
tion  made  to  him  by  His  Britannic  Majesty's  Consul  at  Boston,  Mr.  Manners,  stating 
that  in  a  conversation  which  he  held  with  Captain  Merchant,  master  of  the  Pharos, 
then  lately  arrived  from  Africa,  he,  Captain  Merchant,  admitted  that  neither  of  the 
seamen  taken  were  natives  of  the  United  States;  but  that  one  of  them  was  an 
Englishman  picked  up  at  the  Cape  de  Verd  Islands,  and  the  other  a  native  of  Nor 
way,  and  that  they  had  both  volunteered  to  serve  on  board  the  Redwing  ;  that 
when  they  were  demanded  on  board  the  Pharos,  they  were  told  by  the  person  in 
command  to  go  into  the  Redwing"1 8  boat,  which  they  did  voluntarily,  and  that  when 
it  was  afterwards  found  that  the  Norwegian  had  an  American  protection,  he  was 
sent  back  to  the  Pharos. 

Mr.  Clay  thereupon  took  measures,  through  the  Attorney  of  the  United  States 
at  Boston,  to  procure  a  statement  of  the  facts  directly  from  the  master  of  the 
Pharos,  but  when  his  letter  reached  Boston,  the  master  of  the  Pharos  had  just 
sailed  for  the  Cape  de  Verd  Islands,  and  had  not  since  returned. 

On  the  15th  June,  Mr.  Clay  addressed  a  note  to  Mr.  Vaughan  in  which,  after 
alluding  to  the  imperfection  of  the  statement  of  the  British  Consul  as  to  the  cir- 
•cumstances  under  which  the  seamen  volunteered,  and  by  whose  order  they  went 
into  the  Redwing^s  boat,  he  contended  that  the  taking  was  illegal  unless  the  doc 
trine  be  sustained  that  all  seamen  may  be  taken  from  a  vessel  at  sea  who  are  not 
natives  of  the  country  to  which  the  vessel  belongs  ;  and  in  reply  to  the  statement 
that  the  men  in  question  were  told  by  the  person  in  command  of  the  Pharos  to  go 
on  board  the  boat,  he  urges  that  it  is  not  therefore  the  less  a  case  of  impressment, 
inasmuch  as  the  demand  was  made  upon  an  unarmed  vessel  in  presence  of  an  armed 
force  capable  of  enforcing  it,  and  that  the  alleged  volunteering  of  the  men  would 
not  divest  the  case  of  this  character. 

On  the  23d  March,  1827,  Mr.  Vaughan  communicated  an  extract  of  a  letter  from 
the  commander  of  the  Redwing  to  Commodore  Bullen,  of  the  19th  September,  1826, 
stating  that  the  two  seamen,  previous  to  the  taking  of  them  from  the  Pharos,  had 
been  on  board  his  ship  and  desired  to  enter,  one  of  them  stating  himself  to  be  an 
Englishman  and  the  other  a  Dane,  that  the  latter  entered  as  a  shipwright,  but  prov 
ing  unfit  to  perform  his  duty,  was  in  a  few  days  dismissed,  and  returned  to  his 
original  vessel. 

On  the  —  day  of  July,  1827,  Mr.  Vaughan  addressed  Mr.  Clay  a  note,  in  which 
he  says  he  is  charged  by  his  Government  to  say  that  no  officer  of  His  Majesty's 
Government  is  authorized,  during  peace,  to  impress  any  British  subject  or  any  alien 
in  any  part  of  the  world.  He  thinks  Mr.  Clay  has  "  strained  "  the  evidence  in  the 
case  which  he  seems  not  to  consider  one  of  impressment,  and  anticipates  a  confir 
mation  of  the  statement  of  Captain  Clavering  by  the  master  of  the  Pharos,  when 
ever  his  testimony  shall  be  obtained.  He  makes,  what  he  considers  a  misrepresen 
tation  of  the  case  originally  by  Mr.  Hodges,  the  subject  of  formal  complaint.  To 
thi?,  Mr.  Clay  replied,  on  the  15th  August,  and  transmitted  to  Mr.  Vaughan  a  copy 
of  a  letter  from  Mr.  Hodges  of  the  20th  June,  1827,  acknowledging  receipt  of  a  let 
ter  from  this  Department  directing  htm  to  take  the  deposition  of  Captain  Merchant, 


APPENDIX    A.  595 

master  of  the  Pharos,  saying  that  his  deposition  should  be  taken  on  his  return  from 
a  voyage,  and  stating  the  additional  fact  that  one  of  the  two  seamen  in  question  ap 
peared  on  the  Role  d"1  Equipage  of  the  Pharos  to  be  a  citizen  of  the  United  States, 
and  was  represented  by  his  protection  to  be  a  native  of  Portland,  Maine. 

Mr.  Vaughan  answers  on  the  16th  of  August  that,  having  become  satisfied  by 
the  statement  of  Captain  Clavering  that  no  blame  attached  to  him,  he  felt  no  anxiety 
about  the  depositions  to  be  expected  through  the  agency  of  Mr.  Hodges,  and  that 
the  additional  testimony  forwarded  by  him  was  not  necessary  to  prove  the  character 
which  one  of  the  seamen  bore  on  the  Role  $  Equipage,  inasmuch  as  he  was  restored 
by  Captain  Clavering  as  soon  as  it  was  discovered  that  he  had  an  American  protec 
tion.  He  again  complains  of  the  conduct  of  Mr.  Hodges  in  his  representations  of 
the  affair  to  his  Government. 

On  the  6th  of  December,  1828,  Mr.  Clay  transmitted  to  Mr.  Vaughan  a  copy  of 
a  deposition  received  from  Mr.  Hodges,  of  Benjamin  Homer,  Mate  of  the  Pharos 
(the  testimony  of  the  Captain  not  yet  having  been  obtained),  from  which  it  appears 
that  the  two  seaman  were  forcibly  taken  from  the  Pharos,  in  the  absence  of  the  Cap 
tain,  and  against  his,  the  said  Homer's,  remonstrances ;  that  one  of  them,  Studson 
Roberts,  was  a  citizen  of  the  United  States,  and  the  other  a  British  subject  shipped 
at  Bouavista ;  that  on  the  return  of  Captain  Merchant,  he,  Captain  M.,  went  on  board 
the  Redwing^  and  demanded  the  men,  when  he  was  abusively  treated,  Roberts'  pro 
tection,  though  shown,  disregarded,  and  the  delivery  of  the  men  refused  on  the  alle 
gation  that  they  had,  while  on  shore  the  day  previous,  promised  some  of  the  crew  of 
the  Redwing  to  enter  on  board  that  vessel.  It  further  appears  that  Roberts  was  de 
tained  ten  or  eleven  days,  and  was  then  delivered  up  only  on  application  to  and  by  the 
order  of  Commodore  Bullen,  who  commanded  on  the  station,  and  that  Roberts  on 
his  return  denied  any  knowledge  of  his  alleged  engagement  to  enter  on  board  the 
Redwing ;  which  must,  he  said,  have  been  made,  if  at  all,  while  he  was  in  a  state  of 
intoxication.  Mr.  Clay  then  adverts  to  the  mischievous  consequences  of  allowing 
the  practice  of  enticing  men  (leaving  the  idea  of  impressment  out  of  the  question) 
from  their  employment  on  a  distant  service,  under  circumstances  in  which  their  loss 
might  be  severely  felt,  and  when  it  might  be  impossible  to  replace  them. 

Mr.  Vaughan  replied  on  the  8th  December — says  he  will  send  a  copy  cf  Mr. 
Clay's  note  to  his  Government;  complains  that  the  name  impressment  continues  to 
be  given  to  the  transaction ;  alludes  to  the  fact  that  Mr.  Homer's  deposition  was 
taken  nearly  two  years  ai'ter  the  occurrence  of  the  facts,  with  respect  to  which  he 
testifies  that  it  differs  from  the  statement  of  Captain  Claveriug,  transmitted  by 
him  to  the  Department  on  the  23d  March,  1829.  No  further  correspondence  has 
been  held  with  Mr.  Vaughan  on  the  subject. 

II.  In  the  second  ca.se  of  impressment,  viz.,  from  the  Brigs  Monroe  and  Juno,  by 
Captain  Owner  of  His  Majesty's  Ship  Eden,  it  appears  from  the  deposition  of  Cap 
tain  Gallop,  of  the  Brig  Monroe,  that  the  two  men  were  first  demanded,  arid  after 
ward  taken  from  the  Monroe  with  their  effects,  on  the  ground  that  they  had  desired 
to  volunteer  on  board  the  Eden,  notwithstanding  it  was  represented  to  Captain  Owner 
that  the  taking  them  would  expose  the  vessel  and  cargo  to  great  risk,  making  her 
short-handed  at  a  season  of  bad  weather,  and  notwithstanding  also  the  protection 
which  one  of  the  men  had.  Captain  Gallop  also  says  that  one  of  ^the  men  entered 
the  Monroe  as  a  foreigner,  and  the  other  as  an  American,  and  that  it  was  well  known 
that  the  latter  had  mailed  from  Boston  and  neighboring  ports  during  the  last  five 
years,  protected  as  an  American  seaman,  and  when  shipped  was  believed  to  be  such. 

Josiah  Gould,  supercargo  of  the  Monroe,  deposes  to  the  truth  of  Captain  Gallop's 
statement,  and  further  testifies  to  the  taking  of  two  men  from  the  Juno,  Captain 
Hensey,  at  the  same  time  and  place  by  Captain  Owner,  on  the  plea  that  they  had  de 
sired  to  volunteer  on  board  the  Eden,  and  had  made  oath  that  they  were  British 
subjects. 

Mr.  Clay  transmitted  the  foregoing  depositions  to  Mr.  Vaiuhan  on  _the  6th  De 
cember,  1828,  with  a  summary  statement  of  the  cases,  and  a  declaration  that  the 
practice  of  withdrawing  seamen  from  their  service  on  board  of  American  unarmed 
vessels  by  British  Ships  of  War,  under  whatever  aspect  it  may  be  viewed,  is  one  to 
which  the  American  Government  cannot  submit. 


596  APPENDIX    A. 

Mr.  Vaughan  acknowledged  the  receipt  of  the  above  note  and  accompanying  doc 
uments  on  the  8th  December,  and  said  that  he  would  endeavor  to  obtain  from  his 
Government  satisfactory  explanations. 

III.  In  the  third  case  of  impressment,  viz.,  that  from  the  Brig  Telegraph  in  Cam- 
peachy  Bay,  by  Captain  Rich  of  the  Harpy,  it  appears  from  a  letter  to  this  Depart 
ment  from  Mr.  Perrine.  United  States  Consul  at  Campeachy,  of  the  4th  October, 
1828,  and  the  accompanying  documents,  that  on  the  16th  September  last,  two  sea 
men  were  forcibly  taken  from  the  Telegraph  while  at  anchor  in  the  Bay  of  Campeachy, 
within  the  jurisdiction  of  the  Mexican  Government  by  order  of  Captain  Rich,  com 
mander  of  the  Harpy.  That  on  an  appeal  to  the  Military  Commandant  at  Cam- 
peachy,  to  interpose  his  authority  for  the  restoration  of  the  men,  the  application  of 
force  in  obtaining  them  was  admitted  by  the  officers  who  executed  the  orders  of 
Captain  Rich,  but  that  he  refused  to  proceed  to  an  investigation  of  the  transaction, 
denying  the  right  of  the  authorities  at  Campeachy  to  interfere,  and  threatening 
serious  consequences  should  such  interference  be  attempted.  The  men  were,  how 
ever,  notwithstanding  the  threats  and  remonstrances,  restored  to  the  Telegraph. 

In  the  course  of  the  transaction,  Captain  Rich  is  represented  by  Mr.  Perrine  to 
have  made  a  repeated  declaration,  not  merely  of  his  general  right,  but  also  of  his 
especial  orders  to  take  seamen,  Englishmen  by  birth,  wherever  he  might  find  them, 
adding,  for  illustration,  even  if  on  board  of  the  Mexican  gun-boat  in  the  port,  especially 
should  the  sailors  desire  to  enter  into  His  Majesty's  service. 

Mr.  Clay  transmitted  the  foregoing  letter  and  documents  to  Mr.  Vaughan,  on  the 
llth  December,  1828,  alluding  to  this  case,  in  connection  with  the  other  cases  of  im 
pressment,  as  furnishing  ground  of  presumption  that  the  acts  complained  of  were  the 
result  of  a  system  of  orders;  asking  for  an  explanation  of  the  case,  and  expressing 
the  expectation  that  the  British  Government  will  forthwith  put  an  effective  stop  to 
a  practice  which  the  Government  of  the  United  States  cannot  tolerate. 

Mr.  Vaughan  replies  on  the  17th  December  that  he  will  ask  the  desired  explana 
tion  of  his  government,  but  that,  in  the  mean  time,  he  cannot  refrain  from  the  expres 
sion  of  his  regret  that  the  term  impressment  should  be  applied  to  this  case,  inasmuch 
as  the  Government  of  the  United  States  are  well  aware  that  impressment  by  British 
officers  is  not  authorized  by  their  Government  in  time  of  peace.  He  also  suggests 
that  all  the  cases  complained  of  have  been  those  of  senmen  representing  themselves 
British  subjects,  requesting  that  they  might  be  received  into  His  Majesty's  service, 
and  thinks  that  the  acceptance  of  such  proffered  services  ought  not  to  be  character 
ized  as  an  act  of  impres-ment. 

In  transmitting  to  Mr.  Barbour,  as  it  has  been  stated  was  done  by  Mr.  Clay,  on 
the  26th  January,  1829,  the  correspondence,  &c.,  of  which  the  foregoing  is  a  sum 
mary,  after  an  examination  of  the  grounds  taken  by  Mr.  Vaughan,  Mr.  Barbour  was 
instructed  to  address  an  official  note  to  the  British  Government,  inquiring  whether 
in  all,  or  any  of  these  cases  the  British  Officers  acted  in  conformity  with  orders  from 
their  Government,  and  especially,  whether  Captain  Rich  hnd  any  authority  for  the 
enormous  pretensions  asserted  by  him ;  and  if  he  should  ascertain  upon  such  inquiry 
that  the  proceedings  complained  of  have  had  the  sanction  of  the  British  Government, 
he  is  instructed  to  inform  it,  that  the  Government  of  the  United  States  cannot  tole 
rate  but  will  feel  compelled  to  oppose  them.  But  if,  on  the  contrary,  th^y  have  taken 
place  without  the  sanction  of  the  British  Government,  he  is  instructed  to  demand 
the  punishment  of  the  offending  officers,  and  the  adoption  of  measures  affording  a 
security  against  the  recurrence  of  similar  irregularities. 

This  Department  is  not  possessed  of  any  further  information  on  these  subjects. 
All  negotiation  as  to  the  Colonial  trade,  it  is  recollected,  was  put  an  end  to  long 
since  by  the  determination  of  the  British  Government  not  to  proceed  further  in  the 
discussion  for  reasons  which  is  not  necessary  to  recite. 

This  subject  will  supply  matter  for  a  distinct  report  to  the  President. 

RUSSIA. 

The  relations  between  the  United  States  and  the  Government  of  this  country  are 
of  the  most  friendly  character,  and  there  does  not  appear  to  be  any  thing  which  has  a 
tendency  to  disturb  them. 


APPENDIX    A.  -  597 

In  1821,  the  Emperor  Alexander  issued  an  Ukase,  the  provisions  of  which  infringed 
on  our  rights  of  trading  on  the  northwest  coast,  hut  this  difficulty  was  temporary,  and 
settled  by  a  convention  concluded  in  1824,  between  the  two  Governments,  which  is 
the  only  treaty  negotiated  between  the  two  countries. 

Henry  Middleton,  of  South  Carolina,  Envoy  Extraordinary,  and  Minister  Pleni 
potentiary,  represents  the  United  States  near  the  Emperor  of  Russia,  and  Baron  de 
Krudener,  with  the  same  rank,  represents  the  Emperor  of  Russia  near  the  United 
States. 

By  an  act  of  Congress  of  January,  1824,  discriminating  duties  of  tonnage  and  im 
post  are  suspended  in  the  ports  of  the  United  States,  i«s  respects  the  vessels  of  Russia, 
to  continue  as  long  as  a  similar  exemption  shall  be  allowed  to  vessels  of  the  United 
States  in  the  ports  of  that  nation. 

SPAIN. 

The  negotiations  between  the  United  States  and  the  Government  of  this  country 
have  been  more  extended,  delicate,  and  difficult  than  any  other  of  the  Powers  of 
Europe,  England  excepted ;  and  from  the  course  of  them  it  has  been,  from  time  to 
time,  justly  apprehended  that  friendly  negotiations  being  ineffectual  to  secure  our 
rights,  it  would  become  the  duty  of  this  Government  no  longer  to  rely  on  them  as  a 
means  of  redress,  but  to  appeal  to  arms. 

This  state  of  things  was,  however,  happily  for  both  countries,  arrested  by  the 
conclusion,  in  1819,  of  the  Florida  Treaty,  by  which  the  just  claims  of  our  citizens 
were  paid,  and  the  continued  source  of  difficulties  resulting  from  our  coterminous 
territories  was  removed. 

The  present  important  topics  of  negotiation  may  be  classed  as  follows  : 

First. — Piracies. 

Second. — Indemnity  for  spoliations  on  our  commerce. 

Third. — The  state  of  our  commerce  in  the  ports  of  Spain. 

Fourth. — Our  right  to  have  a  Consul  resident  at  the  Havana. 

The  claims  of  the  First  class  arose  out  of  the  atrocious  piracies  committed  on  our 
commerce,  for  a  series  of  years  past,  by  robbers  issuing  from  the  harbors  of  Cuba 
and  Porto  Rico,  and  which  were  not  prevented  by  Spain,  owing  to  her  weakness  and 
the  countenance  and  connivance  they  experienced  from  some  of  the  inhabitants 
and  some  of  the  local  authorities  in  those  Islands.  Thence  result  our  claims  upon 
Spain  for  those  losses. 

Second. — The  spoliations  for  which  indemnity  is  claimed,  are  all  necessarily  sub 
sequent  to  the  Florida  Treaty  and  the  year  1819.  They  were  the  consequences  of 
captures  made  by  Spanish  privateers,  fitted  out  principally  from  Puerto  Cabello  nnd 
Porto  Rico,  under  pretext  of  the  blockade  declared  by  General  Morales.  This  ille 
gal  blockade,  extended  all  along  the  line  of  the  coast  of  South  America,  and  was 
plainly  a  violation  of  the  law  of  nations,  being  so  declared  by  the  Spanish  Govern 
ment  when  it  revoked  it,  and  when  it  made  reparation,  as  it  did  by  Convention  to 
the  British  Government,  for  the  injuries  her  citizens  had  sustained.  The  negotia 
tion  has  however,  upon  various  pretexts  the  most  frivolous  and  vexatious,  been  de 
layed  and  continued  to  the  present  time. 

Third. — This  topic  refers  to  the  burdensome  restrictions  which  our  commerce 
is  subjected  to  in  the  ports  of  Spain,  and  which  are  exclusively  applied  to  the  com 
merce  of  the  United  States.  Foreign  ships  pay  a  tonnage  duty  in  the  ports  of  the 
peninsula  of  one  real  per  ton,  while  those  of  the  United  States  are  compelled  to  pay 
twenty  reals  per  ton. 

Fourth.— By  the  Nineteenth  Article  of  our  Treaty  of  1795  with  Spain,  we  are 
entitled  to  have  a  Consul  established  in  the  Havana,  whenever  the  same  privilege  is 
extended  to  any  other  Foreign  power.  France,  for  four  years  past,  has  had  a  Consul 
there,  and  Great  Britain  lias,  for  some  time  past,  enjoyed  the  same  privilege,  by  the 
permission  to  have  her  Commissioners  for  attending  to  the  execution  of  the  Slave 
Trade  Convention.  We  have,  therefore,  a  clear  Treaty-right  to  this  advantage,  and 
it  has  become  vastly  important  to  us  that  we  should  have  such  an  agent  there  and 
in  Porto  Rico,  not  only  in  reference  to  the  protection  of  our  commerce  and  our 


598  APPENDIX    A. 

countrymen,  but  in  order  to  watch  the  conduct  of  the  European  powers  in  relation 
to  those  islands ;  for  it  clearly  appears  from  Mr.  Everett's  correspondence  with  this 
Department,  that  in  the  year  1827  a  project  was  set  on  foot  in  England  by  the 
refugees  of  Spnin,  and  with  the  cooperation  of  the  British  Ministers,  to  place  those 
islands  under  the  protection  of  that  power,  and  that  the  form  of  a  Declaration  of 
Independence  was  to  be  adopted  in  order  to  avoid  awakening  the  jealousy  of  this 
Government.  This  information  ought  to  be  relied  upon,  as  it  was  received  from  the 
Duke  of  Wellington  himself  before  he  was  in  the  ministry. 

The  negotiation  on  all  these  points,  having  proceeded  in  the  most  dilatory  and 
vexatious  manner,  is  now  almost  suspended. 

Besides  these  points  in  which  the  United  States  have  a  direct  interest  and  which 
may  be  said  to  be  personal  to  them,  the  war  between  Spain  and  her  former  Colonies  has 
always  engaged  the  attention  of  our  ministers;  the  object  of  the  United  States  being 
to  induce  on  the  part  of  Spain  the  acknowledgment  of  the  independence  of  those 
States,  and  the  termination  of  the  contest. 

POKTUGAL. 

The  relations  between  the  United  States  and  the  Government  of  this  country 
have  never  been  cemented  by  a  Treaty  or  Convention  of  any  kind.  Negotiations 
between  them  were  held  in  the  years  1783,  1791,  1822,  and  until  recently  by  our 
Charge  d' Affaires,  Mr.  Brent. 

Before  the  special  mission  of  General  Dearborn  in  1822,  the  Portuguese  Charge 
d' Affaires  addressed  to  this  Department  several  notes  containing  lists  of  Portuguese 
vessels  captured  by  privateers  alleged  to  have  been  fitted  out  in  the  United  States, 
to  which  claims  of  indemnity  were  added  to  a  very  large  amount,  and  with  them 
was  connected  a  demand  for  a  joint  commission  to  determine  and  assess  the  amount 
of  damages  the  United  States  were  to  pay,  which  was  rejected  on  the  just  and 
obvious  ground  that  not  a  single  case  of  capture  had  been  alleged,  for  which  the 
United  States  were  justly  responsible. 

The  principal  object  of  General  Dearborn's  mission  was  to  endeavor  to  conclude 
a  Convention  regulating  the  commerce  between  the  two  countries.  That  not  being 
obtained,  the  mission  terminated  without  effect,  in  June,  1825. 

After  the  Methuen  Treaty,  and  until  the  recent  changes  in  the  Government  of 
Portugal,  that  country  might  well  be  considered  as  little  better  than  a  province  of 
England. 

During  the  revolutions  which  have  for  four  or  five  years  past  convulsed  that 
country,  there  has  been  a  struggle  between  England,  her  ancient  ally,  and  France, 
which  should  obtain  her  favors;  each  in  turn  caressing  them  with  an  assiduity  as 
rare  as  the  means  would  seem  to  be  ridiculous,  by  conferring  honor  and  the  orders 
of  the  respective  sovereigns  upon  the  King  of  Portugal. 

At  the  period  of  the  recent  usurpation  of  Don  Miguel,  the  representative  of  this 
country  and  those  of  all  the  Powers  of  Europe,  except  of  the  Pope,  of  Spain,  and 
Sardinia,  either  suspended  their  functions  or  withdrew  altogether.  Subsequently 
the  Charge  d'Affaires  of  Spain  has  also  withdrawn,  declaring  however,  at  the  same 
time,  that  Spain  being  engaged  in  negotiation  in  common  with  the  other  powers 
respecting  the  concerns  of  Portugal,  the  object  of  which  was  not  more  beneficial  to 
Spain  than  to  Don  Miguel,  who  it  was  proper  should  as  soon  as  possible  be  recogniz 
ed  as  King,  his  Catholic  Majesty  had  found  it  suitable  to  conform  himself  in  his  ex 
terior  conduct  to  the  other  powers. 

The  course  of  France  in  relation  to  this  country  has  been  equivocal,  and  rather 
in  conformity  with  that  of  Spain  than  otherwise. 

Although  the  English  Minister,  Sir  Anthony  Lamb,  immediately  upon  the  first 
indication  of  a  determination  on  the  part  of  Don  Miguel  to  usurp  the  throne,  with 
drew,  and  by  his  example,  in  conformity  with  their  instructions,  carried  with  him 
the  representatives  of  most  of  the  other  powers  of  Europe  near  that  Court,  and  al 
though  the  British  Monarch  has  recently  received  Dona  Maria,  and  treated  her  as 
Queen  of  Portugal ;  yet  from  the  conduct  of  Lord  Beresford  in  writing  to  Don 
Miguel  and  the  Queen  Mother,  as  well  as  from  the  British  Government  having 


APPENDIX    A.  599 

broken  up  the  depot  of  Portuguese  refugees  at  Plymouth,  and  sending  them  to 
Rio  Janeiro ;  and  from  the  conduct  of  Lord  Strangford  at  Rio  Janeiro,  who  was  sent 
there  as  an  especial  minister  to  accommodate  matters  between  the  two  brothers 
Don  Pedro  and  Don  Miguel,  it  is  very  evident  that  the  secret  is  at  variance  with  the 
avowed  policy  of  the  English  Government ;  and  the  impression  on  the  mind  of  Don 
Miguel  is  distinctly  formed  that  the  present  ministry  of  England  mean  to  favor  him, 
at  the  same  time  they  declare  that  they  mean  to  preserve  a  neutral  course,  as 
respects  the  two  parties,  and  do  not  intend  to  interfere  with  the  internal  aifairs  of 
that  Kingdom. 

Don  Miguel,  according  to  our  last  advices,  had  put  down  all  organized  opposition 
in  his  own  Kingdom  or  her  dependencies,  while  Don  Pedro,  who  has  formally  dis 
solved  the  connection  between  the  two  Governments  of  Brazil  and  Portugal,  appears 
to  have  listened  with  impatience  to  the  offers  of  accommodation  proposed  by  Lord 
Strangford,  and  as  guardian  of  his  daughter,  to  be  about  to  prepare  a  maritime  ex 
pedition  against  his  brother,  which,  however,  will  be  rather  the  act  of  the  Emperor 
than  of  his  subjects,  who  have  received  with  uncommon  satisfaction  the  act  of 
abdication  of  the  throne  of  Portugal. 

From  all  these  circumstances,  connected  with  the  just  apprehension  that  if  Eng 
land,  France,  or  Spain  should  openly  take  part  with  either  of  the  contending  parties, 
(Don  Pedro  and  Don  Miguel),  a  war  in  Europe  would  be  the  consequence,  and  also, 
inasmuch  as  the  two  first  named  powers  are  disposed  to  continue  on  good  terms 
with  both,  it  is  most  probable  that  the  policy  of  each  will  be  to  watch  the  course 
of  events ;  and  as  soon  as  time  shall  have.given  stability  to  the  Government  of  Don 
Miguel,  or  other  events  tend  to  his  overthrow,  to  make  such  arrangements  with 
him  or  with  the  young  Queen,  Dona  Maria,  as  may  conduce  to  their  commercial 
advantage. 

I  have  been  led  farther  into  these  reflections  than  is  perfectly  consistent  with  the 
duty  I  have  to  perform,  and  still  I  have  not  gone  as  far  as  would  be  required  to  elu 
cidate  my  views.  I  now  turn  to  our  situation. 

Mr.  Brent  has  suspended  his  connection  with  the  present  Government  of  Portu 
gal,  evidently  as  appears  from  the  correspondence  of  this  Department  with  him,  too 
hastily,  and,  indeed,  it  may  well  be  questioned  whether  he  ought  to  have  done  so  at 
all,  inasmuch  as  the  established  rule  of  the  United  States  upon  which  we  have  in 
various  cases  proceeded  (I  refer  particularly  to  the  case  of  the  Brazils  itself),  is  al 
ways  to  acknowledge  the  Government  "  de  facto" 

There  are  two  gentlemen  here,  both  disposed  to  be  accredited — the  first,  Mr. 
Pereira,  the  Consul  General  and  late  Charge  d'Affaires,  who  suspended  his  functions 
in  the  latter  character  after  the  usurpation  of  Don  Miguel,  and  has  been  since 
desirous  to  resume  them,  but  having  been  and  being  still  unable  to  obtain  instruc 
tions  to  do  so,  is  not  recognized — the  other,  Mr.  Forlade,  who  came  from  Portugal 
after  the  change,  but  with  credentials  from  Don  Miguel  as  Regent,  and  not  as  King, 
and  who  consequently  has  not  been  received,  and  does  not  ask  to  be,  until  he  shall 
receive  new  instructions  from  the  actual  Government. 

Heretofore  and  still,  the  commerce  between  the  two  countries  has  been  very 
limited,  owing  to  the  influence  of  England,  and  the  intern;-!  regulations  of  Portugal, 
giving  her  great  and  peculiar  favors.  Our  flour  is  charged  with  a  duty  of  two  dol 
lars  a  barrel,  amounting  to  a  prohibition  ;  and  our  lumber  is  almost,  and  our  fish  is- 
entirely,  excluded,  whereas,  the  wines  of  Portugal  are,  by  a  recent  Act  of  Congress,, 
received  on  more  favorable  terms  than  they  were  before. 

There  are  a  few  cases  of  claims  for  violation  of  the  rights  and  destruction  of  the 
property  of  our  citizens,  the  justness  of  which,  and  inability  to  make  reparation,  are- 
both  acknowledged  by  the  Portuguese  Government.  The  last  dispatch  received  at 
this  Department  from  Mr.  Brent  is  dated  Lisbon,  23d  January,  1829; 

Forlade,  the  Charge  accredited  by  Don  Miguel,  was  received  officially  in  1830,. 
and  our  Diplomatic  intercourse  was  then  renewed. 

NETHERLANDS. 

The  relations  between  the  United  States  and  the  King  of  the  Netherlands  have 


600  APPENDIX    A. 

assumed  an  uncommon  degree  of  importance  from  the  circumstance  that  he  has  been 
the  arbiter  fixed  upon  by  the  United  States  and  Great  Britain  to  determine  the  dif 
ference  between  them  in  regard  to  the  Northeastern  Boundary  Line. 

In  1782,  a  Treaty  was  formed  between  Holhmd  and  the  United  States,  which 
continued  in  force  until  the  consolidation  of  the  Dutch  and  Belgian  provinces,  and 
the  formation  of  the  Kingdom  of  the  Netherlands,  in  1815. 

In  1809  and  subsequently,  the  illegal  acts  of  the  French  Government  in  the  ports 
of  Holland  gave  rise  to  a  negotiation  between  the  United  States  and  this  Govern 
ment,  in  regard  to  the  seizure  and  sequestration  of  American  property,  in  which  were 
involved  the  same  points  and  the  discussion  of  the  same  principles  with  those  em 
braced  by  our  negotiation  on  the  subject  with  Spain  and  Naples,  and  which  had  the 
same  result. 

The  commercial  relations  between  the  two  countries,  although  of  an  important 
and  valuable  character,  are  not  founded  on  a  Treaty  arrangement  but  upon  the 
municipal  regulations  of  the  two  countries  (by  Act  of  Congress  of  January  7,  1824), 
by  whicli  all  imports  and  tonnage  charges,  with  one  unimportant  exception  in  favor 
of  Dutch  vessels,  are  placed  on  a  foot! rig  of  equality  and  reciprocity. 

Mr.  Hughes  represents  the  United  States  as  Charge  d' Affaires  at  the  Hague,  and 
His  Netherlands  Majesty  is  represented  near  this  Government  by  the  Chevalier  De 
Baugeman  Huygens,  MS  Envoy  Extraordinary  and  Minister  Plenipotentiary. 

Preble  has  since  (in  1830),  been  accredited  as  Envoy  Extraordinary  and  Minister 
Plenipotentiary.  The  case  of  the  two  Governments,  the  United  States  and  Great 
Britain,  has  been  submitted  to  their  arbitration. 

SWEDEN. 

This  was  the  only  country  that  made  a  voluntary  proffer  of  its  friendship  to  the 
United  States  during  the  Revolutionary  War,  and  in  consequence  thereof  a  Treaty 
was  concluded  between  the  United  States  and  the  King  of  Sweden,  in  the  year 
1783. 

In  1816,  another  Treaty  was  concluded,  which  was  ratified  in  1818  and  expired 
in  1826. 

In  1810,  the  French  being  in  possession  of  Stralsund,  in  Pomerania,  placed  some 
American  property  which  had  been  sequestrated,  at  the  disposal  of  Sweden  for 
whose  benefit  it  was  sold  for  151,000  rix-d. "liars.  This  claim  was  admitted  to  be 
just  by  the  Swedish  Government,  and  at  length  settled  by  a  private  agreement. 

In  1827,  Mr.  Appleton  negotiated  a  Treaty  with  Sweden,  which  is  on  the  princi 
ple  of  the  most  complete  reciprocity  as  to  the  vessels  of  the  United  States  on  the 
one  hand,  and  of  Sweden,  Norway,  and  St.  Bartholomew  on  the  other,  and  in  this 
instance,  the  United  States  have  succeeded  in  breaking  through  the  European  Colo 
nial  system,  and  obtaining  admittance  into  these  settlements  on  the  same  terms  as 
into  the  mother  country. 

On  the  5th  December  last,  an  event  of  an  unpleasant  nature  occurred  in  the  port 
of  Gustavia,  in  the  Island  of  St.  Bartholomew,  which  has  occasioned  the  Charge 
d'Affaires  of  Sweden  to  call  upon  this  Government  for  explanation  and  redress. 

The  facts  are  these :  Captain  Turner,  commanding  the  United  States  Sloop  of 
War  Erie,  being  at  St.  Martin's,  received  information  from  the  American  Consul  at 
St.  Bartholomew  that  there  was  in  that  port  a  Buenos  Ayrean  privateer  which 
took  out  of  an  American  brig  ninety-six  bales  of  goods,  which  the  Captain  of  the 
privateer  .-aid  he  was  induced  to  do  in  consequence  of  his  having  received  informa 
tion  from  the  Second  Mate  of  the  Nymph  and  a  Brazilian  merchant,  that  they  were 
enemy's  property. 

Captain  Turner  immediately  went  to  St.  Bartholomew,  and  by  letter  required 
the  authorities  of  that  island  to  "  cause  the  said  vessel  (the  Federal),  her  captain, 
tsjfficers  and  crew,  together  with  the  goods  by  her  imported,  to  be  delivered  to  him, 
to  be  disposed  of  as  the  Government  of  the  United  States  may  direct." 

This  application  was  made  in  writing,  laid  before  the  Council  of  Government, 
and  a  reply  given  to  it  in  the  same  formal  manner,  in  which  it  was  expressly  de 
clared  that  the  authorities  of  the  island  did  not  feel  themselves  bound,  under  the 
oitfcumstances,  to  accede  to  Captain  Turner's  demand. 


APPENDIX    A.  601 

During  the  night,  Captain  Turner  sent  his  boats  in  and  cut  the  Federal  out  from 
under  the  guns  of  the  fort,  shipped  his  cables  and  left  the  port. 

In  a  letter  dated  St.  Martin's,  December  1828,  to  Commodore  Ridgely,  he  says: 
"  The  following  are  the  grounds  on  which  I  made  these  claims.  It  was  a  well- 
known  fact,  that  the  captain  of  the  schooner  was  well  aware  of  the  conclusion  of 
the  treaty  of  peace  between  the  Governments  of  Brazil  and  Buenos  Ayres  when  he 
captured  the  goods,  having  himself  first  brought'  the  news  of  it.  That,  as  all  goods 
shipped  from  the  Brazils  have  the  Brazilian  stamp  upon  them,  the  goods  he  took 
being  thus  branded,  was  not  sufficient  to  warrant  him  in  his  inference  that  they 
were  the  enemy's  property.  That  the  affidavit  of  the  mate  of  the  brig  Nymph  was 
not  sufficient,  as  it  was  drawn  up  in  the  handwriting  of  the  captain  of  the  schooner 
when  the  mate  was  on  board  of  the  schooner,  which  vessel  he  afterward  joined, 
and  was  immediately  after  sent  from  hence." 

From  Captain  Turner's  statement  it  appears  that  he  conceived  himself  warrant 
ed,  if  the  Federal  was  a  pirate,  to  take  her  forcibly  from  under  the  jurisdiction  of 
the  Swedish  Government  in  St.  Bartholomew,  in  order  that  she  might  be  placed 
within  the  jurisdiction  of  the  United  States,  where  she  now  is,  and  where  the  ques 
tion  as  to  her  character  must,  be  judicially  decided. 

This  opinion  is,  however,  manifestly  erroneous.  Even  if  she  was  (the  contrary, 
however,  is  to  be  inferred  from  the  evidence  presented  to  this  department)  a  pirati 
cal  vessel,  the  jurisdiction  and  authorities  of  the  Swedish  Government  ought  to 
be  respected  as  competent  and  well-disposed  to  deal  with  her  according  to  law.  It 
is  therefore  due  to  the  friendly  relations  subsisting  between  the  two  Governments,  to 
disavow  the  conduct  of  Captain  Turneiv  and  to  make  such  other  reparation  as  the 
circumstances  call  for,  and  as  is  usual  iulike  cases. 

DENMARK. 

In  April,  1826,  a  convention  to  regulate  the  trade  and  navigation  between  the 
United  States  and  the  Government  of  this  country  was  concluded  at  Washington, 
on  the  principle  of  reciprocity  of  tonnage,  importation  duties,  and  charges.  But  it 
does  not,  however,  apply  to  the  northern  possessions  of  the  King  of  Denmark,  to 
wit,  Iceland,  the  Feroe  Islands,  and  Greenland,  nor  to  places  beyond  the  Cape  of 
Good  Hope;  the  right  to  regulate  the  direct  intercourse  with  which  possessions  and 
places  is  reserved  by  the  parties  respectively.  And  it  does  not  extend  to  the  direct 
trade  between  Denmark  and  the  West  India  colonies  of  his  Danish  Majesty.  But 
in  the  intercourse  with  those  colonies,  it  is  agreed  that,  whatever  can  be  lawfully 
imported  into  or  exported  from  the  said  colonies  in  vessels  of  one  party,  from  or  to 
the  ports  of  the  United  States,  or  from  or  to  the  ports  of  any  other  foreign  country, 
may,  in  like  manner  and  with  the  same  duties  and  charges  applicable  to  vessels  and 
cargoes,  be  imported  into  or  exported  from  the  said  colonies,  in  vessels  of  the  other 
party,  to  be  in  force  for  two  years. 

The  citizens  of  the  United  States  have  claims  upon  the  Danish  Government  for 
spoliations  committed  upon  their  property,  amounting  in  all,  in  the  years  1800  and 
1810,  to  1GO  vessels  captured,  of  which,  in  1811,  42  were  condemned.  Of  those 
captures,  18  were  what  are  commonly  called  "  convoy  cases."  Eight  of  these  cases 
present  the  most  extraordinary  instances  of  the  prostration  of  neutral  rights  exhibit 
ed  during  the  whole  of  the  contest  of  that  extraordinary  period,  under  the  following 
circumstances :— They  were  bound  immediately  from  Petersburg  and  Cronstadt  to 
the  United  States;  they  had  all  paid  the  Sound  dues  and  several  of  them  had  been 
examined  before  the  Danish  marine  tribunals  on  entering  the  Baltic,  and  they  were 
all  arre>ted  on  going  out  by  a  British  force  and  compelled  to  join  convoy.  When 
that  convoy  was  attacked  by  his  Danish  Majesty's  gun  brigs,  the  Americans,  not 
conscious  of  any  illegality  in  the  nature  of  their  voyages,  or  of  anyjrregularity  in 
their  own  conduct,  made  no  efforts  to  escape,  were  captured,  brought  into  court,  and 
condemned. 

The  ground  taken  by  Denmark  was,  that  a  neutral,  by  causing  himself  to  be 
protected  by  one  of  the  belligerents,  ranges  himself  on  the  side  of  the  protector,  and 
thus  puts  himself  in  opposition  to  the  enemy  of  such  protector. 


602  APPENDIX    A. 

By  his  dispatch,  No.  2,  dated  the  22d  December,  1827,  Mr.  Wheaton  f informed 
this  department  that  a  verbal  agreement  had  been  entered  into  between  the  Danish 
Government  and  Mr.  Connell,  the  agent  of  the  claimants,  for  indemnity  for  the 
seizure  and  detention  at  Kiel,  in  1810,  of  the  American  ships  Fair  Trader,  Minerva 
Smith,  and  brig  Ariel,  by  which  the  latter  was  to  be  paid  $76,000,  and  by  his 
dispatch,  No.  3,  dated  4th  March,  1828,  Mr.  Wheaton  informed  this  department  that 
Mr.  Connell,  the  agent,  had  received  that  sum  in  full  payment  of  these  claims.  By 
his  dispatch,  No.  5,  dated  December  3, 1828,  this  department  was  informed  that  the 
Danish  Government  had  decided,  in  regard  to  our  old  claims,  to  waive  the  principle 
of  the  supposed  conclusiveness  of  the  sentences  of  the  Danish  Admiralty  tribunals 
upon  which  it  had  before  so  strongly  insisted,  and  that  his  Danish  Mcijesty  had 
directed  a  report  to  be  made  to  him  of  the  particulars  of  those  cases,  that  he  might 
be  enabled  to  form  a  correct  judgment  of  the  validity  of  the  complaints  growing  out 
of  them. 

This  determination  on  the  part  of  the  King  of  Denmark  may,  without  antici 
pating  too  much,  be  considered  as  gaining  an  important  step  toward  a  decision  of 
the  justice  of  those  claims  in  favor  of  our  citizens,  and  an  assessment  of  the  amount 
due  to  them  ;  but  as  to  the  payment  of  these  claims,  that,  from  the  extreme  poverty 
of  the  Government,  is  an  event  not  to  be  soon  expected,  unless  they  should  be  com 
promised  for  a  sum  far  below  the  amount  due,  and  this  under  the  circumstances, 
it  is  believed,  would  be  the  best  course  for  this  Government  to  pursue. 

PRUSSIA. 

The  most  friendly  relations  have  at  all  times  subsisted  between  the  United  States 
and  the  King  of  Prussia. 

In  September,  1785,  a  treaty  of  the  most  liberal  character  was  concluded  between 
the  two  countries,  and  is  remarkable  in  forming  an  example  of  a  treaty  of  perfect 
reciprocity.  By  it  blockades  of  every  description  are  abolished;  the  flag  covers  the 
property,  and  contrabands  are  exempted  from  confiscation.  It  expired  by  its  own 
limitation  in  1795,  and  was  revived  in  1799,  with,  however,  very  considerable  alter 
ations.  On  the  1st  May,  1828,  a  treaty  of  commerce  and  navigation  was  concluded 
at  Washington,  and  laid  before  the  Senate,  who  by  their  resolution  of  the  14th  of 
that  month,  advised  and  consented  to  its  ratification. 

By  letter  received  the  15th  February,  1829,  the  Charge  d1  Affaires  of  Prussia,  Mr. 
Niederstetter,  informed  the  Secretary  of  State  that  he  had  received  the  Prussian 
ratification,  and  was  ready  to  exchange  it  for  that  of  the  United  States.  In  reply, 
the  Secretary  of  State  apprized  Mr.  Niederstetter  of  the  President's  intention  not  to 
proceed  to  the  exchange  proposed  by  him  in  consequence  of  the  expiration  of  the 
time  stipulated  for  that  exchange  by  the  terms  of  the  treaty. 

On  the day  of  March,  1829,  the  treaty  was  submitted  by  the  President  to 

the  Senate  for  their  ad\7ice  and  consent  to  its  exchange,  who,  by  their  resolution  of 
the  9th  day  of  the  same  month,  advised  and  consented  that  the  President  should 
proceed  to  the  exchange,  and  it  was  done  on  the  14th  day  of  March,  1829. 

NAPLES. 

There  is  not  at  present  any  diplomatic  intercourse  between  the  United  States 
and  the  Government  of  this  country,  although  we  have  very  large  claims  for 
spoliations,  to  the  justice  of  which  the  only  answer  that  ever  has  been  given  is, 
that  the  present  Government  is  not  responsible,  because  they  were  occasioned  by 
the  unlawful  acts  resulting  from  the  power  of  Napoleon,  through  King  Murat  (who 
was  for  years  the  established  and  acknowledged  sovereign  of  this  people),  and  that 
the  proceeds  did  not  go  into  the  public  treasury,  but  to  feed  the  caprices  and  the 
Oriental  pomp  of  the  family  of  Murat  and  his  adherents. 

These  acts  of  violence  were  perpetrated  under  circumstances  the  most  perfidious. 
The  American  merchants  were  drawn  within  the  reach  of  confiscation  by  the  ex 
press  invitation  of  the  Government  to  prosecute  in  the  ports  of  Naples  their  com 
mercial  pursuits,  and  were  there  seized  and  sold  or  converted  to  the  use  of  the 


APPENDIX    A.  603 

Government,  and  some  of  the  vessels  at  one  time  constituted  a  part  of  the  naval 
force  of  the  present  king. 

Mr.  Pinkney,  of  Baltimore,  on  his  way  to  St.  Petersburg  as  envoy,  was  appoint 
ed  to  make  application  to  this  Court  for  indemnity,  which  he  did  in  a  very  strong 
but  ineffectual  manner,  and  thus  this  question  remains  at  this  time. 

AUSTRIA. 

On  the  31st  July,  1828,  the  Baron  do  Lederer  informed  the  department  that  he 
was  furnished  with  full  powers,  together  with  the  necessary  instructions,  for  con 
cluding  a  convention  of  commerce  and  navigation  on  terms  of  perfect  reciprocity 
with  this  country ;  and  in  consequence  thereof  a  negotiation  had  been  carried  on  at 
Washington  for  sometime  between  the  Secretary  of  State  on  the  part  of  the  United 
States,  and  Baron  De  Lederer  to  that  end,  and  the  terms  of  a  convention  were 
agreed  upon.  But  at  the  moment  when  it  was  about  to  be  signed,  the  Austrian 
Plenipotentiary  considered  himself  under  the  necessity  of  applying  to  his  Govern 
ment  for  instructions  and  authority  to  execute  such  a  treaty,  and  thus  the  matter 
rests  at  present.  This  is  the  only  negotiation  ever  carried  on  bet  ween  the  two  powers, 
although  their  relations  have  not  been  in  the  least  degree  unfriendly.  There  is,  in 
point  of  fact,  hardly  a  possibility  of  collision  between  them. 

IIANSEATIC  CITIES. 

In  June,  1827,  a  treaty  was  concluded  and  ratified  at  Washington,  between  the 
Free  Hnnseatic  Cities  and  Republics  of  Lubeck,  Bremen,  and  Hamburg.  This  treaty 
places  the  commerce  between  the  United  States  and  the  Free  Cities  on  the  basis  of 
entire  reciprocity,  and  is  to  continue  for  twelve  years,  and  after  that  time  until 
twelve  months'  notice  by  either  party  to  the  other,  of  an  intention  to  terminate  it. 

MEXICO. 

The  relations  between  the  Government  of  the  United  States  and  this  Republic 
are  unsettled,  the  recent  administration  of  its  affairs  not  having  been  actuated  by 
feelings  of  a  very  friendly  character  toward  the  United  States.  A  chnnge  has, 
however,  taken  place,  accompanied  by  force  and  much  irregularity,  and  General 
Guerrero  is  made  President. 

A  treaty  of  amity,  commerce,  and  navigation  between  the  United  States  and 
Mexico  was  concluded  at  Mexico  on  the  14th  February,  1828,  laid  before  the  Senate 
of  the  United  States  for  its  ratification,  and  by  their  resolution  of  the  1st  May,  1828, 
the  Senate  advised  and  consented  to  its  ratification. 

Mr.  Poinsett,  the  Envoy  Extraordinary  and  Minister  Plenipotentiary  of  the 
United  States  near  the  Mexican  Government,  by  his  dispatch,  No.  127,  dated  21st 
May,  1828,  informed  this  Department  that  the  Mexican  Congress  had  adjourned 
without  having  ratified  the  treaty,  and  no  intelligence  has  been  received  of  its  hav 
ing  subsequently  been  ratified.  On  the  contrary,  it  is  understood  (not  however 
from  our  minister)  that  the  Congress  of  the  Mexican  States  had  altered  the  treaty 
by  striking  out  several  of  its  articles,  but  had  not  finally  decided  in  regard  to  it.  By 

Mr.  Poinsett's  despatch,  No. ,  dated  the ,  1820,  this  Department 

was  informed  that  the  Congress  of  Mexico  was  in  session,  but  of  nothing  in  regard  to 
the  treaty. 

A  treaty  of  limits  between  the  United  States  and  Mexico  was  concluded  and 
signed  at  Mexico  on  the  12th  of  January,  1828,  received  at  this  Department,  and 
laid  before  the  Senate  of  the  United  States,  who  by  their  resolution  of  the  28th  of 
the  same  month,  advised  and  consented  to  its  ratification.  "By  dispatch  No.  124, 
of  24th  April,  1828,  Mr.  Poinsett  informed  the  Secretary  of  State  that  this  treaty 
had  been  ratified  by  the  Mexican  House  of  Representatives,  and  was  then  before  the 
Senate,  and  by  a  despatch  of  the  26th  of  April,  that  it  had  passed  that  body  on  the 
preceding  day. 

By  letter  dated  the  2d  April,  1828,  Mr.  Obregon,  minister  from  Mexico,  apprized 


604  APPENDIX    A. 

the  Secretary  of  State  of  bis  having  received  the  Mexican  ratification  of  the  Treaty 
of  Limits,  and  of  his  readiness  to  proceed  to  its  exchange.  By  letter  dated  the  2d  of 
August,  Mr.  Obregon  was  informed  that  his  note  had  been  submitted  to  the  Presi 
dent,  who  did  not  think  himself  at  liberty  to  proceed  to  the  exchange  of  the  ratifica 
tions  nfter  the  expiration  of  the  period  within  which,  by  the  term  of  the  treaty,  such 
exchange  oujrht  to  have  been  effected,  and  that  it  would  again  be  submitted  to  the 
Senate  at  their  ensuing  session  for  their  advice  and  consent  as  to  said  exchange, 
which  was  not  done. 

The  Government  of  the  United  States  have  no  interest  in  this  Treaty  of  Limits  as 
the  same  boundaries  are  by  it  established  between  the  two  countries  as  were  settled 
between  the  United  States  and  Spain  by  the  Florida  Treaty,  which  in  this  respect  is 
equally  obligatory  upon  Mexico  as  upon  Spain — the  former  having  acquired  all  the 
territory  held  by  the  latter  and  no  more  ;  and,  indeed,  it  is  well  worthy  of  considera 
tion,  whether  an  alteration,  very  advantageous  to  the  United  States,  might  not  be 
made  by  giving  the  country  west  of  the  mountains  to  Mexico,  in  exchange  for  that 
which  lies  between  our  present  boundary  and  the  Rio  del  Norte? 

COLOMBIA. 

In  October,  1824,  the  United  States  concluded  by  their  Minister  at  Bogota  a  com 
mercial  convention  with  this  Republic,  which  was  the  first  treaty  of  any  kind 
formed  with  either  of  the  South  American  States.  Its  provisions  are  generally  of  a 
liberal  kind,  placing  the  commerce  of  the  respective  parties  upon  the  footing  of  the 
most  favored  nation,  and  under  it  our  commerce  has  been  carried  on  with  occasional 
but  not  very  serious  interruption. 

This  country  in  its  extent,  soil,  climate,  and  productions,  equal  if  not  superior  to 
any  other  in  the  world,  has,  in  common  with  all  the  South  American  States,  been 
exposed  to  intestine  divisions  and  civil  wars,  and  a  recent  change  has  been  effected 
in  its  Government  not  very  auspicious  to  the  continuance  of  the  free  character  of  its 
institutions. 

Bolivar,  in  whom  is  centred  all  the  power  of  its  government,  has  recently  de 
clared  war  against  the  Republic  of  Peru,  and  these  neighboring  powers  are  now 
probably  engaged  in  a  fierce  contest. 

The  latter  power  requested  the  mediation  of  the  United  States,  to  which  this 
Government  has  yielded,  and  our  Minister  to  Colombia  has  been  instructed  to  use  all 
the  means  in  his  power  to  induce  that  government  to  avail  itself  of  our  good  offices 
to  effect  a  reconciliation. 

General  Harrison,  appointed  Envoy  Extraordinary  and  Minister  Plenipotentiary 
to  Colomhia,  left  New  York  in  November  last,  but  this  Department  is  not  yet  in 
formed  of  his  arrival  at  Bogota. 

On  the  day  of  March  instant,  that  minister  was  recalled,  and  Mr.  Moore,  of 
Kentucky,  appointed  in  his  stead,  who  will  proceed  to  the  capital  of  Colombia  with 
all  possible  dispatch. 

FEDERATION  OF  THE  CENTRE  OF  AMERICA. 

This  country  is  at  present,  and  has  been  for  some  time  past,  the  scene  of  the 
most  cruel  civil  war  ;  a  war  commenced  and  continued  by  the  power  and  influence  of 
rival  families;  and  from  a  statement  made  to  this  Department  by  our  Consul,  who 
has  recently  returned  to  the  United  States,  Mr.  Savage,  we  are  led  to  think  that  the 
soldiery  have  become  of  the  most  licentious  character,  that  all  civil  Government  will 
be  abolished,  and  the  whole  country  given  up  to  a  predatory  warfare. 

In  December,  1825,  a  convention  of  Peace,  Amity,  Commerce,  and  Navigation, 
was  concluded  at  Washington,  by  which  the  commerce  of  the  two  countries  was 
placed  on  "  the  basis  of  perfect  equality  and  reciprocity,"  each  giving  to  the  other 
the  right  of  every  sort  of  trade,  and  in  every  article  of  commerce,  only  excepting 
the  coasting  trade  and  subjecting  neither  in  the  ports  of  the  other  to  any  higher 
rate  of  duties  than  their  own  citizens  or  subjects. 

At  Guatemala,  on  the  22d  December  last,  the  property  of  Captain  W.  Phillips, 
ao  American  citizen,  was  forcihly  taken  from  him  by  the  officers  of  that  Govern- 


APPENDIX    A.  605 

ment,  and  sold  at  auction,  realizing  thereby  the  sum  of  eleven  hundred  dollars,  which 
was  done  under  the  pretence  of  making  a  loan  from  this  individual  to  that  amount. 
Tliis  is  a  course  of  proceeding  that  has  been  extended  very  far  toward  the  aliens  in 
Guatemala  ;  but  in  this  case  alone,  it  is  believed,  against  the  citizens  of  this  country. 

The  Executive  officer  at  Omoa,  it  is  believed  without  the  authority  of  the 
Government  of  Central  America,  has  recently  made  an  exaction  of  two  per  cent  ad 
ditional  u  duty  to  what  has  been  claimed  on  the  trans-shipment  of  merchandise  or 
goods  in  this  port  for  a  foreign  market." 

He  lias  also  forcibly  taken  possession  of  a  quantity  of  American  produce  from 
the  American  Brig  Stephen. 

The  same  Commandant,  on  the  13th  January  last,  ordered  Mr.  Hosmer,  who  was 
appointed  by  the  Consul,  Vice-Consul  at  Omoa,  but  not  accredited  by  the  Govern 
ment  of  that  Republic,  in  a  very  arbitrary  and  improper  manner,  and  thereby  com 
pelled  him  to  take  down  the  American  flag  hoisted  in  consequence  of  the  arrival  of 
General  Verveer,  His  Netherland,  Majesty's  Envoy  Extraordinary  and  Minister 
Plenipotentiary. 

Of  all  these  acts,  Mr.  Savage,  our  Consul,  made  strong  representations  to  the 
Minister  of  State  and  of  Foreign  Affairs  of  the  Republic  of  Central  America,  to 
which  no  answer  has,  as  yet,  been  received.  It  is  to  be  supposed  that  this  uncour- 
teous  conduct,  in  regard  to  the  flag,  is  to  be  imputed  to  the  fact  that  Mr.  Hosmer  was 
not  accredited  as  a  Vice-Cousul,  but  merely  as  an  agent  of  the  Consul,  and  to  the 
irritation  which  probably  arose  out  of  that  distinction. 

BRAZIL. 

The  relations  between  the  United  States  and  the  Emperor  of  Brazil  were,  for  a 
long  time,  of  an  irritating  and  unpleasant  character.  In  the  war  between  Brazil 
and  Buenos  Ayres,  recently  terminated,  this  Government,  wholly  disregarding  the 
law  of  nations  and  the  rights  of  neutrals,  declared  the  whole  of  the  const  of  its 
enemy  in  a  state  of  blockade,  and  even  committed  the  grossest  violation  of  our  rights, 
which  were  resisted  in  a  becoming  spirit  by  our  Charge  d'Affaires. 

These  events,  and  the  conduct  of  our  Representative  having  brought  matters  to 
a  crisis,  the  Brazilian  Government  sent  a  representative  to  Washington,  with  power 
to  make  atonement  and  reparation,  and  an  engagement  was  entered  into,  by  which 
the  claims  of  our  citizens  for  spoliations  were  to  be  adjusted  and  paid,  which  is  now 
in  successful  progress  by  a  commission  mutually  appointed  by  the  two  Governments, 
and  now  assembled  at  Rio  de  Janeiro. 

A  Commercial  Convention  was  also  negotiated  and  concluded  by  Mr.  Tudor, 
Charge  d'Affaires  of  the  United  States  at  the  capital  of  this  Empire,  and  ratified  and 
exchanged  at  the  city  of  Washington  in  the  present  month  of  March,  by  which  the 
commercial  intercourse  between  the  two  countries  is  placed  on  the  basis  of  a  just 
and  equal  reciprocity. 

Mr.  Tudor  has  asked  and  obtained  leave  to  come  home.*  It  therefore  becomes 
important,  not  only  as  it  regards  the  settlement  of  our  claims  under  the  joint  com 
mission,  but  in  regard  to  the  course  this  government  pursues  as  to  Don  Miguel,  that 
his  place  should  be  immediately  supplied. 

PERU,  CHILI,  AND  BUENOS  AYRES. 

The  Governments  of  these  countries  respectively  are,  like  the  others  of  the 
Southern  portion  of  this  continent,  in  an  unsettled  ^tate. 

Our  relations  with  them  all  are  friendly,  although  we  have  not  a  treaty  of  any 
kind  with  either. 

(Signed)  JAMES  A.  HAMILTON. 

To  THE  PRESIDENT  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES. 

*  It  was  afterward  intimated  that  he  wished  to  remain;  he  did  so,  and  after  making  a 
treaty  (12th  December,  1828),  he  died. 


606  APPENDIX    A. 


SUPPLEMENTAL  REPORT— NORTHEASTERN  BOUNDARY  LINE. 

ABSTRACT  OF  PROCEEDINGS  UNDER  THE  FIFTH  ARTICLE  OF  THE  TREATY  OF  GHENT  AND 
UNDER  THE  CONVENTION  OF  1827. 

The  adverse  claims  of  the  United  States  and  Great  Britain  respecting  the  bound 
ary  line  which  separates  the  State  of  Maine  from  the  British  Provinces  of  New  Bruns 
wick  (formerly  a  part  of  Nova  Scotia)  and  Lower  Canada,  arise  from  the  conflicting 
interpretations  given  by  the  two  Governments  to  the  stipulations  contained  in  the 
Second  Article  of  the  Treaty  of  Peace  of  1783,  between  the  United  States  and  Great 
Britain  ;  which  stipulations  are  in  the  following  words: 

"ART.  2:  And  that  all  disputes  which  might  arise  in  future,  on  the  subject  of  the  Bound 
aries  of  the  said  United  States,  may  be  prevented,  it  is  hereby  agreed  and  declared,  that 
the  following  are,  and  shall  be  their  boundaries,  viz.:  from  the  Northwest  angle  of  Nova 
Scotia,  viz.,  that  angle  which  is  formed  by  a  line  drawn  due  north  from  the  source  of  the  St. 
Croix  River  to  the  highlands ;  along  the  said  highlands,  which  divide  those  rivers  that  empty 
themselves  into  the  river  St.  Lawrence,  from  those  which  fall  into  the  Atlantic  Ocean,  to  the 
Northwesternmost  head  of  Connecticut  River,  thence  down  along  the  middle  of  that  riyer,  to 
the  forty-fifth  degree  of  north  latitude ;  from  thence  by  a  line  due  West,  on  said  latitude, 
until  it  strikes  the  River  Iroquois  or  Cataraguy." 
**************** 

"East  by  a  line  to  be  drawn  along  the  middle  of  the  river  Saint  Croix,  from  its  mouth  in 
the  Bay  of  Fundy  to  its  source,  and  from  its  source  directly  North,  to  the  aforesaid  high 
lands  which  divide  the  rivers  that  fall  into  the  Atlantic  Ocean,  from  those  which  fall  into  the 
River  St.  Lawrence." 

That  part  of  the  foregoing  stipulation  which  establishes  the  eastern  boundary  of 
the  United  States  along  the  river  Saint  Croix,  from  its  mouth  in  the  Bay  of  Fundy 
to  its  source,  and  thence  directly  north  to  the  Highlands  which  divide  the  rivers 
that  fall  into  the  Atlantic  ocean  from  those  which  fall  into  the  river  St.  Lawrence, 
settles  all  doubt  which  might  have  arisen  from  the  former  disputes  between  Great 
Britain  and  France  respecting  the  boundaries  of  their  respective  possessions  in  North 
America. 

And  that  part  which  establishes  the  northern  boundary  of  the  United  States 
from  the  northwest  angle  of  Nova  Scotia  along  the  Highlands  which  divide  those 
rivers  that  empty  themselves  into  the  river  St.  Lawrence,  from  those  which  fall  into 
the  Atlantic  ocean  and  along  the  forty-fifth  parallel  of  north  latitude,  until  it  strikes 
the  river  Iroquois  or  Cataraguy,  was  founded  upon  various  British  official  documents 
of  prior  date,  among  which  are  : 

First. — The  Royal  Proclamation  of  the  7th  of  October,  1763,  erecting  the  Pro 
vinces  ceded  by  France  to  Great  Britain,  by  the  Treaty  of  Paris  of  1763,  into  four 
separate  Governments ;  and  among  these  that  of  Quebec  (now  Lower  Canada),  with 
its  boundaries  described  in  the  following  words  : 

"  Bounded  on  the  Labrador  coast  by  the  river  St.  John,  and  from  thence  by  a  line  drawn 
from  the  head  of  that  river  through  the  Lake  St.  John  to  the  south  end  of  the  lake,  nigh 
Pissin  ;  from  whence  the  said  line,  crossing  the  river  St.  Lawrence  and  the  Lake  Champlain  in 
forty-Jive  degrees  of  north  latitude,  passes  along  the  highlands  which  divide  the  rivers  that  empty 
themselves  into  the  said  river  St.  Lawrence,  from,  those  which  fall  into  the  sea,  and  also  along 
the  north  coast  of  tJie  JBay  des  Chaleurs,  and  the  coast  of  the  Grulf  of  St.  Lawrence  to  Cape 
Rosieres ;  and  from  thence  crossing  the  mouth  of  the  river  St.  Lawrence  by  the  west  coast 
of  the  Island  of  Anticosti,  terminates  at  the  aforesaid  river  St.  John." 

Second. — An  Act  of  Parliament  (14  Geo.  III".,  cap.  83),  1774,  for  making  more 
effectual  provision  for  the  Government  of  the  Province  of  Quebec  in  North  Amer 
ica. 

This  Act  defines  the  boundaries  of  the  Province  of  Quebec  (now  Lower  Canada) 
in  the  following  words  : 

"Bounded  on  the  south  by  a  line  from  the  Bay  of  Chaleurs  along  the  highlands  which 
divide  the  rivers  that  empty  themselves  into  the  river  Saint  Lawrence  from  those  which  fall 


APPENDIX    A.  607 

into  the  sea,  to  a  point  in  forty-five  degrees  of  northern  latitude,  on  the  eastern  bank  of  the 
river  Connecticut,  keeping  the  said  latitude  directly  west,  through  the  Lake  Champlain,  until 
in  the  ?a  tie  latitude  it  meets  the  river  Saint  Lawrence;  from  thence  up  the  eastern  bank  of 
the  said  river  to  the  Lake  Ontario,  &c." 

The  Royal  Proclamation,  and  the  Act  of  Parliament  quoted  above,  both  concur, 
though  in  different  words,  in  establishing  the  southern  boundary  of  the  Province  of 
Quebec  by  which  it  is  separated  from  Nova  Scotia  (now  New  Brunswick),  and  from 
the  Province  of  Maine,  from  the  Bay  of  Chaleurs,  along  the  highlands  which  divide 
the  rivers  that  empty  themselves  into  the  river  St.  Lawrence,  from  those  which 
fall  into  the  sea,  to  a  point  on  the  forty-fifth  parallel  of  north  latitude,  which  point 
the  Act  of  Parliament  fixes  on  the  eastern  bank  of  the  river  Connecticut  where  said 
river  intersects  the  said  parallel,  thence  along  said  parallel  across  Lake  Champlain 
to  the  St.  Lawrence. 

Such  was  the  boundary  between  the  Province  of  Quebec  on  the  one  side,  and 
the  Provinces  of  Nova  Scotia  and  Maine  on  the  other,  at  the  date  of  the  Treaty  of 
Peace  of  1783,  when  Great  Britain,  in  order  to  establish  the  limits  between  the 
United  States  and  her  North  American  Provinces,  agreed  to  the  stipulations  in  the 
2d  Article  of  said  Treaty,  which  adopted  the  line  above  described,  as  far  as  it  went 
to  separate  the  Province  of  Quebec  from  the  territories  of  the  Confederation  ;  and  in 
order  to  define  the  boundary  between  the  said  territories  on  the  east,  and  the  Pro 
vince  of  Nova  Scotia,  established  said  boundary,  1st,  Along  the  river  St.  Croix  to 
its  source,  and  thence  along  a  line  due  north,  until  it  meets  the  highlands  which 
divide  the  rivers  emptying  into  the  St.  Lawrence  from  those  which  fall  into  the 
Atlantic  ocean,  at  a  point  which  determines  the  northwest  angle  of  Nova  Scotia. 

Under  this  clause  of  the  2d  Article  of  the  Treaty  of  1783,  two  questions  arose,  to 
wit: 

First. — "Which  was  the  true  river  St.  Croix  referred  to  in  that  Article,  from 
whose  source  the  due  north  line  was  to  be  drawn;  and 

Second,  Which  are  the  highlands  forming,  with  the  due  north  line,  the  north 
west  angle  of  Nova  Scotia,  and  along  which  the  boundary  line  between  the  United 
States  and  the  Province  of  Quebec  is  to  run  t 

The  first  of  these  questions  was  put  at  rest  by  the  decision  of  the  mixed  commis 
sion  appointed  in  pursuance  of  the  5th  Article  of  the  Treaty  of  Amity,  Commerce, 
and  Navigation  between  the  United  States  and  Great  Britain,  concluded  on  the  10th 
November,  1794;  which  decision  is  contained  in  their  declaration  dated  Providence, 
Rhode  Inland,  the  25th  October,  1798,  and  determines,  "  what  river  was  truly  in 
tended  under  the  name  of  the  River  Saint  Croix,  mentioned  in  the  Treaty  of  Peace 
of  1783;  as  forming  part  of  the  boundary  therein  described." 

"With  regard  to  the  second  question,  different  constructions  were  put  by  the  two 
contracting  parties  upon  the  words  of  the  Treaty  of  1783,  describing  the  highlands 
which  were  to  intersect  the  due  north  line,  forming  with  it  the  northwest  angle 
of  Nova  Scotia,  and  constituting  the  boundary  line  from  that  point  to  the  north- 
westernmost  head  of  the  Connecticut  river. 

Great  Britain  contended  that  these  highlands  were  found  to  commence  at  a  point 
near  the  due  north  line,  called  Mars  Hill,  within  forty  miles  from  the  monument 
which  determines  the  source  of  the  Saint  Croix  ;  and  that  therefore  the  boundary 
contemplated  by  the  Treaty  of  1783,  must  begin  at  this  point,  which  they  assert  to 
be  the  northwest  angle  of  Nova-Scotia,  and  pass  along  the  summit  of  a  ridge  which 
divides  the  streams  tributary  to  the  St.  John  from  those  which  fall  into  the  Atlantic 
Ocean;  until  it  meets  the  northwesternmost  head  of  the  river  Connecticut. 

The  United  States  contended  that  the  highlands  contemplated  by  the  Treaty 
were  to  be  found  near  one  hundred  miles  further,  following  the  due  north  line,  at  a 
point  near  the  sources  of  the  Restigouche,  and  on  the  crests  of  the  Highlands  which 
form  the  dividing  ridge  between  the  rivers  which  empty  themselves  into  the  St. 
Lawrence,  and  the  tributary  streams  of  the  St.  John,  and  of  other  rivers  falling  into 
the  ocean. 

These  different  constructions  of  the  words  in  the  2nd  Article  of  the  Treaty  of 
1783  became  a  subject  of  discussion  between  the  American  and  British  Plenipoten 
tiaries  who  negotiated  the  Treaty  of  Ghent ;  First,  by  a  proposition  on  the  part  of 


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Van  Ness,  a  Commissioner  on  the  part  of  the  United  Stntes,  and  Thomas  Barclay, 
appointed  a  commissioner  on  behalf  of  His  Britannic  Majesty,  met  at  St.  Andrew's 
in  the  Province  of  New  Brunswick  on  the  23d  September,  1816,  and  proceeded  to 
execute  the  duties  assigned  to  them. 

These  duties  were 

To  ascertain  and  determine 

First,  The  point  in  the  highlands  designated  in  the  Treaty  of  1783,  as  the  north 
west  angle  of  Nova  Scotia, 

Second,  The  northwesternmost  head  of  Connecticut  river. 

Third,  To  cause  to  be  surveyed  and  marked,  "  in  conformity  wit1'  the  Treaty  of 
1783,  that  part  of  the  boundary  line  which  extends  from  the  source  of  the  river  St. 
Croix  directly  north  to  the  northwest  angle  of  Nora  Scotia;  thence  alona:  the 
highlands  which  divide  the  rivers  that  empty  themselves  into  the  St.  Lawrence  from 
those  which  fall  into  the  Atlantic  Ocean,  to  the  northwesternmost  head  of  Connec- 


APPENDIX    A.  609 

icufc  river;  thence  down  the  middle  of  that  river  to  the  forty -fifth  parallel  of  north 
latitude  ;  and  along  said  parallel  to  the  river  Iroquois  or  Cataraguy. 

Fourth,  To  make  a  map  of  the  said  boundary. 

Fifth,  To  particularize,  in  their  declaration,  the  latitude  and  longitude  of  the 
northwest  angle  of  Nova  Scotia— of  the  northwesternmost  head  of  Connecticut 
river,  and  of  such  other  points  of  the  said  boundary  as  they  may  deem  proper. 

In  the  discharge  of  their  duties,  the  Commissioners  continued  to  meet  and  sit, 
from  time  to  time,  at  different  places.  Agents  were  appointed  on  both  sides.  Ex 
ploring  and  surveying  parties  were  organized,  and  astronomers  were  designated, 
who  entered  upon  the  performance  of  their  duties  on  behalf  of  their  respective 
Governments,  acting  separately,  but  communicating  to  each  other,  from  time  to  time, 
in  compliance  with  their  instructions,  the  results  of  their  explorations,  surveys,  and 
astronomical  observations,  and  submitting,  through  the  respective  agents,  all  ques 
tions  in  dispute  to  the  decision  of  the  Commissioners. 

The  final  result  of  these  operations  was  that  conflicting  reports,  discrepant  sur 
veys,  and  discordant  astronomical  results  were  filed  before  the  Commissioners  who, 
after  a  full  hearing  of  the  arguments  presented  by  the  agents  on  both  sides,  com 
municated  to  each  other,  on  the  4th  October,  1821,  their  respective  declarations  or 
disagreements,  in  substance  as  follows: 

First. — As  to  the  northwest  angle  of  Nova  Scotia. 

Mr.  Barclay,  the  British  Commissioner,  was  of  opinion  that  "that  point  ought  to 
be  established  at,  or  near  a  mountain  or  hill  called  Mars  Hill,  distant  about  forty 
miles,  on  a  due  north  line  from  the  source  of  the  river  St.  Croix,  and  about  thirty 
seven  miles  south  of  the  river  St.  John.1' 

Mr.  Van  Ness,  the  American  Commissioner,  was  of  opinion  that  "  that  point 
ought  to  be  fixed  at  a  place  about  one  hundred  and  forty-four  miles  due  north  from 
the  source  of  the  river  St.  Croix.  and  about  sixtv-six  miles  north  of  the  river  St. 
John." 

Second. — As  to  the  northwesternmost  head  of  Connecticut  River. 

Mr.  Barclay  thought  "that  it  is  situate  at  the  northwesternmost  stream  which 
empties  into  the  third  lake  of  Connecticut  River,  north  of  the  45th  degree  of  north 
latitude. 

Mr.  Aran  Ness  thought  that  "  that  point  ought  to  be  established  at  the  head  of 
the  Indian  stream." 

Third. — As  to  the  establishment  of  the  45th  parallel  of  north  latitude,  Mr.  Barclay 
was  of  opinion 

"That  the  point  established  by  Doctor  Tiurks,  his  Majesty's  astronomer,  on 
geographical  principles,  to  be  the  45th  degree  of  north  latitude,  on  Connecticut 
River,  is  the  point  which  ought  to  be  established  by  the  Commissioners  as  the  said 
45th  degree  of  north  latitude  on  the  said  river,"  and 

"  That  the  modes  or  principles  on  which  the  parallel  of  the  said  45th  degree  of 
latitude  ought  to  be  run,  surveyed,  and  marked,  should  be  according  to  ordinary 
geographical  principles/' 

On  these  points,  Mr.  Van  Ness  "  concluded  that  it  would  not  be  necessary  for  him 
to  report  any  opinion  on  the  questions  which  have  been  made  relative  to  the  boundary 
line  from  Connecticut  River  to  the  River  Iroquois." 

On  the  13th  April,  1822,  the  Board  adjourned  sine  die,  subject  to  be  again  called 
together  by  the  contending  parties.  This  adjournment  virtually  proved  a  dissolu 
tion  of  the  Board,  since  it  never  was  again  convened  ;  and  the  journals  of  their  pro 
ceedings,  their  records,  and  the  maps  and  surveys  filed  before  them,  were  deposited, 
in  duplicate,  among  the  archives  of  the  respective  governments. 

This  first  of  the  two  modes  proposed  by  the  5th  article  of  the  Treaty  of  Ghent,  for 
the  adjustment  of  the  matters  in  difference  between  the  two  Governments  respect 
ing  their  territorial  limits,  having  failed,  by  the  disagreement  of  the  Commissioner 
appointed  for  that  purpose,  the  two  Powers  remained  at  issue  upon  the  following 
points : 

First.— The  location  of  the  northwest  angle  of  Nova  Scotia,  which  was  to  deter 
mine  the  highlands  contemplated  by  the  Treaty  of  1783. 

/Second. — The  northwesternmost  head  of  Connecticut  River. 

39 


610  APPENDIX    A. 

Third. — The  principles  to  be  adopted  in  determining  the  parallel  of  the  45th  de 
gree  of  north  latitude,  the  British  Commissioner  contending  for  the  ordinary 
Geographical  principles ;  the  American  Commissioner  contending  for  the  principle 
of  Geocentric  latitude,  but  declining  to  make  a  declaration  upon  that  point. 

The  second  mode  of  settling  the  question  yet  remained ;  it  is  found  in  the  4th 
Article  of  the  Treaty  of  Ghent,  to  which  reference  is  made  by  the  5th  article  with 
respect  to  the  means  of  adjusting  the  disputes,  in  the  words  following : 

"  It  is  further  agreed  that,  in  the  event  of  the  two  Commissioners  differing  upon  all  or 
any  of  the  matters  so  referred  to  them,  or  in  the  event  of  both  or  either  of  the  said  Com 
missioners  refusing  or  declining,  or  wilfully  omitting  to  act  as  such,  they  shall  make  jointly 
or  separately  a  report  or  reports,  as  well  to  the  Government  of  his  Britannic  Majesty  as  to 
that  of  the  United  States,  stating,  in  detail,  the  points  on  which  they  differ,  and  the  grounds 
upon  which  their  respective  opinions  have  been  formed,  or  the  grounds  upon  which  they,  or 
either  of  them,  have  so  refused,  declined,  or  omitted  to  act ;  and  his  Britannic  Majesty  and 
the  Government  of  the  United  States  hereby  agree  to  refer  the  report  or  reports  of  the  said 
Commissioners  to  some  friendly  Sovereign  or  State  to  be  then  named  for  that  purpose,  and 
who  shall  be  requested  to  decide  on  the  differences  which  may  be  stated  in  the  said  report 
or  reports,  or  upon  the  report  of  one  Commissioner,  together  with  the  grounds  upon  which 
the  other  Commissioner  shall  have  refused,  declined,  or  omitted  to  act,  as  the  case  may  be; 
and  if  the  Commissioner  so  refusing,  declining,  or  omitting  to  act,  shall  also  wilfully  omit  to 
state  the  grounds  upon  which  he  has  so  done,  in  such  manner  that  the  said  statement  may  be 
referred  to  such  friendly  Sovereign  or  State,  together  with  the  report  of  such  other  Commis 
sioner,  then  such  Sovereign  or  State  shall  decide,  cxparte,  upon  the  said  report  alone.  And 
his  Britannic  Majesty  and  the  Government  of  the  United  States  engage  to  consider  the  de 
cision  of  such  friendly  Sovereign  or  State  to  be  final  and  conclusive  on  all  the  matters  so 
referred." 

In  June,  1824,  at  a  conference  between  the  American  and  British  Plenipoten 
tiaries,  held  at  London,  the  former  made  an  ineffectual  attempt  to  refer  the  subject 
to  "  direct  negotiation  between  the  two  Governments."  This  mode  of  settling  the 
dispute  not  meeting  the  views  of  the  British  Government,  Mr.  Gallatin,  then  Minis 
ter  at  London,  entered  into  negotiations,  in  1827,  with  the  Plenipotentiaries  of  his 
Majesty's  Government,  and  on  the  29th  of  September  of  that  year,  concluded  a 
Convention  providing  for  the  reference  to  a  friendly  Sovereign  or  State  of  the  mat 
ter  in  controversy,  and  determining  the  manner  in  which  the  question  was  to  belaid 
before  him — the  nature  of  the  evidence  to  be  adduced  by  the  respective  parties  in 
support  of  their  claims,  and  limiting  the  time  within  which  the  various  steps  to 
ward  the  accomplishment  of  that  object  were  to  be  taken. 

The  Convention  was  transmitted  to  Washington,  laid  before  the  Senate  of  the 

United  States,  who,  by  their  Kesolution,  on  the February,  1828,  advised  and 

consented  to  its  ratification ;  it  was  accordingly  ratified  by  the  President,  and  sent 
back  to  London,  where  the  Ratifications  were  exchanged  on  the  2d  of  April,  1828, 
from  which  date,  according  to  the  terms  of  the  Convention,  are  to  be  counted  the 
intervals  of  time  within  which  the  various  steps  toward  the  proposed  reference  are 
to  be  taken. 

ART.  I. — The  first  article  provides  for  the  reference  of  the  question  to  a  friendly 
Sovereign  or  State,  who  shall  be  invited  to  investigate  and  decide  upon  the  points 
of  difference  ;  and  the  two  parties  engage  to  proceed  in  concert  to  the  choice  of 
such  friendly  Sovereign  or  State  immediately  after  the  exchange  of  the  Ratifica 
tions,  and  to  use  their  best  endeavors  to  obtain  a  decision  within  two  years  after  the 
arbiter  shall  have  consented  to  act  as  such. 

Accordingly  by  instructions  to  Mr.  Lawrence,  Charge  d' Affaires  of  the  United 
States  at  London,  dated  the  20th  February,  1828,  the  Secretary  of  State  in  trans 
mitting  the  American  ratification  of  the  Convention  and  in  instructing  him  to  pro 
ceed  to  its  exchange,  directed  him  to  enter  into  negotiation  with  the  British  Gov- 
ernm3nt  for  the  choice  of  an  arbiter;  to  make  or  receive  proposals  for  the  same ; 
and  finally,  to  agree  upon  one  of  the  three  Sovereigns  of  Russia,  Denmark,  or  the 
Netherlands,  in  the  order  in  which  they  are  named. 

The  correspondence  of  Mr.  Lawrence  on  the  subject  shows  the  manner  in  which 


APPENDIX    B.  611 

the  negotiation  was  conducted  ;  and  his  dispatch*  No.  45,  dated  the  22d  June,  1828, 
acquaints  the  Department  of  State  with  its  result,  which  was  that  the  King  of  the 
Netherlands  had  finally  been  agreed  upon  by  both  parties  to  be  the  arbiter,  after  various 
ineffectual  attempts  on  the  part  of  Mr.  Lawrence  to  induce  the  British  Government 
to  agree  first  to  the  Emperor  of  Russia,  and  then  to  the  King  of  Denmark,  agreeably 
to  his  instructions.  The  same  dispatch  submitted,  for  the  approval  of  the  American 
Government,  the  form  of  a  note  proposed  by  the  British  Minister  to  be  simultan 
eously  addressed  to  the  Government  of  the  Netherlands  by  the  Representatives  of 
the  two  nations  at  the  Hague,  apprizing  the  King  of  the  selection  made  of  him  as 
arbiter,  and  requesting  him  to  take  that  office  upon  himself. 

On  the  14th  October,  1828,  instructions  were  transmitted  to  Mr.  Hughes,  Charge 
d1  Affaires  of  the  United  States  to  the  Netherlands,  directing  him  to  make  the  proper 
application  to  the  Government  of  that  country  for  the  consent  of  the  Sovereign  to 
assume  the  office  of  arbiter,  and  to  express  the  entire  confidence  of  the  President  in 
the  justice  of  his  Majesty. 

It  is  not  yet  known  at  the  Department  of  State  what  has  been  the  result  of  this 
application,  nor  whether  the  British  Government  has  taken  the  proper  measures  to 
meet  this  ready  compliance  on  the  part  of  the  United  States  with  all  the  stipula 
tions  of  the  first  article  of  the  Convention.  The  King  accepted  the  charge  and  de 
cided  a  p  -int  not  committed  to  him,  and  thus  this  effort  at  a  settlement  of  the  East 
ern  Boundary  Line  question  was  left  to  Mr.  Webster,  who  settled  it. 

JAMES  A.  HAMILTON,  Secretary  of  State. 


APPENDIX  B. 

A    LETTER  ADDRESSED    TO  A  DISTINGUISHED    MEMBER  OF  THE  CHICAGO  CONVENTION. 

NEVIS,  DOBBS  FERRY  P.  0.,  November  26,  1863. 

DEAR  SIR  :  Your  very  kind  letter  of  the  16th  inst.  intimates  a  regret  that  I  did 
not  avail  myself  of  an  opportunity  at  the  Chicago  Convention,  or  at  St.  Louis,  to 
express  the  views  in  relation  to  the  present  and  the  future  of  the  Great  West,  which 
I  have  touched  in  our  various  conversations;  and  a  wish  that  I  would  in  reply  write 
what  I  might  have  spoken  there. 

In  compliance  with  your  request,  but  with  extreme  reluctance  from  a  conviction 
that  I  can  say  nothing  worthy  of  the  subject,  I  throw  together  some  suggestions 
which  others  may  extend  with  advantage. 

The  resources  of  the  West,  I  think  I  may  say  without  exaggeration,  in  its  mineral 
and  agricultural  wealth,  present  afield  of  enterprise  never  before  equalled  in  any 
part  of  the  world.  To  develop  the  resources  of  that  vast  region  with  success,  will 
require  : 

First,  The  exercise  of  the  constitutional  power  of  our  national  Government  to 
open  the  avenues  of  commerce  between  the  Western  rivers  and  lakes,  and  the  At 
lantic  seaboard ; 

Second,  Abundant  capital; 

And  Last,  A  hardy  population.  These  three  conditions  of  success,  I  am  con 
vinced,  are  within  our  reach.  The  extent  of  this  region  will  be  appreciated  by  the 
following  leading  facts.  The  valley  of  the  Mississippi,  bounded  on  the  one  hand  by  the 
Rocky  Mountains,  and  on  the  other  by  the  Alleghanies,  embraces  a  drainage  area  of 
one  million  and  a  quarter  square  miles,  which  is  more  than  one  half  the  entire  area 
of  the  United  States.  The  internal  navigation  of  the  upper  Mississippi  valley  is 
about  9000  miles  in  extent.  "  The  Mississippi  valley,  viewed  as  a  whole,  may  be 
considered  as  one  great  plain  between  two  diverging  coast  ranges,  elevated  ^between 
400  to  800  feet  above  the  sea."  The  surface  swells  into  hills  and  ridges,  diversified 
by  forest  and  prairie  ;  and,  exclusive  of  the  sterile  portions  west  of  the  Missouri,  the 
soil  is  uniformly  fertile,  easily  cultivated  ("  indeed,  so  easily  that  on  the  prairies 


612  APPENDIX    B. 

four  furrows  are  turned  by  a  single  pair  of  horses  "),  and  yields  a  most  abundant 
return.     The  climate  is  healthy  and  invigorating. 

The  dimensions  of  the  five  great  American  Lakes,.  Superior,  Michigan,  Huron, 
Erie,  and  Ontario,  extend  over  an  area  of  more  than  90,000  square  miles.  The  area 
drained  by  these  lakes  is  estimated  at  over  330,000  square  miles,  and  their  shore 
lines  nearly  5000  miles  in  extent,  exceeding  those  of  the  Atlantic  Coast  by  1500  miles. 

The  annual  value  of  the  commerce  of  these  lakes  reaches  $450,000,000,  carried 
by  a  fleet  of  1,643  vessels  of  413,026  tons,  and  valued  at  $13,250,000. 

This  region  comprises  nine  States  of  the  Union,  -with  a  population  of  nine  millions 
of  hardy  and  intelligent  people;  when  energy  and  enterprise  has  connected  its  com 
mercial  points  by  railways  extending  more  than  11,000  miles;  the  valne  of  whose 
annual  products,  according  to  the  census  table,  was  in  1860 :  in  wheat  89|  millions 
bushels,  c;>rn  392,250,000  bushels,  oats  62,700,000  bushels,  rye  4,000,000  bushels, 
barley  4,865,000  bushels.  Total  cereals  over  553,000,000  bushels.  Of  hogs,  over 
11,000,000  head,  and  of  cattle,  7,204,000  head. 

This  census,  taken  in  1860,  was  the  product  of  the  year  1859.  The  receipts  at 
Chicago  for  the  year  1862  show  an  increase  of  cereals  of  196  per  cent.,  in  hogs,  400 
per  cent,  and  in  cattle,  87  per  cent. 

To  transport  these  products  in  their  crude  state  would  require  64,400  locomo 
tives,  each  hauling  8,500  bushels.  When  it  is  known  that  these  vast  quantities  are 
produced  by  the  cultivation  of  less  than  16  per  cent,  of  the  area  capable  of  cultivation, 
the  quantity  that  will  be  produced  when  the  necessary  avenues  of  commerce  shall 
be  opened  to  a  market,  staggers  the  imagination. 

To  show  how  inadequate  the  existing  means  of  transportation  are,  the  report  of 
the  Commissioner  on  statistics  for  the  city  of  Chicago,  from  which  these  figures  are 
taken,  states  that  "  the  prairie  farmer  often  finds  it  more  profitable  to  consume  it  " 
(the  Indian  corn)  ufor  fuel  than  to  ship  it  to  the  seaboard,  and  that  portion  which  is 
retailed  to  the  New  England  operative  at  60  cents  per  bushel,  nets  to  him  less  than 
-nine  cents,  the  difference  being  used  up  in  freights  and  commissions.  All  this  is 
exclusive  of  that  vast  region  adapted  to  the  production  of  cotton,  sugar,  and  rice,  by 
its  two  essential  meteorological  conditions  of  heat  and  moisture  lying  between 
.30  and  36  degrees  of  North  latitude,  the  Atlantic  coast,  and  the  herd  lands  of  Texas. 

"Within  this  area,  there  are  millions  of  acres  which  have  never  been  touched  by 
the  foot  of  a  white  man,  into  which  if  one  half  of  the  whole  laboring  class  of  the 
.continent  of  Europe  were  thrown,  they  would  not  be  densely  populated. 

The  metallic  wealth  to  which  I  have  referred  consists  of  inexhaustible  stores  of 
gold  and  silver,  and  the  more  precious  metals  of  iron,  copper,  and  lead.  The  coal 
:jSelds  of  Illinois  alone  are  equal  to  all  those  of  England,  Scotland,  and  Ireland. 

First:  As  to  the  constitutional  power  of  Congress  to  construct  or  improve  the 
.channels  of  commercial  intercourse.  Relying  upon  the  opinions  of  the  fathers,  upon 
the  action  of  the  Government,  and  the  express  powers  given  to  Congress  by  the  Con 
stitution,  it  may  be  said  with  full  confidence,  that  the  constitution  gives  Congress  full 
power  to  open  and  improve  such  channels  of  commercial  communication  as  are  natur 
al.  As  to  the  authority  of  the  fathers,  Thomas  Jefferson,  in  1801,  announced,  that 
:  among  the  leading  objects  of  the  Constitution  was  the  encouragement  of  Agriculture, 
and  of  Commerce  its  handmaiden.  Again,  Mr.  Jefferson  in  his  confidential  com 
munication  to  Congress  of  the  18th  January,  1803,  suggesting  the  expediency  of 
authorizing  a  small  exploring  expedition  to  the  source  of  the  Missouri  river,  who 
might  explore  the  whole  line  even  to  the  Western  Ocean,  remarked,  that  "while 
other  civilized  nations  have  encountered  great  expense  to  enlarge  the  boundaries  of 
'knowledge,  by  undertaking  voyages  of  discovery,  and  for  other  literary  purposes  in 
various  parts  and  directions;  our  nation  seems  to  owe  to  the  same  object  as  well  as 
to  its  own  interests  to  explore  this,  the  only  line  of  easy  communication  across  the 
continent,  and  so  directly  traversing  our  own  part  of  it.  The  interests  of  commerce 
place  the  principal  object  within  the  constitutional  powers  and  care  of  Congress,  and 
that  it  should  incidentally  advance  the  geographical  knowledge  of  our  own  continent, 
cannot  but  be  an  additional  gratification."  And  again,  so  comprehensive  did  Pres 
ident  Jefferson  consider  the  "restrictive  energies"  of  Congress  under  this  clause, 
'.that  in  December,  1807,  in  order  to  promote  the  agricultural  interests  of  the  country, 


APPENDIX   B.  C13 

Congress,  u  at  his  special  recommendation,  was  induced  to  lay  an  embargo  on  all  the 
American  trade  with  other  countries,  and  to  continue  it  with  various  regulations 
and  enforcements  affecting  internal  commerce  until  the  spring  of  1809,  a  period  of 
18  months."  (Bristed's  U.  S.  p.  37.) 

Mr.  Madison,  in  1809,  declared  that  Congress  had  the  constitutional  power  to 
promote,  by  authorized  means,  improvements  friendly  to  agriculture  and  to  internal 
and  external  commerce. 

Your  own  Benton,  a  statesman  of  much  practical  experience,  said  :  I  never  had  a 
doubt  of  the  constitutionality  of  bringing  the  navigation  of  the  lakes  and  rivers 
within  the  circle  of  internal  improvements  by  the  Federal  Government,  when  the 
object  to  be  improved  should  be  one  of  general  and  national  importance. 

Mr.  Gallatin,  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  in  1808,  wrote  thus:  "Amongst  the 
resources  of  the  Union  there  is  one  which,  from  its  nature,  seems  more  particularly 
applicable  to  internal  improvements.  It  is  believed,  that  nothing  could  bo  more 
gratifying  to  the  purchasers,  and  to  the  inhabitants  of  the  Western  States  generally, 
or  better  calculated  to  remove  popular  objections,  than  the  application  of  the  pro 
ceeds  of  the  sales  to  improvements,  conferring  general  advantages  on  the  nation, 
and  an  immediate  benefit  on  the  purchasers  and  inhabitants  themselves.  It  may  be 
added  that  the  United  States,  considered  merely  as  owners  of  the  soil,  are  also  deep 
ly  interested  in  the  opening  of  those  communications  which  must  necessarily  en 
hance  the  value  of  their  property. 

In  the  convention  which  formed  the  Constitution,  it  wa?  moved  that  "  no  State 
shall  be  restrained  from  laying  tonnage  duties  for  the  express  purpose  of  clearing 
harbors  and  erecting  lighthouses,"  and  the  motion  was  rejected  on  the  express  ground, 
that  the  power  was  included  under  the  power  to  regulate  commerce.  (Madison 
Papers,  p.  1585.)  The  action  of  the  Government  of  the  United  States  under  the 
power  "to  regulate  commerce"  has  been  so  frequently  extended  to  subjects  of  Na 
tional  importance  in  aid  of  commerce,  as  to  render  any  reference  to  particular  cases 
unnecessary.  That  Congress  could  constitutionally  exercise  the  power  to  make 
roads,  with  the  consent  of  the  States,  over  the  lands  of  such  States,  was  early 
admitted. 

Thus,  by  the  Act  of  April  30,  1802,  to  enable  the  people  of  Ohio  to  form  a  State 
Government,  provision  was  made  for  "laying  out  and  making  public  roads ^ leading 
from  the  navigable  waters  emptying  into  the  Atlantic  to  the  Ohio,  to  the  said  State 
and  through  the  same,  such  roads  to  be  laid  out  under  the  authority  of  Congress, 
with  the  consent  of  the  several  States  through  which  the  road  shall  pass."  And  so 
by  other  acts  passed  in  1803,  1811,  1816,  1817, 1818, 1819,  and  1820,  the  means  were 
enlarged  for  the  same  object ;  the  latter  act  making  provision  for  the  extension  of 
the  road  to  the  confines  of  Missouri,  and  avowing  in  its  preamble  as  one  object 
the  increase  in  the  value  of  the  public  lands. 

Pursuant  to  these  provisions,  Congress  by  the  Act  of  1806  authorized  the  con 
struction  of  a  national  road  from  Cumberland  in  Maryland  to  the  Ohio,  and  by  the 
act  of  1825,  directed  its  continuation  through  the  States  of  Ohio,  Indiana,  Illinois, 
and  to  the  seat  of  Government  of  the  State  of  Missouri. 

The  States  interested  in  providing  ample  commercial  intercourse  between  the 
Mississippi  and  the  Atlantic,  not  only  consent  that  the  work  shall  be  performed  by 
Conoress,  but  they  earnestly  invoke  the  exercise  of  that  power. 

If  it  be  true  that  by  opening  a  communication  by  canals  between  the  Mississippi 
River,  Lake  Michigan,  and  thence  to  the  Atlantic  seaboard,  Congress  facilitates, 
commerce  among  the  States  and  with  foreign  nations,  and  shall  thus  convey  to  the 
markets  of  the  world  that  vast  amount  of  wealth  which  is  now  produced  by  the 
agriculture  of  the  great  Western  States  of  our  Union,  and  which  is$  capable  of  being 
and  will  be  vastly  extended  (as  soon  as  there  are  facilities  for  carrying  it  to  market),, 
who  can  doubt  that  the  general  welfare  will  be  promoted  thereby. 

In  the  very  amusing  and  characteristic  speech  of  Mr.  Rnggles  at  the  convention 
(who  may  justly  be  said  to  be  the  best  informed  and  soundest  statistician  of  pur 
country,  and  who  has  devoted  a  lifetime  to  the  consideration  of  the  internal  im 
provements  of  our  State  and  nation)  we  find  that  during  the  last  year  there  were 
sent  from  New  York  in  the  agricultural  products  of  the  above  States,  the  enormous. 


614  APPENDIX    C. 

sum  of  one  hundred  millions  of  dollars,  which  is  only  the  one  fifth  part  of  what  they 
are  capable  of  producing. 

To  open  the  avenues  of  commerce  in  the  direction  and  by  the  means  indicated 
of  this  vast  accumulation  of  wealth,  would,  by  drawing  into  intimate  communion 
the  commercial  and  social  relations  of  the  West  and  the  East,  necessarily  tend  u  to 
form  a  more  perfect  Union,"  and  would  greatly  "promote  the  general  welfare." 
This  being  so,  the  Congress  has  the  unquestionable  power  to  pass  such  laws  as  are 
necessary  and  proper  (that  is,  as  are  expedient)  to  provide  the  channels  of  commerce 
required  to  that  end;  and  that  Congress  has  the  power  to'raise  the  necessary  funds 
by  taxation,  or  any  other  usual  means  to  carry  out  this  beneficent  purpose. 

Your  friend  and  servant,  J.  A.  II. 


APPENDIX  C. 

EXAMINATION  OF  THE  POWER  OF  THE    PRESIDENT    TO  REMOTE   FROM   OFFICE    DURING 
THE  RECESS  OF  THE  SENATE. 

Is  this  power  conferred  by  the  Constitution? 

Answer. — It  is  not,  as  will  clearly  appear  by  the  following  examination  of  that 
instrument. 

If  this  power  is  not  so  conferred,  ought  it  to  be  continued? 

Answer. — Experience  conclusively  proves  that  it  ought  not  to  be  continued. 

To  this  point  we  invite  the  earnest  attention  of  the  people  of  the  United  States, 
cot  as  a  party  issue,  but  as  one  which  involves  the  purity  of  our  Government  and 
the  highest  interests  of  our  country. 

The  experience  of  the  past  thirty  years  proves  that  the  exercise  of  the  power  of 
removal  by  the  President,  thus  making  the  offices  of  government  "  the  spoils  of  vic 
tory"  has  degraded  the  country  by  corrupting  the  parties  and  the  people. 

It  is  now  established  as  almost  indispensable  to  success  in  every  party  struggle 
in  the  general,  State,  or  municipal  governments  through  the  land,  that  the  offices  of 
honor  and  of  profit  should  be  thrown  into  the  arena  as  the  prizes  of  victory,  and 
that  they  are  to  be  bestowed  as  the  reward  of  the  most  skilful  and  most  unscrup 
ulous  partisan  of  the  one  party  or  the  other. 

We  believe  this  to  be  the  condition  of  all  parties,  and  that  one  of  the  greatest 
obstacles  to  a  salutary  change  will  arise  from  the  fear  that  any  party  which  should 
avow  its  determination  to  return  to  the  course  of  the  early  period  of  our  Govern 
ment,  when,  as  Mr.  Jefferson  said,  "  few  died  and  none  resigned,"  such  party  losing 
the  services  of  the  base  hirelings,  would  risk  its  predominance. 

These  obvious  truths,  no  intelligent  and  honest  observer  will  deny. 

What  are  the  consequences  of  this  course  of  our  public  affairs  ?  Offices  and  their 
rewards  are  vastly  increased  that  the  number  of  recruits  and  retainers  may  be  ade 
quately  rewarded. 

The  choice  of  persons  to  fill  the  offices  is  not  guided  by  their  fitness  for  the 
places,  by  their  integrity  or  intelligence. 

The  officers  are  in  all  things  governed  "  by  a  blind  devotion  to  a  party  or  the  head 
of  a  party  ;  "  they  are  required  to  contribute  out  of  their  salaries  or  emoluments  to 
the  support  of  their  party,  consequently  they  require  and  receive  increased  salaries, 
or  they  purloin  public  money  to  meet  these  contributions,  and  thus  in  either  way 
the  Public  Treasury  is  made  to  bear  the  burden  of  party  services. 

Mr.  Calhoun,  in  1835,  said  in  a  report  to  the  Senate: 

"  When  offices,  instead  of  being  considered  as  public  trusts  to  be  conferred  on  the  de 
serving,  were  regarded  as  the  spoils  of  victory  to  be  bestowed  as  rewards  for  partisan  services 
without  respect  to  merit ;  when  it  came  to  be  understood  that  all  who  hold  office,  hold  by 
tenure  of  partisan  and  pjirty  services,  it  is  easy  to  see  that  the  certain,  direct,  and  inevitable 


APPENDIXC    C.  615 

tendency  of  such  a  state  of  things  is  to  convert  the  entire  body  of  those  in  office  into  corrupt 
and  supple  instruments  of  power,  and  to  raise  up  a  host  of  hungry,  greedy,  and  subservient 
partisans  for  every  service,  however  base  and  corrupt. 

"  Were  a  premium  offered  for  the  best  means  of  extending  the  power  of  patronage,  to 
destroy  the  love  of  country,  and  to  substitute  a  spirit  of  subserviency  and  man-worship,  to 
encourage  vice,  and  discourage  virtue  ;  and  in  a  word  to  prepare  for  the  subversion  of  liberty, 
and  the  establishment  of  despotism,  no  scheme  more  perfect  could  be  devised." 

This  is  the  language  of  truth,  uttered  by  a  wise  nnd  experienced  statesman. 

The  same  course  of  remark  would  be  applicable  to  the  administration  of  the 
Executive  power  of  our  government  in  regard  to  contracts,  jobs,  and  purchases, 
which  are  made  and  given  to  secure  or  to  reward  partisan  services,  and  oftentimes 
of  the  basest  and  most  corrupting  character,  and  by  one  means  or  the  other  of  in 
creasing  the  public  expenditures  vastly  beyond  the  necessities  of  the  Government. 

We  now  proceed  to  prove  that  the  power  of  removal  from  office  is  not  conferred 
upon  the  President  alone,  by  the  Constitution ;  expressly,  or  by  necessary  impli 
cation. 

There  is  certainly  no  such  express  power. 

This  question  was  first  discussed  in  Congress  in  1789  (see  Benton's  Abridgment, 
vol.  1,  page  85,  and  also  Gale's  Annals),  on  the  resolution  moved  by  Mr.  Madison  in 
the  House  of  Representatives  to  establish  the  Executive  Departments : 

"  It  is  the  opinion  of  the  Committee,  that  there  shall  be  established  an  Executive  Depart 
ment,  to  be  denominated  the  Department  of  Foreign  Affairs ;  at  the  head  of  which  there  shall 
be  an  officer,  to  be  called  the  Secretary  of  the  Department  of  Foreign  Affairs,  who  shall  be 
appointed  by  the  President,  by  and  with  the  advice  and  consent  of  the  Senate ;  and  to  be  re 
movable  by  the  President." 

It  was  moved  to  strike  out  the  words  "  by  and  with  the  advice  and  consent  of 
the  Sennte,"  on  the  ground  that  "  they  were  unnecessary,  and  looked  as  if  they  were 
conferring  power." 

After  debate,  they  were  struck  out. 

The  last  clause,  "to  be  removable  by  the  President,"  was  objected  to  because  it 
gave  the  power  of  removal  to  the  President  alone. 

After  a  very  long  and  interesting  discussion,  wherein  it  was  insisted  on  one  side  by 
Sherman,  Bland,  and  others,  "  that  the  power  of  removal  was  included  in  the  power 
of  appointment,  and  could  only  be  exercised  in  concurrence  with  the  Senate,"  and 
by  Madison,  Vining,  Clymer,  and  others,  ''that  it  was  an  Executive  power,"  and 
was  given  to  the  President  alone,  by  Article  2,  section  1,  clause  1. 

In  Committee  of  the  Whole  the  motion  to  strike  out  was  rejected  by  a  slender 
majority.  The  question  afterward  came  up  on  the  bill,  it  was  debated  with  great 
earnestness,  and  it  was  admitted  that  there  was  no  express  power. 

Mr.  Benson,  in  order  to  obtain  a  majority,  moved  to  amend  the  bill  thus,  "  when 
ever  the  said  principal  officer  shall  be  removed  by  the  President,  or  in  any  other 
case  of  vacancy,"  "the  chief  clerk  should,"  &c.  (Gordon's  Digest,  page  26,  art.  205), 
and  to  strike  out  the  words,  "to  be  removable  by  the  President." 

This  amendment  being  accepted  by  Mr.  Madison,  the  bill  was  passed  by  a  very 
small  majority. 

It  is  not  very  clear  that  the  decision  of  the  House,  made  in  those  words,  was  in 
affirmance  of  the  power. 

They  do  not  necessarily  exclude  the  idea  that  such  removal  might  or  could  be 
with  the  concurrence  of  the  Senate,  or  that  the  removal  might  not  be  by  force  of 
an  act  of  Congress  conferring  the  power  on  the  President ;  they  do  not  certainly 
and  directly  affirm  the  constitutional  power  to  remove  by  the  President  alone. 

When  the  bill  came  up  in  the  Senate,  it  was  passed  in  committee  by  the  casting 
vote  of  the  Vice-President,  and  finally  by  one  majority. 

Mr.  Webster,  in  a  speech  in  the  Senate,  in  1835,  referring  to  this  discussion, 
says:  "  After  considering  the  question  again  and  again,  within  the  last  six  years,  I 


considering  the  question  again  and  again, 
say  that,  in  my  deliberate  judgment,  the 
I  cannot  but  think  that  those  who  denied  the  power 


am  willing  to  say  that,  in  my  deliberate  judgment,  the  original  decision  was  wrong, 
not  but  think  that  those  who  denied  the  power  in  1789  had  the  best  of  the 


616  APPENDIX    C. 

argument — it  appears  to  me,  after  thorough,  and  repeated,  and  conscientious  exam 
ination,  that  an  erroneous  interpretation  was  given  to  the  Constitution,  in  this  re 
spect,  by  the  decision  of  the  first  Congress."  Chancellor  Kent  concurred  in  this 
opinion. 

If  the  Constitution  confers  this  power  upon  the  President  alone,  either  directly 
or  by  necessary  implication  ;  it  is  a  power  beyond  the  control  of  Congress,  it  cannot 
be  directed,  limited,  or  abrogated,  and  yet  we  find  that  in  May,  1820  (Gordon's 
Digest,  page  24,  article  195),  an  act  was  passed  declaring  that  the  term  of  office  of 
collectors,  district  attorneys,  and  others  should  be  limited  to  four  years. 

The  cotemporaneous  history  of  the  Constitution  is  against  the  assumption,  that 
this  power  was  conferred  on  the  President  alone. 

No.  77,  of  the  Federalist,  written  by  Hamilton  : 

"It  has  been  mentioned  as  one  of  the  advantages  to  be  expected  from  the  cooperation  of 
the  Senate,  in  the  business  of  appointments,  that  it  would  contribute  to  the  stability  of  the 
administration." 

"  The  consent  of  that  body  would  be  necessary  to  displace  as  well  as  to  appoint.  A  change 
of  the  chief  magistrate,  therefore,  would  not  occasion  so  violent  or  so  general  a  revolution  as 
might  be  expected  if  he  were  the  sole  disposer  of  offices." 

Mr.  Webster,  in  the  speech  before  referred  to,  says  : 

"  The  principle  of  Eepublican  Governments,  we  are  taught,  is  public  virtue,  and  whatever 
tends  to  corrupt  this  principle,  to  debase  it,  or  to  weaken  its  force,  tends  in  the  same  de 
gree  to  the  final  overthrow  of  such  governments. 

''Whenever  personal,  individual,  or  selfish  motives  influence  the  conduct  of  individuals, 
on  public  questions,  they  affect  the  safety  of  the  whole  system. 

"And  all  will  admit  that,  if  these  motives  become  general  and  overwhelming,  so  that  all 
public  principle  is  lost  sight  of,  and  every  election  becomes  a  mere  scramble  lor  office,  the 
system  must  fall. 

"The  unlimited  power  to  grant  office,  and  to  take  it  away,  gives  a  command  over  the 
hopes  and  fears  of  a  vast  multitude  of  men.  In  the  main  it  will  be  found  that  a  power  over 
man's  support  is  a  power  over  his  will.  When  favors,  once  granted,  may  be  withdrawn  at 
pleasure,  there  is  ordinarily  little  security  for  personal  independence  of  character. 

"  The  power  of  giving  office  thus  affects  the  fears  of  all  who  are  an,  and  the  hopes  of  all 
who  are  out  ;  those  who  are  out  endeavor  to  distinguish  themselves  by  active  political  friend 
ship,  by  warm  personal  devotion,  by  the  clamorous  support  of  men  in  who?e  hands  is  the 
power  of  reward,  while  those  who  are  in  take  care  not  to  be  surpassed  in  such  qualities  or 
conduct  as  will  secure  favor. 

"  The  consequence  of  this  is,  that  a  competition  ensues,  not  of  patriotic  labors,  but  of 
complaisances,  of  indiscriminate  support  of  executive  measures,  of  pliant  subserviency,  and 
gross  adulation. 

"The  patronage  of  office,  the  power  of  bestowing  place  and  emoluments,  creates  parties 
not  upon  any  principle  or  any  measure,  but  upon  the  single  ground  of  personal  interest,  and 
thus  they  form  round  a  leader  and  go  for  the  spoils  of  victory ;  if  the  party  chieftain  becomes 
the  national  chieftain,  he  is  apt  to  consider  all  who  oppose  him  as  enemies  to  be  punished, 
and  all  who  have  supported  him  as  friends  to  be  rewarded. 

"  Blind  devotion  to  a  party,  and  to  the  head  of  a  party,  thus  takes  the  place  of  the  senti 
ment  of  genuine  patriotism,  and  a  high  and  exalted  state  of  public  duty." 

/» 

In  order  to  a  clear  understanding  of  this  subject,  we  proceed  to  present  the  vari 
ous  clauses  of  the  Constitution  touching  it. 

By  article  2,  sec.  2,  clause  2,  it  is  provided,  "that  the  President  shall  nominate, 
and  by  and  with  the  advice  and  consent  of  the  Senate  shall  appoint,  ambassadors, 
other  public  ministers,  and  consuls,  judges  of  the  Supreme  Court,  and  all  other  offi 
cers  of  the  United  States,  whose  appointments  are  not  herein  otherwise  provided 
for,  and  which  shall  be  established  by  Congress,  but  the  Congress  mny  by  law  vest 
the  appointment  of  such  inferior  officers  as  they  think  proper  in  the  President  alone, 
in  the  courts  of  la\v,  or  in  the  heads  of  departments." 

The  following  analysis  of  this  clause  will  show  what  power  the  President  has 
under  it. 

1st.    It  gives  the  President  power  to  nominate  (this  is  exclusive). 


APPENDIX    C.  617 

2d.     "With  the  concurrence  of  tho  Senate,  "to  appoint." 

3d.  What  officers?  "  Ambassadors,  other  public  Ministers  and  Consuls,  Judges 
of  the  Supreme  Court,  and  all  other  officers  of  the  United  States,  whose  appoint 
ments  are  not  herein  otherwise  provided  for." 

4th.   What  offices  are  otherwise  provided  for  by  the  Constitution  ? 
1st.   Members  of  the  House  of  Representatives^ 
2d.    Senators. 

3d.   Electors  of  President  and  Vice-President. 
4th.  The  President  and  Vice-President  of  the  United  States. 
5th.  The  Speaker  and  other  officers  of  the  House  of  Kepresentatives. 
6th.  A  President  pro  temporc,  and  other  officers  of  the  Senate. 

5th.  The  President  has  power,  with  the  concurrence  of  the  Senate,  to  appoint 
"all  other  offices"  which  shall  be  established  bylaw.  He  cannot  create  an  office 
by  making  an  appointment  or  otherwise,  because  "all  other  offices  must  be  estab 
lished  by  law." 

6th.  "  Congress  may  by  law  vest  the  appointment  of  such  inferior  officers  as 
they  think  proper,  in  the  President  alone,  in  the  courts  of  law,  or  in  the  heads  of  de 
partments. 

It  will  be  admitted  that,  under  this  branch  of  this  clause,  the  President  alone 
can  appoint  only  such  inferior  officers  as  the  Congress  may  authorize  him  so  to  ap 
point. 

Any  other  appointments  made  by  him  alone,  or  which  are  given  to  the  courts  of 
law  or  the  heads  of  departments,  would  be  a  violation  of  the  Constitution  and  the 
laws. 

It  thus  appears  that  in  every  case  where  the  Constitution  gives  the  President 
power  to  appoint,  it  must  be  with  the  concurrence  of  the  Senate.  (Congress  may 
give  him  power  to  appoint  "  inferior  officers.")  We  except  temporary  appoint 
ments,  which  will  be  hereafter  mentioned. 

If  the  power  of  removal  is  incident  to,  or  a  consequence  of,  the  power  of  appoint 
ment,  it  is  very  certain  that  as  the  incident  cannot  be  more  extensive  than  the 
principal,  the  power  of  removal  must  be  as  limited  and  qualified  as  is  the  power 
whence  it  is  derived  ;  and  consequently,  as  the  power  of  the  President  alone  to  ap 
point  is  limited  to  "inferior  officers,"  and  is  only  conferred  by  act  of  Congress,  the 
power  of  removal  does  not  extend  to  others  than  "  inferior  officers,"  and  must 
always  depend  upon  the  action  of  Congress,  so  also  the  power  to  remove  in  all  other 
cases  than  "  inferior  officers"  (authorized  by  act  of  Congress)  must  be  with  the  con 
currence  of  the  Senate. 

Mr.  Webster,  in  the  speech  referred  to,  says :  "  Nothing  is  said  in  the  Constitu 
tion  about  the  power  of  removal  (except  in  case  of  impeachment),  because  it  is  not 
a  separate  and  distinct  power. 

"  It  is  a  part  of  the  power  of  appointment,  naturally  going  with  it,  and  neces 
sarily  resulting  from  it. 

"  Where  no  other  tenure  is  prescribed,  the  officers  hold  their  places  at  will ;  that 
will  is  necessarily  the  will  of  the  appointing  power,  because  the  exercise  of  appoint 
ment  at  once  displaces  such  officers. 

"  The  power  of  placing  one  man  in  office  necessarily  implies  the  power  of  turn 
ing  another  out,  and  this  is  the  practice  of  the  Government,  and  has  been  so  from 
the  first. 

"  When  the  President  desires  to  remove  a  person  from  office,  he  sends  a  message 
to  the  Senate  nominating  some  other  person. 

"  The  message  usually  runs  in  this  form,  '  I  nominate  A.  B.  to  bo  Collector  of  the 
Customs,  &c.,  in  the  place  of  C.  D.,  removed.' 

"If  the  Senate  advise  and  consent  to  this  nomination,  C.  D.  is  effectually  out  of 
office,  and  A.  B.  is  in  "  his  place." 

This  is  certainly  the  case  when  the  Senate  is  in  session ;  and  such  a  removal 
necessarily  results  from  an  appointment  so  made  ;  that  is  by  the  concurrent  act  of 
the  President  and  Senate,  under  article  2.  section  2,  clause  2. 

But  whence  comes  the  power  to  appoint  when  the  Senate  is  not  in  session,  and 
the  consequent  power  thereby  to  remove? 


618  APPENDIX    C. 

It  is  certainly  without  the  authority  of  the  Constitution,  or  the  law. 

The  removal  to  which  we  refer,  effected  hy  appointment  during  the  recess,  by 
giving  a  commission  to  A.  B.,  appointing  him  Collector,  &c.,  in  place  of  C.  D.,  who, 
at  the  time  such  commission  was  issued,  was  in  that  place  and  performing  its  duties, 
does  not  come  within  the  clause  authorizing  the  President  to  appoint  after  a  nomi 
nation,  with  the  concurrence  of  the  Senate.  Nor  can  it  come  within  that  clause 
which  authorizes  the  President  to  make  a  temporary  appointment  "  to  fill  a  vacan 
cy,'1'1  because,  in  a  case  of  removal  caused  by  an  appointment,  there  is  no  vacancy  to 
be  filled. 

It  will  be  said  that  such  appointments  and  consequent  removals  during  the  re 
cess  are  made  by  authority  of  the  3d  clause  of  article  2,  sec.  2,  which  is  in  these 
words : 

"  The  President  shall  have  the  power  to  Jill  up  all  vacancies  that  may  happen 
daring  the  recess  of  the  Senate,  by  granting  commissions  which  shall  expire  at  the 
end  of  their  next  session." 

Most  certainly  this  cannot  be  properly  said,  because  the  clause  only  authorizes 
the  President  to  grant  commissions  to  fill  up  vacancies,  whereas,  in  the  supposed 
case  and  in  practice,  he  grants  a  commission  to  make  a  vacancy. 

Again — This  clause  only  authorizes  the  President  to  fill  up  vacancies  that  "  may 
happen  "  during  the  recess. 

What  is  the  meaning  of  the  words  "may  happen"  f  They  mean  such  vacancies 
as  result  from  some  "  accidental  occurrence,"  "  without  previous  expectation,"  and 
certainly  not  by  direct  removal,  or  by  an  appointment  which  creates  a  removal. 
Such  an  act  is  premeditated,  and  wants  every  quality  of  an  "accident;il  occurrence." 

In  the  last  case  there  is  no  vacancy,  and  in  no  sense  can  a  vacancy  by  removal 
be  said  to  have  happened — that  is,  to  be  a  casualty.  Vacancies  by  casualty  might 
occur  during  the  recess,  and  it  was  therefore  necessary  to  provide  for  such  vacancies 
by  temporary  appointments. 

It  may  be  remarked  that,  when  this  clause  was  formed,  the  Convention  had  the 
subject  of  vacancies  under  consideration,  and  if  they  had  supposed  it  possible  that 
there  cnuld  be  a  vacancy  by  removal,  during  the  reces?,  they  would  have  made  pro 
vision  for  it,  or  have  applied  this  clause  to  it,  by  saying,  "  or  by  removal  "  after  the 
words  "  may  happen." 

From  these  considerations  it  may  be  confidently  asserted,  that  there  can  be  no 
appointment  to  a  vacancy  occasioned  by  removal  during  the  recess. 

And  that  all  appointments  made  to  fill  vacancies  occasioned  by  removals,  if  such 
there  be,  are  unconstitutional  and  void. 

There  is  no  power  in  Congress,  in  the  Senate,  or  in  the  President,  to  sanction 
such  appointments. 

As  to  the  true  meaning  of  the  words  "may  happen,"  we  refer  with  the  utmost 
confidence  to  No.  77  of  the  Federalist. 

Article  1,  section  3,  clause  2,  declares  ;  "  If  vacancies  happen  by  resignation  or 
otherwise,  during  the  recess  of  the  Legislature  of  any  State,  the  Executive  thereof 
may  make  temporary  appointments  until,"  &c.  The  author  says  :  "  Here  is  an  ex 
press  power,  given  in  clear  and  unambiguous  terms,  to  the  State  Executives  to  fill 
*  casual  vacancies'  in  the  Senate  by  temporary  appointments." 

"We  have  also  the  authority  of  the  same  author — Alexander  Hamilton — in  a  letter 
written  by  him  to  James  McIIenry,  Secretary  of  War,  dated  May  3d,  1799  (ten 
years  after  the  debate  in  Congress  on  the  subject  of  removals),  in  which  he  says  : 
u  In  my  opinion,  vacancy  is  a  relative  term,  and  presupposes  that  the  office  has  been 
once  filled.  If  so,  the  power  to  fill  a  vacancy  is  not  the  power  to  make  an  original 
appointment. 

"  The  terms,  which  may  have  happened,  serve  to  confirm  this  construction.  They 
imply  casualty,  and  denote  such  as,  having  been  once  filled,  have  become  vacant  by 
accidental  circumstances.  *  *  *  * 

"  It  it  clear  that,  independently  of  the  authority  of  a  special  law,  the  President 
cannot  fill  a  vacancy  that  happens  during  the  session  of  the  Senate."  (Hamilton's 
Works,  vol.  5,  page  258.) 

We  have  also  Mr.  Calhoun's  opinion  on  this  construction  of  the  Constitution,  in 


APPENDIX    C.  619 

liis  report  to  the  Senate  in  1835,  on  the  corrupting  influence  of  the  President's  power 
of  removal.  He  says:  "So  long  as  offices  were  considered  as  public  trusts,  to  be 
conferred  on  the  honest,  the  faithful  and  capable,  for  the  common  good,  and  not  for 
the  benefit  and  gain  of  the  incumbent  or  his  party;  and  so  long  as  it  was  the  prac 
tice  of  the  government  to  continue  in  office  those  who  faithfully  performed  their 
duties,  this  patronage,  in  point  of  fact,  was  limited  to  the  mere  power  of  nominating 
to  accidental  vacancies,  or  to  newly  created  offices,  and  could,  of  course,  exercise  but 
a  limited  influence  either  over  the  body  of  the  community  or  office-holders  them 
selves." 

It  is  thus  made  quite  clear  that  this  clause  does  not  authorize  the  President  to 
grant  a  commission  to  fill  a  vacancy  caused  by  removal,  because  that  is  not  a  vacan- 
by  a  "casualty,"  and  that  he  has  not  the  power  to  grant  a  commission  which  by 
appointment  creates  a  vacancy,  because  that  is  not  exercising  the  power  to  fill  a 
vacancy  which  has  already  happened. 

If  the  President  has  the  power  to  create  a  vacancy  by  removal  during  the  recess, 
he  cnn  have  no  power  to  fill  up  such  vacancy,  under  this  or  any  other  clause  of  the 
Constitution. 

It  may  be  stated  with  assured  confidence,  according  to  all  the  rules  of  sound 
construction,  that  as  the  Constitution  has  given  the  power  to  grant  commissions  to 
fill  vacancies  during  the  recess,  in  " particular  and  express  cases,'1''  such  a  grant  ex 
cludes  the  power  to  grant  commissions  in  any  other  cases,  or  "  to  fill  up  vacancies" 
of  any  other  character  than  those  alone  which  are  described ;  and  that  the  power  so 
given  must  be  strictly  followed. 

Therefore  commissions  can  only  be  granted  to  Jill  vacancies,  and  such  'vacancies  as 
are  embraced  by  the  words  "  may  happen  during  the  recess." 

We  consequently  denounce  the  practice  of  appointing  to  office  when  there  is  no 
vacancy  to  be  filled,  or  where  a  vacancy  is  made  by  removal,  as  altogether  without 
and  beside  this  clause,  and  therefore  unconstitutional. 

And  we  go  further,  and  insist  that  Congress  cannot  authorize  commissions  to  be 
granted,  or  appointments  to  be  made  during  the  recess,  because  this  clause  covers 
and  disposes  of  the  whole  subject. 

Admit,  as  has  been  contended,  that  the  power  of  removal  is  an  Executive  power, 
and  is  therefore  vested  in  the  President  alone,  still,  as  the  Constitution  has  defined 
the  character  of  the  vacancy  which  may  be  filled  by  the  President  alone,  by  a  tem 
porary  appointment,  he  has  no  right  to  fill  a  vacancy  occasioned  by  his  power  of 
removal,  or  to  issue  a  commission  appointing  to  an  office  not  vacant  during  the  re 
cess. 

The  following  conclusions  are  advanced  as  inevitable  and  invincible : 

The  President,  if  he  possesses  the  power  of  removal,  cannot  exert  that  power  by 
making  an  appointment  during  the  recess. 

If  the  power  of  removal  results  from  the  power  to  appoint,  there  can  be  no  re 
moval  by  the  President  alone  during  the  session  of  the  Senate. 

If  the  President  alone  has  the  power  to  remove  other  than  "inferior  officers," 
the  vacancy  occasioned  thereby  must  continue  until  the  session  of  the  Senate, 
because  he  has  no  power  to  appoint  without  their  concurrence,  except  in  the  one 
case,  to  wit  •  to  fill  a  vacancy  which  may  happen — that  is,  which  is  the  consequence 
of  an  "accidental  occurrence." 

These  are  all  logical  and  safe  deductions  from  the  various  provisions  of  the  Con 
stitution— whether  the  power  of  removal  by  the  President  alone  be  granted  to  him 
by  article  2,  section  1,  clause  1,  or  whether  it  results  from  the  power  to  appoint. 

We  call  upon  those  who  entertain  the  opinion  that  removal  is  an  Executive 
poicer,  conferred  ly  the  above  clause,  to  show  whence  is  derived  the  power  of  the 
President  to  make  an  appointment,  to  grant  a  commission,  to  fill  a  vacancy  so  made. 

The  Constitution,  article  2,  section  3,  declares,  "  that  the  President,  after  nomi 
nating,  with  the  consent  of  the  Senate,"  shall  "appoint "  "  all  other 
officers  of  the  United  States." 

This  is  the  source  of  all  power  to  appoint,  and  as  granting  a  commission  is  the 
evidence  of  appointment,  it  embraces  the  whole  subject,  except  in  ca^es  of  "inferior 
officers,'1''  which  may  ly  law  be  vested  in  the  President  alone,  and  except  "  to  till  up 
vacancies  that  may  happen  during  the  recess." 


G20  APPENDIX    C. 

To  appoint  "  inferior  officers  "  must  be  by  operation  of  law ;  to  fill  vacancies  and 
issue  temporary  commissions,  are  constitutional  provisions  :  neither  reaches  or  pro 
vides  for  the  case  of  removal  by  appointment  as  an  implied  Executive  power. 

We  challenge  the  advocates  of  this  opinion  to  produce  constitutional  or  legal 
authority  for  the  practice,  which  is  of  common  occurrence  during  the  recess,  of 
issuing  commissions,  and  thus  appointing  one  man  to,  and  removing  another  from 
office. 

The  above  constitutional  and  legal  provisions  do  not  touch  or  authorize  such  ap 
pointments.  There  are  no  others. 

During  the  discussion  in  1T89,  in  the  House  of  Representatives,  as  we  have  seen, 
it  was  insisted  that  the  power  of  removal,  being  an  Executive  power,  was  com 
mitted  to  the  President  alone,  under  article  2,  section  1,  clause  1,  in  these  words, 
"  The  Executive  power  shall  be  vested  in  a  President  of  the  United  States  of 
America." 

This  latitude  of  construction  was  urged  by  Mr.  Madison. 

The  argument  was:  "Removal  is  an  Executive  power ;  all  Executive  powers, 
not  denied  or  placed  elsewhere,  are  vested  in  the  President." 

Let  us,  without  being  carried  away  by  the  influence  of  great  names  (Mr.  Madi 
son  in  favor  of,  with  Webster  and  Hamilton  against,  this  interpretation  of  that 
clause),  proceed  to  test  this  point  by  the  rules  of  sound  construction  (by  the  spirit 
which  guided  those  who  formed  that  Constitution,  and  by  the  feelings  and  opinions 
of  the  people  to  whose  adoption  it  was  submitted),  in  regard  to  Executive  power 
and  prerogative. 

In  the  first  place,  if  this  clause  had  been  intended  to  be  a  grant  of  power,  the 
Convention,  governed  by  that  wise  forecast  which  distinguished  them,  would  have 
declared,  "  All  Executive  power,  not  otherwise  conferred  or  denied  by  this  Constitu 
tion,  shall  be  vested  in  a  President  of  the  United  States." 

When  the  illustrious  men  who  assembled  to  perform  that  great  work,  "  a  Con 
stitution  of  government  for  the  people  of  the  United  States,"  their  first  effort  in 
"  arranging  a  system  of  organization  "  was,  to  decide  how  many  and  what  depart 
ments  there  should  be. 

They  decided  that  there  should  be  three  great  departments :  The  Legislative,  the 
Executive,  the  Judicial.  And  as  next  in  order,  their  constituent  parts,  the  mode  of 
their  choice,  and  their  respective  powers,  and  in  doing  this  they  had  to  deal  with 
every  variety  of  suggestion  and  opinion. 

The  system  of  organization  having  been  thus  completed,  they  proceeded  to  de 
clare  : 

Art.  1.  u  All  Legislative  powers  herein  granted  shall  be  vested  in  a  Congress  of 
the  United  States,  which  shall  consist  of  a  Senate  and  House  of  Representatives." 

Art.  2.  "  The  Executive  power  shall  be  vested  in  a  President  of  the  United 
States  of  America  "  (not  "  all  Executive  power  herein  granted,"  as  in  the  case  of  the 
Legislative.) 

Art.  3.  "  The  Judicial  power  of  the  United  States  shall  be  vested  in  one  Supremo 
Court,  and  in  such  inferior  courts  as  the  Congress  may  from  time  to  time  ordain 
and  establish." 

This  done,  they  proceeded  in  each  case,  and  under  each  article,  to  declare  speci 
fically  and  in  detail  what  powers  were  conferred  on  each  department,  and  what 
were  denied. 

This  allotment  and  detail  of  powers  proves  that  the  first  article  in  each  case  was 
intended  as  a  mere  designation  of  a  department,  and  not  a  grant  of  power  to  either 
of  those  great  departments. 

It  is  very  certain  the  assumption,  that  these  articles  were  to  be  considered  as 
granting,  or  as  intending  to  grant,  powers,  would  have  made  the  government,  in 
stead  of  it  being,  as  it  is,  one  of  precise  and  delegated  powers,  one  of  an  unlimited 
character,  and  particularly  would  this  be  the  case  as  to  the  Executive,  in  regard  to 
which  the  people  entertained  a  morbid  sensibility,  and  indulged  an  unreasonable 
jealousy. 

On  examining  the  detail  of  powers  piven  and  denied  to  the  respective  great  de 
partments,  many  of  those  which  are  universally  recognized  as  executive  powers  are 
expressly  conferred  on  the  Legislature. 


APPENDIX    C.  621 

The  power  "  to  declare  war,  to  coin  money  and  regulate  the  value  thereof,"  while 
the  power  to  make  treaties,  to  appoint  to  office,  clearly  executive  powers,  are  given 
to  the  President,  together  with  the  Senate ;  on  the  other  hand,  the  President  has  the 
unqualified  power  to  receive  ambassadors  and  other  public  ministers,  to  commission 
all  officers ;  with  one  exception,  to  grant  reprieves,  and  pardons  for  offences  against 
the  United  States,  to  command  the  army  and  navy  of  the  United  States  and  the 
militia  of  the  several  States  when  called  into  the  service  of  the  United  States;  to 
require  the  opinions  in  writing  of  the  heads  of  departments;  to  see  that  the  laws 
are  faithfully  executed  ;  on  extraordinary  occasions  to  convene  both  houses  or  either 
of  them,  and  in  case  of  disagreement  to  adjourn  the  Legislature.  He  has  also  a 
qualified  veto. 

In  this  enumeration  of  executive  powers,  some  so  very  unimportant,  we  do  not 
find  that  "  dangerous  power  "  of  removal,  as  Mr.  Madison  calls  it. 

Can  it  be  supposed  that  this  was  a  careless  omission? 

The  attention  of  the  Convention  was  directed  to  one  case  of  removal,  by  im 
peachment,  it  was  directed  to  vacancies  during  the  recess,  and  yet  the  va*t  power 
of  removal  by  the  President  alone,  we  are  told,  was  left  to  inference,  to  construction, 
and  yet  vacancies,  occasioned  by  its  exercise  during  the  recess,  are  not  to  be  filled 
until  the  session  of  the  Senate. 

It  is  surely  much  more  reasonable  to  believe  the  Convention  intended  that  the 
only  removal  by  the  President  could  be  made  by  appointment,  by  and  with  the  ad 
vice  and  consent  of  the  Senate. 

We  recur  on  this  subject  with  great  confidence  to  the  opinions  of  the  great  "  de 
fender  of  the  Constitution,"  in  the  speech  referred  to. 

"  The  most  plausible  reason  brought  forward  on  that  occasion  (the  discussion  of  1789)  may 
be  fairly  stated  thus :  The  executive  power  is  vested  in  the  President — this  is  the  general  rule 
of  the  Constitution. 

u  The  association  of  the  Senate  with  the  President  in  exercising  a  particular  function  be 
longing  to  executive  power  is  an  exception  to  this  general  rule,  and  exceptions  to  general  rules 
are  to  be  taken  strictly.  Therefore,  though  the  Senate  partakes  of  the  appointing  power  by 
express  provision,  yet,  as  nothing  is  said  of  its  participation  in  the  removing  power,  such  par 
ticipation  is  to  be  excluded. 

"The  error  of  this  argument  lies  in  this:  it  supposes  the  power  of  removal  to  be  held 
by  the  President,  under  the  general  grant  of  executive  power. 

"  Now,  it  is  certain  that  the  power  of  appointment  is  not  held  under  the  general  grant, 
hecause  it  is  particularly  provided  for,  and  is  conferred  in  express  terms  on  the  President  and 
the  Senate. 

"So  that  the  spirit  of  the  very  rule  on  which  the  argument  of  1789,  as  I  have  stated  it, 
relies,  appears  to  me  to  produce  a  directly  opposite  result, 

"The  true  application  of  that  rule  of  construction,  thus  relied  upon,  would  present  the 
argument  in  this  form  :  The  appointing  power  is  vested  in  the  President  and  Senate,  this  is 
the  general  rule  of  the  Constitution. 

"  The  removing  power  is  part  of  the  appointing  power,  it  cannot  be  separated  from  the 
rest,  but  by  supposing  that  an  exception  was  intended  ;  but  all  exceptions  to  general  rules  must 
be  taken  strictly,  even  when  expressed ;  and  for  a  much  stronger  reason  they  are  not  to  be  im 
plied  when  not  expressed,  unless  inevitable  necessity  of  construction  requires  it. 

"I  must  still  express  my  conviction  that  the  decision  of  Congress  in  1789,  which  sepa 
rated  the  power  of  removal  from  the  power  of  appointment,  was  founded  on  an  erroneous 
construction  of  the  Constitution. 

"  I  have  the  clearest,  conviction  that  they  (the  Convention)  looked  to  no  other  mode  of 
displacing  an  officer  than  by  impeachment,  or  by  the  regular  appointment  of  another  per 
son  to  the  same  place. 

"  I  believe  it  to  be  within  the  just  power  of  Congress  to  reverse  the  decision'of  1789,  and 
I  mean  to  hold  myself  at  liberty  to  act  hereafter,  upon  that  question,  as  I  shall  think  the 
safety  of  the  Government  and  of  the  Constitution  may  require. 

u  Let  it  always  be  remembered  that  the  President's  removing  power,  as  now  exercised,  is 
claimed  and  held  under  the  general  clause,  vesting  in  him  the  executive  authority.  It  is  im 
plied  or  inferred  from  that  clause." 

It  is  well  known  that  there  are  other  powers,  as  clearly  executive  as  is  that  of 
removal,  which  are  not  conferred  or  denied  by  the  Constitution,  to  wit: 


622  APPENDIX    C. 

The  power  to  grant  charters  of  incorporation  to  cities  and  towns,  and  to  associa 
tions  of  individuals,  for  tlie  purposes  of  trade  and  commerce,  and  also  the  power  to 
establish  ''fairs  and  markets"  (see  Blackstone's  Commentaries,  "Prerogative"}, 
which  by  the  same  rule  of  interpretation  must  be  "  vested "  in  the  President,  as 
well  as  that  of  removal.  Why  not? 

The  argument  is  ;  the  power  of  removal  is  an  executive  power ;  as  all  executive 
powers  not  given  or  denied  are  vested  in  the  President,  by  article  2d,  this  power  of 
removal,  the  power  to  grant  charters,  the  power  to  establish  "fairs  and  markete," 
and  all  other  executive  powers,  are  also  vested  in  him  alone. 

It  is  not  to  be  believed  that  the  advocates  of  this  latitudinarian  construction  will 
be  willing  to  push  their  opinions,  at  this  time  of  day,  to  their  legitimate  and  logical 
results. 

In  No.  69  of  the  Federalist  there  will  be  found  an  enumeration  of  the  powers  of 
the  President,  and  a  comparison  of  these  with  those  of  the  Governor  of  New  York 
and  of  the  King  of  Great  Britain. 

The  power  of  removal  by  the  President  alone  is  not  found  in  this  enumeration, 
but  the  power  to  "erect  corporations,  with  all  the  rights  incident  to  corporate 
bodies,"  and  to  "  establish  fairs  and  markets,"  are  referred  to  as  clearly  defined  ex 
ecutive  powers,  not  given  to  the  President. 

The  inference  is  a  strong  one,  that  all  executive  powers,  if  any,  not  denied  or 
elsewhere  conferred,  are  not  vested  in  the  President,  by  the  clause  now  under  ex 
amination. 

No  part  of  the  Constitution  was  so  unscrupulously  assailed  during  the  discussion 
before  the  people,  or  in  their  Conventions,  as  was  the  executive  power. 

And  as  far  as  our  researches  have  extended  we  not  find  that  this  dangerous  pow 
er,  on  this  unlimited  and  dangerous  construction  of  the  Constitution,  was  ever  hinted 
at,  as  being  vested  in  the  President,  or  as  having  been  supposed  to  be. 

Influenced  by  these  considerations,  we  are  compelled  to  believe  that,  in  the  ar 
rangement  of  the  system  of  organization  by  the  builders  of  "  The  Great  Temple  of 
Human  Liberty,"  the  clause  referred  to  was  intended  to  be  a  mere  designation  of  the 
executive  office,  and  was  in  no  respect  to  be  deemed  a  grant  of  power. 

If  this  be  so,  there  remains  no  ground  whatever  on  which  to  rest  this  claim  of 
power,  a  power  which,  in  its  practical  operation,  as  exercised  since  1829,  has  tended 
more  to  degrade  the  parties  and  politicians  of  our  country  than  all  other  powers 
or  practices. 

It  has  essentially  thrown  all  the  offices  of  the  government  into  the  arena  of 
party,  to  be  scrambled  for,  and  clutched  as  "the  spoils  of  victory,"  by  the  most  un 
scrupulous  demagogues  and  knaves. 

The  power  of  removal  was  not  known  to  have  been  used  until  1829,  to  reward 
or  punish  party  services  or  offences.  The  whole  number  of  removals  during  forty 
years,  from  1789,  did  not  exceed  seventy-three,  more  than  half  of  which  were  made 
by  Mr.  Jefferson,  as  we  learn  from  "  Parton's  Life  of  Jackson."  He  further  says,  re 
ferring  to  the  removals  in  1829  :  "  The  estimate  of  2,000  includes  all  who  lost  their 
places  in  consequence  of  General  Jackson's  accession  to  power,  and  though  the  ex 
act  number  cannot  now  be  ascertained,  I  fear  it  will  not  be  less  than  two  thousand." 

Admitting  that  the  decision  of  1V89  and  that  the  law  of  1820  distinctly  recognize 
the  power  of  the  President  alone  to  remove,  and  that  the  Constitution,  by  article  2, 
vests  this  power  in  him,  we  aver  that  those  laws  and  this  article  cannot  confer  upon 
the  President  alone  the  power  to  make  an  appointment  or  to  grant  a  commission, 
because  both  of  these  powers  are  expressly  provided  for  by  article  2,  section  2, 
clauses  2  and  3. 

If  the  advocates  of  this  executive  power  shall  insist  that  the  power  of  removal 
draws  after  it  the  power  to  appoint,  they  must  admit  that  the  power  given  to  the 
Senate,  to  remove  by  a  sentence,  upon  the  trial  and  conviction  upon  impeachment, 
gives  that  body  the  power,  in  such  cases,  to  appoint. 

The  potency  of  removal,  in  the  last  case,  must  be  equal  to  that  of  the  former. 
Both  are  absurd. 

If  removal  is  an  undefined  power,  it  might  ba  reached  under  clause  16  of  section 
8,  article  1,  which  gives  the  Congress  power  "  to  make  all  laws  which  shall  be 


APPENDIX    C.  623 

necessary  and  proper  for  carrying;  into  execution  the  foregoing  powers  "  (all  powers 
enumerated  in  that  section),  "  and  all  other  powers  vested  by  this  Constitution  in 
the  Government  of  the  United  States,  or  any  department  or  officer  therof." 

Removal  is  a  power  vested  by  the  Constitution  in  the  Government. 

If  it  is  not  included  in  the  power  of  appointment  (we  think  it  is),  if  it  is  not 
vested  in  the  President  by  article  2,  which  assumption  we  are  confident  cannot  be 
sustained,  let  an  act  be  passed,  declaring  that  the  President  shall  have  power  to  sus 
pend  any  officer  during  the  recess,  for  cause,  and  to  appoint  another  in  his  place 
until  the  end  of  the  next  session  of  the  Senate;  and,  whenever  the  Senate  shall  be 
in  session,  he  shall  nominate  the  person  so  temporarily  appointed  to  the  Senate,  or 
some  other,  and  with  their  advice  and  consent  shall  appoint  him  to  office,  and  with 
such  nomination  he  shall  state  the  cause  for  such  suspension ;  and  farther,  that 
whenever  the  President  shall  nominate  to  the  Senate  a  person  to  fill  a  place  thus 
occupied  by  another,  he  shall  give  his  reasons  for  the  removal  of  such  incumbent. 

This  course,  while  it  would  afford  to  the  President  all  the  power  necessary  to  en 
force  the  laws,  would  secure  officers  against  the  exercise  of  a  selfish  or  capricious 
control. 

Suspension  and  removal,  being  exceptional  and  for  cause,  would  be  considered 
disgraceful,  whereas  the  existing  practice  of  removal  for  opinion's  sake  removes  all 
idea  of  disgrace. 

The  stability  of  administration  would  be  secured,  and  the  public  would  be  much 
better  served. 

But,  above  all,  the  hope  of  spoils  being  blasted,  the  sordid,  selfish,  and  degraded 
demagogues  would  be  compelled  to  seek  their  bread  by  some  other  employment. 


RESULTS. 

First.  The  Constitution  has  not  vested  the  power  of  removal  in  the  President 
alone,  expressly  or  by  necessary  implication. 

Second.  The  second  article  is  not  a  grant  of  all  executive  power,  not  denied  or 
given  elsewhere. 

Third.  The  power  of  removal  is  embraced  by  and  results  from  the  power  of  ap 
pointment. 

Fourth.  If  the  power  of  removal  is  vested  in  the  President,  he  has  no  power  to 
appoint  during  the  recess,  in  order  to  fill  a  vacancy  occasioned  by  the  exercise  of  that 
power. 

Fifth.  The  President  has  no  power  to  make  an  appointment,  or  issue  a  commis 
sion,  during  the  recess,  except  "  to  Jill  a  vacancy"  occasioned  by  an  "  accidental 
occurrence." 

Sixth.  Removal  by  the  President,  if  he  has  the  power,  does  not  create  a  vacancy 
which  he  can  fill  by  granting  a  commission  during  the  recess. 

Seventh.  If  the  power  of  removal  is  not  vested  by  the  Constitution  in  the  Presi 
dent  alone,  the  Congress  has  power  to  repeal  all  laws  now  existing  which  affirm  or 
admit  such  a  power,  and  to  declare  that  it  is  a  power  resulting  from  the  power  of 
appointment,  to  be  exercised  with  the  concurrence  of  the  Senate. 

J.  A.  H. 


624  APPENDIX    D. 

APPENDIX  D. 

PROPERTY  IN  MAN. 

LETTER  FROM  HON.  JAMES  A.  HAMILTON  ON  THE  DOCTRINE  OF  THE  CONSTITU 
TION  CONCERNING  SLAVERY. 


"  Every  man  has  a  property  in  his  own  person  ;  this  nobody  has  a  right  to  but  himself." — 
Locke. 

"  Natural  liberty  is  the  gift  of  the  beneficent  Creator  of  the  whole  human  race." — 
Hamilton. 

"Slavery  is  a  system  of  outrage  and  robbery." — Socrates. 

"Slavery  is  a  system  of  the  most  complete  injustice." — Plato. 

"  No  man  by  nature  is  the  property  of  another." — Dr.  Johnson. 

"  Slavery  in  all  its  forms,  in  all  its  degrees,  is  a  violation  of  Divine  law,  and  a  degrada 
tion  of  human  nature," — Brissot. 

"Not  only  does  the  Christian  religion,  but  nature  herself  cry  out  against  the  state  of 
Slavery."—  Pope  Leo  X. 

"The  wise  and  good  men  throughout  all  time,  and  the  Christian  Church  throughout  all 
the  world,  with  an  unimportant  exception  during  a  brief  period  in  our  own  country,  have  de 
nounced  '  Slavery '  as  '  an  atrocious  debasement  of  human  nature.'  " — Franklin. 


Chief  Justice  Taney  has  authoritatively  declared  "  the  right  of  property  in  a 
slave  is  distinctly  and  expressly  affirmed  in  the  Constitution  " — and  Southern  men 
generally,  with  their  allies  in  the  North,  insist  that  the  Constitution  of  the  United 
States,  proprio  vigore,  carries  Slavery  wherever  it  reaches;  nnd  that,  as  property, 
they  have  a  right  to  take  their  slaves  into  the  Territories  of  the  United  States — there 
to  be  protected  by  a  slave  code,  to  be  enacted  by  Congress.  We  believe  we  thus 
state  the  assumptions  of  the  slave-holders  and  their  party  as  fully  and  distinctly  as 
they  are  asserted;  and  we  now  intend  to  prove  to  the  satisfaction  of  every  en 
lightened  and  disinterested  reader  that  the  declaration  of  the  Chief  Justice,  and 
these  assumptions  founded  thereon,  are  icholly  groundless. 

The  Chief  Justice  has  not  quoted  those  parts  of  the  Constitution  onm  which  his 
judgment  is  founded.  We,  however,  intend  to  present  every  word  of  that  "great 
charter  of  human  liberty  "  which  is  or  can  be  claimed  to  refer  to  this  subject,  and 
then,  by  the  cotemporaneous  history  of  the  formation  of  that  Constitution,  the  de 
clarations  of  its  most  distinguished  members,  and  the  action  of  the  Convention  itself, 
to  prove  beyond  all  question  that  it  wras  the  purpose  of  all  to  exclude  Slavery,  and 
all  idea  that  there  could  be  property  in  man  from  that  instrument.  And  next,  by  a 
candid  analysis  of  all  its  provisions  touching  this  subject,  to  prove  that  such  purpose 
of  the  Convention  was  carried  out  faithfully  and  skilfully. 

THE  PROVISIONS  OF  THE  CONSTITUTION. 

Art.  4,  Section  2,  Clause  3. — No  person  held  to  service  or  labor  in  one  State,  under  the 
laws  thereof,  escaping  into  another,  shall,  in  consequence  of  any  law  or  regulation  therein, 
be  discharged  from  such  service  or  labor,  but  shall  be  delivered  up  on  claim  of  the  party  to 
whom  such  service  or  labor  shall  be  due. 

Art.  1,  Sec.  9,  Clause  1. — The  migration  or  importation  of  such  persons  as  any  of  the 
States  now  existing  think  proper  to  admit,  shall  not  be  prohibited  by  the  Congress  prior  to 
the  year  1808,  but  a  tax  or  duty  may  be  imposed  on  such  importation,  not  exceeding  $10 
for  each  person. 

Art.  1,  Sec.  2,  Clause  3. — Representatives  and  direct  taxes  shall  be  apportioned  among 
the  several  States  which  may  be  included  within  this  Union,  according  to  their  respective 
numbers,  which  shall  be  determined  by  adding  to  the  whole  number  of  free  persons,  including 


APPENDIX.  625 

those  bound  to  service  for  a  term  of  years,  and  excluding  Indians  not  taxed,  three  fifths  of 
all  other  persons. 

Art.  4,  Sec.  4.— The  United  States  shall  protect  each  of  the  States  *  *  *  on  application 
of  the  Legislature  or  of  the  Executive  (when  the  Legislature  cannot  be  convened),  against 
domestic  violence. 

First,  the  cotemporaneous  history :  In  Convention  (see  Madison  and  Elliott's 
debates)  Madison  said  he  "thought  it  wrong  to  admit  in  the  Constitution  the  idea 
that  there  could  be  property  in  man.  We  intend  this  Constitution  to  be  the  great 
charter  of  human  liberty  to  the  unborn  millions  who  may  enjoy  its  protection,  and 
who  shall  never  see  that  such  an  institution  was  ever  known  in  their  midst."  The 
Convention  concurring  in  these  opinions  without  debate,  unanimously  resolved  that 
the  words  "Slave"  and  "Slavery"  should  be  stricken  out;  and  the  words  "such 
person  "  and  "other  persons  "  should  be  substituted  wherever  they  occurred. 

On  motion  of  Randolph,  of  Virginia,  the  word  "servitude"  was  stricken  out  and 
"service"  was  unanimously  inserted;  the  former  being  thought  to  express  the  con 
dition  of  slaves,  and  the  latter  the  obligations  of  free  persons. — \MadisoiS a  Delates. 
p.  1,569.] 

Gouverneur  Morris,  a  delegate  from  Pennsylvania,  who  was  as  much  opposed  to 
Slavery  as  were  Washington,  Madison,  Randolph,  George  Mason,  or  Franklin,  says, 
in  a  letter  to  a  friend,  "The  hand  which  writes  this  letter  wrote  the  Constitution." 
To  avoid  prolixity,  we  do  not  give  all  the  declarations  of  members  to  the  effect 
"that  man  could  not  have  property  in  man."  Mr.  Gerry  said,  "as  Congress  would 
have  no  power  over  the  institution  within  the  States,  we  ought  to  be  careful  to  lend 
no  sanction  to  it.  When  the  amendment,  now  a  part  of  the  Constitution,  declaring 
that  "  no  person  shall  be  deprived  of  life,  liberty,  or  property  without  due  process 
of  law,"  was  debated  in  the  Virginia  Convention,  the  Convention  felt  that  this  would 
be  fatal  to  all  future  right  to  property  in  man ;  and  therefore  proposed  to  make  it 
read  "no  free  man  shall  be  deprived  of  life,  liberty,  and  property  without,"  &c. 

In  the  House  of  Representatives  in  1789,  on  the  Resolution  upon  Import  Duties, 
Mr.  Parker  moved  to  insert  a  clause  imposing  a  duty  on  the  importation  of  slaves. 
Roger  Sherman,  a  member  of  the  Convention  from  Connecticut,  "  could  not  recon 
cile  himself  to  the  insertion  of  human  beings  as  an  article  of  duty  among  goods,"  &c. 
"  The  Constitution  does  not  consider  these  persons  as  a  species  of  property."  Mr.  Madi 
son  said :  u  It  is  hoped  that  by  expressing  a  national  disapprobation  of  this  trade,  we 
may  destroy  it;  and  save  ourselves  from  reproaches  and  our  posterity  from  the  im- 
lecility  ever  attendant  on  a  country Jilled  with  slaves."  *  *  "Every  addition  they 
(Georgia  and  South  Carolina)  receive  to  the  number  of  their  slave?  tends  to  weaken, 
and  render  them  less  capable  of  self-defence.  In  case  of  hostilities  with  foreign 
nations,  they  will  be  the  means  of  inviting  attack  instead  of  repelling  invasion." 
Mr.  Jackson,  of  Georgia,  in  the  course  of  the  same  debate,  referred  to"  the  fact  that 
"white  slaves  were  imported  from  all  the  jails  in  Europe;  wretches  convicted  of 
the  most  flagrant  crimes  were  brought  in  and  sold  without  any  duty  whatever."  He 
opposed  the  duty  upon  slaves. 

These  facts  prove  incontestably  that  it  was  the  deliberate  purpose,  not  of  indi 
vidual  members  alone,  but  of  the  Convention,  to  exclude  from  the  Constitution,  not 
only  the  hated  word  "Slave"  but  the  detested  thing  "  Slavery ; "  and  we  have, 
therefore,  the  right  to  insist— before  it  can  be  asserted  with  any  title  to  our  respect, 
that  this  august  and  intelligent  body  affirmed  or  established  "  the  right  of  property  in 
a  slave,"  and  thus  reversed  the  established  law  of  Nature  on  that  subject — that  the 
language  of  the  Constitution  should  be  found  to  be  so  explicit  as  to  be  irresistible. 
Instead  of  this  being  the  case,  we  boldly  and  defiantly  assert  that  upon  an  intelligent 
examination  of  each  and  all  the  clauses  quoted  above,  it  will  be  found  that  such  an 
idea  is  distinctly  excluded  therefrom. 

The  Chief  Justice  says,  "The  Constitution  has  always  been  remarkable" 
"  for  the  perspicuity  and  appropriateness  of  the  language  it  used." 

And  now  we  proceed  to  show  that  the  Constitution,  with  language  singularly 
perspicuous  and  appropriate,  distinctly  disaffirms  all  idea  of  Slavery  or  property  in 
man,  by  natural  law,  by  the  Constitution,  or  by  the  action  of  Congre-s.  Art.  4, 
Sec.  2,  Clause  3—"  No  person  held  to  service  or  labor  in  one  State  under  the  laws." 

40 


626  APPENDIX. 

What  laws?  " Under  the  laws  or  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States  ?  "  Not  at 
all.  "  In  one  State  under  the  laws  thereof" — under  the  laws  of  such  State.  This 
distinct  reference  to  the  State  laics  excludes  all  idea  that  such  person  "  is  held  to 
service  or  labor"  by  force  of  any  other  laws,  or  any  other  authority,  than  that  of  a 
/State.  "  No  person  held  to  service  or  labor  under  the  laws  thereof,  escaping  into 
another  State  shall,  in  consequence  of  any  law  or  regulation  therein,"  (that  is  any 
law,  &c.,  of  the  State  into  which  he  goes),  "  be  discharged  from  such  service  or  labor." 
Here  again  we  ask,  what  "service  or  labor?"  Answer — "The  service  or  labor 
which  was  due,  or  to  which  the  person  was  held  in  the  State  from  which  he  fled, 
under  and  by  virtue  of  its  laws,  and  no  others.1' 

In  both  cases,  precise  reference  is  made  to  the  State  laws,  and  to  no  other  laws. 
The  clause  proceeds,  "but  shall  be  delivered  up  on  claim  of  the  party  to  whom  such 
service  or  labor  may  be  due," — under  the  law  of  his  State,  and  of  course  under  no 
other  law. 

If,  upon  the  arrest  of  a  fugitive  slave  the  claimant  should  affirm  that  the  service 
or  labor  of  such  person  was  due  to  him  under  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States, 
could  the  fugitive  be  delivered  up  on  such  claim  ?  Most  certainly  not.  We  assume 
that  this  position  is  too  clear  for  argument,  and  if  so,  how  can  it  be  said  that  a  right 
of  property  in  such  fugitive  can  be  claimed  under,  or  derived  from,  the  Constitution? 

The  act  passed  in  1793,  to  carry  out  this  clause,  provides  that  the  person  to  whom 
such  service  or  labor  shall  be  due,  must  prove  to  the  satisfaction  of  the  magistrate 
be'fore  whom  such  fugitive  is  taken,  "  That  such  person  seized  or  arrested  doth,  under 
the  laws  of  the  State  or  Territory  from  which  he  or  she  fled,  owe  service  or  labor  to 
the  person  claiming  him  or  her."  Thus  Congress  and  the  President  (Washington) 
distinctly  affirm  that  the  right  to  such  service  or  labor  could  only  result  i'rom  the 
law  of  a  State  or  Territory. 

The  right  to  a  person's  service  or  labor  comes  very  short  of  the  right  to  the 
person  himself.  The  right  of  service  of  an  apprentice  or  a  redemptions  does  not 
make  either  a  slave. 

The  Constitution  in  this  clause  recognizes  the  existence  of  two  facts :  1.  That 
persons  are  held  to  service  or  labor  under  State  laws.  2.  That  such  persons  do 
escape  from  the  State  under  the  laws  whereof  they  are  held  ;  and  beyond  the  juris 
diction  of  such  State.  If  by  this  recognition  of  the  first  fact  it  can  be  said  to  sanc 
tion  or  approve  such  laws,  why  may  it  not  be  said,  with  equal  correctness,  that  it 
sanctions  or  approves  the  second  fact? — the  escape.  To  recognize  such  a  law  as  an 
existing  fact,  no  more  sanctions  or  approves  such  a  law  or  the  effect  thereof,  to  wit : 
a  right  of  property  in  such  person  or  to  his  service  or  labor,  than  the  recognition  of 
the  escape  sanctions  or  affirms  the  right  of  such  person  to  escape.  To  recognize  the 
existence  of  a  law,  is  very  far  short  of  sanctioning,  approving,  or  affirming  any  right 
under  such  law,  or  any  other  effect  thereof.  The  existence  of  such  laws  is  recognized, 
and  that  their  force  and  effect  does  not  extend  beyond  the  boundaries  of  the  State 
is  admitted  or  asserted  by  the  fact  that  this  clause  is  found  in  the  Constitution.  If 
the  right  to  "such  service  or  labor"  was  founded  on  the  same  law  as  that  which 
gives  a  right  to  a  horse  or  any  other  chattel,  there  could  have  been  no  necessity  for 
such  a  clause.  To  protect  the  right  of  the  owner  of  a  horse  which  should  escape 
into  another  State,  does  not  require  any  especial  legal,  much  less  a  constitutional 
provision.  These  State  laws  were  thus  recognized  to  exist  to  prevent  all  interference 
by  the  laws  or  regulations  of  one  State  with  the  right  of  property,  or  to  personal 
service  or  labor  derived  exclusively  from  and  under  the  laws  of  another  State ;  there 
fore,  this  provision  was  inserted. 

The  Constitution,  by  this  provision,  recognizes  the  fact  that  there  were  laws  in 
some  of  the  States  under  which  a  right  of  property  in  the  service  or  labor  of 
persons — men  and  women — in  such  States  is  due  to  others.  It  does  no  more;  and 
so  iu  the  clause  next  preceding  this  one,  which  provides  for  the  rendition  of  fugitives 
from  the  justice  of  one  State  into  another.  The  words  are,  "A  person  charged  in 
any  State  with  treason,  felony,  or  other  crime,  who  shall  flee  from  justice  and  be 
found  in  another  State,  shall  on  demand,"  &c.,  "  be  delivered  up,"  &c.  The  Con 
stitution  here  recognizes  the  fact  that  one  State  may  pass  laws  declaring  what  acts 
shall  be  punished  as  crimes  if  committed  within  such  State ;  which  acts  may  not  be 


APPENDIX.  627 

held  to  be  criminal  in  other  States;  as  for  instance,  to  declare  in  Virginia  "  that 
Slavery  is  criminal  and  ought  to  be  abolished,"  as  botli  Washington  and  Jefferson 
did  again  and  again,  is  by  the  laws  of  Virginia  denounced  a  penal  offence  and 
punishable  as  such  by  fine  and  imprisonment.  Can  it  be  said,  that  because  the  Con 
stitution  recognizes  the  existence  of  a  power  to  pass  such  a  law,  in  a  State;  and  be 
cause  it  requires  that  a  person  who  flies  from  justice  and  shall  be  found  in  a;:other 
State  shall  be  delivered  up,  that  the  Constitution  affirms  the  propriety  of  such  a  law, 
and  adopts  it,  and  carries  it  with  it  into  the  Territories  or  wherever  the  Constitution 
is  effective?  It  surely  cannot. 

There  are  various  provisions  of  the  Constitution  which  recognize  laws  as  existing 
in  the  States  and  giving  effect  to  them  in  other  States,  as  Art.  4,  Sec.  1 :  u  Full  faith 
and  credit  shall  be  given  in  each  State  to  the  public  acts,  records,  and  judicial  pro 
ceedings  of  every  other  State."  These  facts  are  here  recognized  as  existing ;  but 
the  public  acts,  records,  and  judicial  proceedings  are  not  affirmed,  sanctioned,  ap 
proved,  or  adopted. 

The  provision  as  to  fug'tives  from  justice,  fugitives  from  service  or  labor,  public 
acts  and  judicial  proceedings,  do  no  more  than  affirm  that  there  are  such  laws,  and 
may  be  such  escapes  and  judicial  proceedings,  which  shall  have  full  faith  and  credit 
in  other  States,  between  the  inhabitants  thereof,  when  in  other  States. 

We  proceed  to  examine  Art.  1,  Sec.  9,  Clause  1 :  "  The  migration  or  importation 
of  such  persons  as  any  of  the  States  now  existing  shall  think  proper  to  admit,  shall 
not  be  prohibited  by  Congress  prior  to  1808."  It  is  admitted  that  this  clause  refers 
to  the  importation  of  negroes ;  that  it  also  embraces  the  persons  then  known  as 
"  Redemptioners,"  that  is,  persons  who,  in  order  to  pay  their  passage-money,  au 
thorized  captains  of  vessels  to  sell  their  service  or  labor  for  a  given  time  on  their 
arrival  in  the  United  States ;  and  also  of  that  other  class  of  persons  referred  to  by 
Mr.  Jackson. 

Chief-Justice  Taney  says :  "  By  this  clause  the  right  to  purchase  and  hold  pro 
perty  (slave  property)  is  directly  sanctioned  and  authorized  for  twenty  years." 

We  confidently  assert  and  mean  to  prove  that  this  clause  neither  directly  nor 
indirectly  sanctions  or  authorizes  anything  of  the  kind. 

Under  the  power  to  regulate  commerce,  it  is  admitted  that  Congress  has  the 
power  to  prohibit  the  migration  or  importation  of  persons  and  things.  By  this 
clause  the  Constitution  does  no  more  than  declare  that  Congress  s\\o\\  forbear  the 
exercise  of  the  power  of  prohibiting  for  twenty  years  the  migration  or  importation 
of  such  persons  (not  property)  as  any  of  the  States  shall  think  proper  to  admit.'1'' 

Not  to  prohibit  a  thing  to  be  done,  cannot  be  said  to  sanction  and  authorize  the 
doing  of  such  a  thing.  To  admit  the  migration  or  importation  of  such  persons,- 
whoever  they  may  be,  whether  negroes  or  felons,  and  whencesoever  they  may  come, 
whether  from  Africa  or  the  jails  of  Europe,  and  whatever  may  be  their  condition, 
after  they  are  within  a  State,  is  made  to  depend  entirely  upon  the  will  of  such  State, 
and  not  at  all  upon  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States.  Indeed,  the  clause  ad 
dresses  itself  to  the  conscience  of  the  States  when  it  says  such  persons  as  any  of  the 
States  shall  "  think  proper  to  admit."  Is  there  a  word  in  this  clause  which  sanctions 
or  even  refers  to  a  right  to  purchase  and  hold  property?  Not  one.  Every  thing — 
the  admission,  the  condition  of  the  persons — is  committed  clearly  to  the  will  and 
discretion,  to  the  laws  and  policy  of  the  State.  If  any  State  decided  to  admit,  so 
be  it.  If  not,  so  be  it.  The  Constitution  decides  nothing  as  to  admission  or  condi 
tion.  It  merely  declares  that  Congress  shall  forbear  to  exercise  its  power  to  pro 
hibit  it  in  conformity  with  the  will  of  the  State  or  States.  Where  such  persons  are 
admitted  by  the  State  to  come  within  its  borders,  their  condition  and  treatment  is 
left  exclusively  to  the  power  and  authority  of  the  State.  It  cannot  be  otherwise. 
The  Constitution  or  Congress  under  it  has  no  power  to  say  to  the  State  which  admits 
the  migration  or  importation,  "You  shall  hold  such  persons  as  freemen  or  as  slaves." 
The  Chief  Justice  of  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States  has  declared  that 
their  being  "  purchased  and  held  as  property  "  within  the  States  and  under  the  law, 
is  "  sanctioned  and  authorized  by  the  Constitution."  Respect  for  the  high  office  he 
holds  forbids  us  to  intimate  the  cause  of  this  palpable  judicial  perversion.  Recent 
discussions  as  to  the  arbitrament  of  that  Court  upon  the  meaning  of  a  deceptive 
party  platform,  are  pregnant  with  painful  suggestions. 


628  APPENDIX. 

We  proceed  to  examine  art.  1,  sec.  2,  clause  3  :  "  Representatives  and  direct 
taxes  shall  be  apportioned  among  the  several  States  which  may  be  included  within 
this  Union,  according  to  their  respective  numbers" — (it  will  be  remarked  that  the 
rule  of  apportionment  is  numbers,  not  property.  The  next  branch  of  the  clause 
merely  indicates  the  arithmetical  rule  by  which  the  respective  numbers  shall  be 
ascertained) — "  which  "  (the  respective  numbers  of  the  several  States)  "  shall  be 
determined  by  adding  to  the  whole  number  of  free  persons,  including  those  bound 
to  service  for  a  term  of  years,  and  excluding  Indians  not  taxed,  thrte  fifths  of  all 
other  persons." 

Under  this  arithmetical  rule  it  is  required^?'^  to  ascertain  the  number  of  "  free 
persons,  including  those  bound  to  service  for  a  term  of  years."  But  in  doing  this  to 
exclude  from  the  number  of  "free  persons  Indians  not  taxed"  and  to  the  aggregate 
of  these  free  persons  to  add  "  three  fifths  of  all  other  persons."  This  rule  assumes 
that  five  different  conditions  of  persons  may  be  found  in  the  several  States.  That, 
as  an  assumption  of  fact,  may  be  true  as  to  some  States,  and  not  as  to  others.  It, 
however,  neither  creates,  sanctions,  nor  in  any  way  affects  the  conditions  of  such 
persons,  their  right,  or  the  rights  of  others  in  regard  to  them. 

1.  It  assumes  that  there  are  free  persons.  2.  That  there  are  those  who  are 
"  'bound'1'1  to  service  for  a  term  of  years  (redemptioners,  apprentices).  3.  That  there 
are  or  may  be  "Indians  not  taxed.  4.  That  there  are  or  may  be  Indians  who  are 
t-ixed;  and  5.  That  there  are  or  may  be  such  other  persons  as  could  not  come  with 
in  the  four  other  classes,  to  wit:  Persons  held  to  "service  or  labor"  under  the  laws 
of  the  States.  There  is  a  marked  distinction  between  thosa  who  come  within  the 
second  class  and  those  who  come  within  the  fifth  class,  which  is  worthy  of  attention. 
The  second  are  "bound"  it  may  be  by  their  voluntary  act,  as  u  redemptioners,"  or 
by  the  acts  of  their  parents  or  guardians,  as  "apprentices."  The  fifth  are  "  held"  to 
service  or  labor  by  the  laws  of  the  States.  The  one  "  bound  "  for  a  term  of  years, 
the  other  "  held  "  forever. 

This  being  exactly  and  distinctly  what  is  to  be  the  rule  for  the  "  actual  enumera 
tion  of  the  respective  'numbers'  in  the  'several  States,'  "  it  cannot  logically,  legal 
ly,  or  in  the  common  acceptance  of  the  language  used,  be  said,  that  because  the 
Constitution  recognized  the  fact  that  there  were  or  muht  be  these  various  condi 
tions  of  persons  in  the  States  (three  out  of  the  five,  to  wit,  the  second,  fourth,  and 
and  fifth,  resulting  entirely  from  State  laws  or  policy),  that  it  therefore  touched, 
much  less  established,  affected,  or  approved  of  the  condition  of  either  or  all  of  the 
several  classes.  The  Constitution,  by  prescribing  the  rule  to  be  observed  in  making 
the  enumeration,  could  not  make  some  free,  others  bound  for  a  term  of  years,  others 
untaxed  Indians,  or  others  "held"  forever. 

Let  us  test  this  by  reference  to  the  condition  of  the  Indian?.  If  a  State  should 
tax  the  Indians  within  its  jurisdiction  (the  tribes  within  the  State  of  New  York), 
it  most  certainly  has  the  power  to  do  so,  these  being  "free  person*"  arid  not  com 
ing  within  the  terms  of  exclusion.  "  Indians  not  taxed"  would  be  enumerated, 
and  thus  increase  the  number  of  the  Representatives  of  such  State. 

The  assumption  by  the  Constitution  of  such  a  state  of  facts — such  a  condition  of 
persons — can,  in  no  sense  whatever,  be  said  to  create  or  affirm  the  condition  of  such 
persons.  If  this  is  a  correct  view  of  this  clause,  there  is  no  more  propriety  in  saying 
that  it  affirms,  approves,  or  creates  the  other  four  conditions  of  persons. 

This  clause  was  intended  not  only  to  establish  the  basis  of  representation,  but  to 
enunciate  and  enforce  that  great  fundamental  principle  in  defence  of  which  we 
engaged  in  the  war  of  the  Revolution — that  representation  and  taxation  should  he 
concomitant.  It  was  well  known  that  the  inhabitants  of  many  of  the  States  had  in 
vested  large  amounts  in  that  kind  of  property,  which  consisted  in  the  "service  or 
labor  "  of  persons,  under  and  by  the  laws  of  such  States  ;  and  when  it  was  declared 
that  three  fifths  of  such  persons  should  be  enumerated,  and  form  the  basis  of  repre 
sentation,  it  was  also  declared,  that  they  should  form  the  basis  of  direct  taxation, 
and  thus,  so  far  as  they  are  made  the  basis  of  taxation  under  this  clause  of  the  Con 
stitution,  they  are  so  treated  in  conformity  with  the  State  laws  under  which  such 
property  is  created  and  held.  The  Constitution  takes  this  subject  as  it  finds  it,  un 
der  the  laws  of  the  States,  by  which  it  is  held  and  treated  as  property.  It  gives  the 


APPENDIX.  629 

advantage  of  increased  representation,  resulting  from  the  enumeration  of  three  fifths 
of  such  persons,  to  those  who  hold  them,  under  their  laws;  and  imposes  the  burden 
of  taxation  in  the  same  proportion  upon  that  which,  under  the  State  laws,  is  held  to 
be  property ;  and  in  doing  so,  it  merely  recognizes  an  existing  fact,  which  is,  that 
the  inhabitants  of  some  of  the  States  have  invested  large  amounts  in  that  which 
they  deem  property,  to  wit :  the  right  to  the  service  or  labor  of  persons  held  under 
the  laws  of  their  States.  In  doing  so,  it  no  more  establishes  that  as  property,  than 
it  enacts,  or  sanctions,  or  affirms  the  laws  which  make  it  property,  and  in  doing  so, 
it  only  recognizes  the  fact  that  by  the  laws  of  these  States  this  property  exists, 
without  affirming  or  sanctioning  it. 

And  here  we  may  remark,  that  while  the  slaveholders  have  from  the  beginning 
enjoyed  the  benefit  in  representation  (now  amounting  to  twenty  members),  they 
have  never,  except  during  a  very  short  period  of  the  administration  of  John  Adams, 
and  until  the  South,  under  the  administration  of  Mr.  Jefferson,  controlled  the 
Government,  when  the  law  referred  to  was  repealed,  borne  the  burden  of  its  taxa 
tion.  During  the  war  of  1812,  in  the  period  of  the  Government's  greatest  need,  it 
was  untouched.  Mr.  Madison  says,  "  In  one  respect  the  establishment  of  a  common 
measure  for  representation  and  taxation,  will  have  a  salutary  effect.  As  the  ac 
curacy  of  the  census  to  be  obtained  by  Congress  will  necessarily  depend  in  a  con 
siderable  degree  on  the  disposition,  if  not  the  cooperation  of  the  States,  it  is  of  great 
importance  that  the  States  should  feel  as  little  bias  as  possible  to  swell  or  reduce 
the  amount  of  their  numbers.  Were  their  sh;ire  of  representation  alone  to  be 
governed  by  this  rule,  they  would  have  an  interest  in  exaggerating  their  inhabitants. 
Were  the  rule  to  decide  the  taxation  alone,  a  contrary  temptation  would  prevail. 
By  extending  the  rule  to  both  objects,  the  States  will  have  opposite  interests  which 
will  control  and  balance  each  other,  and  produce  the  requisite  impartiality."  (The 
Federalist,  No.  45,  pp.  260,  261 ;  edit,  of  1837.) 

This  history  in  part  of  what  was  s:\id  by  distinguished  members,  and  what  was 
unanimously  declared  by  the  Convention,  proves  beyond  all  doubt  or  cavil  that 
there  was  no  purpose  to  establish  or  give  power  to  others  to  establish  slavery.  That 
so  far  from  forming  a  Constitution  which  proprio  mgore  carried  slavery  into  the 
Territories,  or  which  affirmed  a  right  of  property  in  a  slave,  it  most  obviously  was 
an  object  of  great  solicitude  on  the  part  of  members,  from  the  South  as  well  as  the 
North,  to  exclude  the  very  idea  from  this  "  great  charter  of  human  liberty." 

The  object  of  the  framers  of  the  Constitution  was,  to  establish  the  Union,  and  a 
government  f>r  that  Union  on  the  basis  of  the  equality  of  man  ;  to  secure  the  bless 
ings  of  liberty  to  themselves  and  their  posterity ;  to  give  the  Federal  Government 
no  more  power  over  the  States  or  the  people  thereof  than  was  essential  to  preserve 
that  Union  ;  to  direct  the  foreign  relations  and  such  relations  among  the  States  and 
the  people  thereof,  as  were  necessary  and  proper.  To  ivgulate  commerce,  and  to 
secure  the  power  of  taxation ;  at  the  same  time  to  leave  with  the  States  ^and  the 
people  thereof  the  regulation  of  such  subjects  as  are  of  a  domestic  and  social  char 
acter  ;  and  particularly  the  rights  of  private  property,  and  the  control  and  disposi 
tion  thereof.  In  this  view  of  the  subject  it  may  be  asked,  could  the  power  to 
establish  slavery  in  a  State  come  within  the  scope  and  object  of  the  Government  of 
the  Union?  On  the  other  hand,  if  it  were  to  exist  at  all,  must  it  not  be  considered 
of  a  character  so  entirely  social  and  domestic  as  to  be  most  emphatically  one  of  the 
reserved  rights  of  the  States,  and  consequently  without  and  beyond  the  jurisdiction  or 
power  of  the  Federal  Government. 

This  interpretation  is  that  which  "  the  Fathers  "  held  to  be  true  ;  am]  it  i^  that 
under  which  the  Government  was  administered  during  more  than  one  half  century 
of  its  existence,  with  the  approval  of  all  the  departments  of  the  Government,  and  of 
the  people  of  all  parts  of  the  country. 

We  are  told  by  Southern  men  of  distinguished  rank,  with  an  arrogance  in  tone 
and  manner  which  can  never  be  properly  indulged  among  equals,  that  unless  the 
North  shall  renounce  this  interpretation,  sanctioned  by  time  and  the  highest  author 
ity,  and  adopt  that  of  Chief  Justice  Taney  and  Mr.  Buchanan,  with  the  Democracy 
of  the  South,  the  Government  and  Union  of  the  United  States  are  to  be  destroyed, 
and  with  them  the  brighest  hopes  of  mankind,  founded  on  popular  government. 


630  APPENDIX. 

This  recent  heresy  is  dictated  alone  by  a  lust  for  power,  disguised  under  an  as 
sertion,  made  with  all  the  confidence  of  truth  and  sincerity,  that  unless  the  Territo 
ries  of  the  United  States  shall  be  opened  to  Slavery,  there  to  be  protected  by  Con 
gress,  the  institution  will  be  so  "  cribbed,  coffined,  and  confined,"  as  to  be  destroyed 
by  its  increasing  numbers. 

That  this  is  certainly  groundless,  is  proved  by  the  fact  that  within  the  area  lying 
between  the  30th  and  36th  degrees  of  North  latitude — the  Atlantic  Ocean  on  the 
East,  and  the  herds-lands  of  Texas  on  the  West — there  are  millions  of  fertile  acres, 
enjoying  the  two  great  meteorological  conditions  (heat  and  moisture)  necessary  to 
produce  cotton,  in  the  greatest  abundance — all  within  the  Slave  States.  It  has  been 
truly  said  that "  the  amount  of  labor  engaged  in  the  production  of  cotton,  within 
this  region,  does  not  exceed  that  of  one  strong  man  to  a  square  mile :  "  and  that, 
"  it'  one-half  the  agricultural  population  of  Europe  was  transferred  to  this  region,  it 
would  not  be  at  all  densely  populated.  It  is  capable  of  producing  tenfold  the  amount 
of  its  present  production.1' 

The  boast  of  the  South  is,  that  it  has  governed  the  country  for  the  last  sixty 
years.  And  now,  well  knowing  that  through  the  vast  increase  of  population  in  the 
Free  States,  they  are  required  by  an  inevitable  necessity  to  yield  to  the  power  of 
numbers,  and  to  be  governed  hereafter  by  that  great  rule  of  Democratic  government 
— "  the  will  of  the  majority,"  they  struggle  to  subvert  all  the  established  rules 
for  the  construction  of  the  Constitution  ;  and  thus,  by  carrying  slaves,  as  property, 
into  the  Territories,  ultimately  to  be  admitted  as  Slave  States,  to  perpetuate  that 
majority  in  the  Senate  which  now  controls  the  Government. 

Upon  this  issue  they  have  broken  up  the  great  Democratic  Party,  to  whose  past 
subserviency  they  owe  their  domination ;  and  we  are  now  told,  that  through  its 
destruction  "l  the  South  may  be  plunged  into  revolution.'1''  We  are  confident  that  a 
large  proportion  of  the  people  and  statesmen  of  the  South  are  as  true  to  their  inter 
ests  and  tUeir  patriotic  impulses  as  were  their  ancestors.  The  people  of  the  North 
hear  these  threats  of  disunion  with  no  other  emotion  than  that  humiliation  which  a 
family  feels  from  the  degradation  of  one  of  its  members. 

u  Disunion  "  is  a  word  of  mighty  import.  There  is  no  mind  in  the  country  capa 
ble  of  forming  a  practicable  scheme  of  peaceable  secession,  or  of  measuring  the  ca 
lamities  of  a  bloody  one,  and  particularly  to  that  section  where  "  an  unhappy  species 
of  population  abounds,"  to  whom  Mr.  Madison  alludes  as  those  "  who,  during  the 
calm  of  regular  Government,  are  sunk  below  the  level  of  men;  but  who,  in  the 
tempestuous  scenes  of  civil  violence,  may  emerge  into  the  human  character,  and 
give  a  superiority  of  strength  to  any  party  with  which  they  may  associate  them 
selves." 

This  language  of  one  who  well  understood  the  restless  condition  of  the  people 
to  whom  he  referred,  pointed  to  domestic  insurrection.  They  are  words  of  fearful 
import,  in  the  event  of  a  civil  war  resulting  from  a  separation  occasioned  by  the  ex 
isting  issue. 

It  is  a  gross  heresy  to  maintain  "  that  a  party  to  a  compact  has  a  right  to  revoke 
that  compact,"  (The  Federalist),  as  no  State  can  have  the  right  to  withdraw  from 
its  compact  with  the  other  States,  without  their  consent.  The  Government  of  the 
United  States  was  formed  by  a  compact  among  all  the  States,  by  the  people  there 
of,  for  "themselves  and  their  posterity."  In  the  event  of  secession  by  one  or  more 
States,  the  actual  President  is  required  by  his  duty  and  his  oath  of  office,  to  ''pro 
tect  and  defend  the  Constitution,"  to  exert  all  the  powers  of  the  Government  to  com 
pel  obedience  to  the  laws  by  every  State  or  section  of  the  country.  This  is  war. 

We  forbear  to  pursue  these  reflections,  under  the  conviction  that  no  man  who  is 
not  mad,  or  so  base  as  to  be  wholly  unworthy  of  consideration,  would,  in  the  actual 
condition  of  our  affairs,  in  any  result  of  the  coming  election,  or  for  any  other  cause, 
until  the  last  extremity,  counsel  or  advise  his  countrymen  to  resort  to  such  a  fratri 
cidal  and  suicidal  course.  All  the  evils  presented  to  the  people's  consideration,  as 
in  any  degree  justifying  such  a  dire  alternative,  are  purely  speculative.  It  is  said 
that  the  election  of  the  Republican  candidate  as  President  would  require  such  a  re 
sort,  because  it  is  assumed  that  such  a  result  would  establish  the  right  of  interven 
tion  by  Congress  as  to  Slavery  in  the  Territories — that  is  to  say,  if  a  majority  of  the 


APPENDIX.  631 

people  sanction  by  their  voices  the  constitutional  power  of  Congress  to  prohibit 
Slavery  in  the  Territories,  this  would  now  be  an  intolerable  grievance;  and  yet  the 
same  party  of  the  South  insist  and  hope  to  prove  by  the  election  of  Mr.  Breckinridge 
that  a  majority  of  the  people  may  sanction  by  their  votes  the  intervention  by  Con 
gress  to  sustain  Slavery  in  the  Territories.  It  is  impossible  to  believe  that  any  re 
spectable  portion  of  the  South  can  be  moved  to  hazard  the  Constitution  and  the 
Union  upon  such  absurd  abstractions. 

We  trust  the  statesmen  of  the  South  will  return  to  the  wise  counsels  of  the  illus 
trious  dead,  and  unite  with  their  brethren  of  the  North,  as  they  did  in  the  better 
days  of  the  Republic,  in  securing  an  administration  of  the  Government  upon  the 
principles  which  guided  those  who  formed  the  Constitution,  and  which  will  secure 
the  rights  of  all  sections  and  people,  and  sternly  rebuke  the  profligate  extravagance 
and  gross  corruption  of  the  present  Administration. 

JAMES  A.  HAMILTON. 


INDEX-1. 

REMINISCENCES,  VOYAGES,  AND  LETTERS. 


ALEXANDER  HAMILTON— REMINISCENCES   BY  HIS  SON,  JAMES  A.  HAMILTON. 

Date  of  Birth,  2 — His  family,  1 — Earliest  reminiscence ;  attack  of  Yellow  Fever,  and  Jour 
ney  from  Philadelphia  to  Albany,  1 — Clerkship  with  Nicholas  Cruger,  of  St.  Croix,  2 ; 
Letter  in  1769  to  Dr.  E.  Stevens,  2— To  his  brother  James,  2 — Visit  to  his  father-in-law 
at  Albany,  3— Return  to  New  York,  3 — His  family  circle,  3 — His  New  York  law  prac 
tice,  3 — His  daughter  Angelica,  3 — Removal  to  the  Grange  near  New  York,  3 — Death  of 
his  son  Philip  in  a  duel  in  1802,  3 — Letter  to  the  Same  in  1791,  3 — His  Secretaryship  of 
the  Treasury,  3 — Letter  to  his  daughter  Angelica  in  1793,  4 — His  generosity,  instances 
of,  4 — Arrangement  with  Messrs.  Ogden,  5 — Refusal  to  share  their  profits,  6 — His 
letters  to  Creditors  of  Colonel  Duer,  5 — Pecuniary  means,  5 — Jefferson's  charges,  5 — 
Letter  to  Mr.  Morris,  in  1792,  6 — Sensitiveness  on  character  of  legal  profession,  6 — 
Insinuations  of  President  Madison,  7 — Remarks  of  Talleyrand  on  his  circumstances 
and  character,  7,  230 — Letter  to  Governor  Clinton  on  State  allowance  due,  7 — New 
York  wild  lands,  8 — His  influence  on  dismissal  of  French  Minister  Genet,  10 — Opposi 
tion  to  the  abduction  of  General  Clinton,  11 — His  definition  of  libel  and  its  adoption  by 
Court  and  Constitution,  11 — Anecdotes  ;  Tunis  Wortman,  11 — Reply  to  Morris  in  Court 
of  Errors,  22 — Letter  to  a  Young  Friend  in  1804,  13— Opinion  on  stock  speculations  by 
Legislative  Officials,  14 — Letter  in  1794  to  his  sister,  Mrs.  Church,  14 — Autobiographi 
cal  letter  in  1799  to  a  friend  in  Scotland,  15— Letter  in  1797  of  his  son  Philip,  15— 
Disproval  of  Charges  on  the  debt,  by  Jefferson,  16,  et  seq. — Opinion  on  assuming  State 
Debts,  17 — Correspondence  with  Henry  Lee  on  the  Debt,  17,  18 — Jefferson's  character 
for  veracity,  and  correspondence  thereon,  20,  et  seq. — Letter  to  Washington  on  Jeffer 
son's  objections  to  his  financial  system,  23— Albert  Gallatin's  Statement  of  report  to 
Jefferson  on  the  same,  23,  121 — His  Authorship  of  Washington's  Farewell  Address,  24 — 
Jefferson's  "Ana  "  on  the  Financial  System,  35— Its  passage,  35— First  Financial  Report, 
in  1790,  to  House  of  Representatives,  36 — Virginia  and  Kentucky  faction  in  1798,  letter 
to  William  Heth,  38 — Thesis  on  Discretion,  40— Cause  of  his  duel  with  Aaron  Burr,  56 — 
His  last  words  on  the  subject,  57— Governor  Giles  on  his  Treasury  management  and 
Madison's  vindictiveness,  61— Calhoun  on  his  policy,  62— Otis  Correspondence,  Govern 
or  Plumer's  letter,  etc.,  J.  A.  Hamilton  to  Secretary  Adams  on,  108,  127— Annexation 
of  Louisiana,  his  approval  of,  111,  112,  113— His  maxim  on  Public  Credit,  416— On  the 
Sacred  Rights  of  Mankind,  516— Estimate  to  Washington  in  1793,  of  losses  by  British 
Piracies,  578— His  death  in  1804,  3.  (For  details  of  his  authorship  of  Washington's 
Farewell  Address,  see  Washington,  in  General  Index.) 

MRS.  ELIZABETH,  WIFE  OP  ALEXANDER,  HAMILTON.-— Her  father,  Major-General  Philip  Schuy- 
ler?  i—Letter  in  1827  to  her  son,  James  A.,  64— to  the  Same  in  1836,  on  his  departure 
for  Europe,  289— Her  residence  in  Washington,  64— Her  illness  and  death,  64— Her 
character  and  habits,  65. 


634  INDEX. 


JAMES  A.  HAMILTON— PERSONAL  HISTORY  AND  RECOLLECTIONS. 

Birth  and  Parentage,  1 — Recollections  of  his  parents,  1 — At  Columbia  College  in  1804,  40 — 
His  Father's  thesis  on  Discretion,  40 — Graduated;  entered  office  of  Judge  Pendleton, 
40 — Admitted  to  the  Bar  and  commenced  practice  at  Waterford,  40 — His  Challenge  of 
Mr.  John  Cramer,  which  was  refused,  41 — Removed  to  Hudson  County,  41 — His  Mar- 
'riage,  41 — Poverty,  self-denial,  and  faith  in  the  future,  41 — Removal  to  New  York,  44 — 
Offered  Military  Service  to  Governor  Tompkins,  45 — Served  as  Deputy  Quartermaster  in 
Col.  Varian's  regiment,  45 — Appointed  Brigade  Mnjor  and  Inspector  of  General  Haight's 
Brigade,  and  served  until  the  Peace,  45 — Returned  to  the  law ;  appointed  Master  in 
Chancery,  45 — Resignation  of  Mastership  refused  by  Governor  Tompkins,  45 — Method 
of  practice,  54 — Value  and  business  of  the  office,  46 — Purchased  house  in  Varick  street, 
46 — Appointed  to  settle  estate  of  late  Gouverneur  Morris,  46 — Early  Political  Life,  48 — 
Establishment  of  the  American  newspaper,  48 — The  Bank  of  America,  48 — Inquiry  into 
the  conduct  of  Mr.  Van  Ness,  48 — Removal  from  Mastership  by  Governor  Clinton  and 
why,  53 — Loss  of  $1,000  note,  and  conduct  of  Bank  of  America  thereon,  54 — Forgery 
of  a  challenge  to  Aaron  Burr,  55 — The  De  Longuemare  and  Meade  claims,  5*7,  58,  60 — 
Undertook  duties  of  District-Attorney  Rodman,  57 — Visit  to  John  C.  Calhoun,  62 — His 
Mother's  illness  and  death  in  1854,  64 — Purchase  of  Real  Estate,  66 — Paid  Mortgage  on 
the  Varick  street  House,  66 — Visit  to  General  Jackson,  67 — Appointed  one  of  Deputa 
tion  to  visit  New  Orleans,  67 — Introduction  to  Mrs.  A.  L.  Donelson,  68 — Publicly 
entertained  by  Citizens  of  Nashville,  68 — Conversations  with  Mrs.  General  Jackson,  70 — 
Anecdote  of  New  Orleans  bonnet  purchases,  70 — Presentation  of  the  New  York  delega 
tion  to  Gov.  Henry  Johnson,  71 — The  Quadroons,  their  condition,  72 — Proceeded  to 
Mobile  and  Montgomery,  72 — Visit  to  Captain  Walker,  at  Fort  Hull,  73 — Impressions 
of  General  Jackson,  7  5 — Correspondence  on  the  same  subject,  75 — Letters  on  General 
Jackson's  Cabinet,  76 — Correspondence  on  the  Presidential  Election,  79 — Appointed 
Aid  to  Governor  Van  Buren,  80 — Declines,  and  is  pressed  to  reconsider,  81 — Finally 
declines,  82 — Election  of  President  Jackson,  87 — Assists  President  Jackson  in  selecting 
Cabinet  and  other  officers,  87— Correspondence  thereon,  88 — Appointed  Acting  Secre 
tary  of  State,*  107 — Appointed  United  States  District  Attorney  for  Southern  New 
York,f  140 — Aids  President  Jackson  in  preparing  Bank  Message,  149 — Some  particu 
lars  of  Business  of,  238 — Painful  duty  in  Gibbs  piracy  case,  249 — Resigns  District 
Attorneyship ;  testimony  of  President  Jackson  on  his  services.  266,  267 — His  heavy 
advances  to  the  Post-office  Department,  280 — Offers  Military  Service  in  expected 
war  with  France,  283 — Witnesses  the  Great  Fire  of  New  York,  285 — His  method 
of  Arresting  adopted,  285 — Offers  Military  Service  to  Governor  Marcy,  310 — 
Joins  the  expedition  against  the  Dorr  insurrection,  351 — Renewed  offers  of  Military 
Service,  355 — Appointed  Delegate  to  Chicago  Improvements  Convention,  355 — 
His  Call  for  a  Meeting  in  New  York  to  arrest  Disunion,  414 — His  efforts  to  settle 
the  rule  on  Appointments  and  Removals,  436 — The  Rebellion,  440 — Becomes  an 
Abolitionist,  and  devotes  himself  to  aiding  the  Government,  441 — Offers  Military 
Service  in  1861  to  General  Scott,  477 — Appointed  in  1861,  with  others,  to  con 
fer  with  President  Lincoln  ;  his  plans  in  1861  of  Military  operations,  477 — Renewed  offer 
to  Governor  Morgan  of  Military  Service,  501 — Offers  the  same  to  President  Lincoln, 
503 — Offers  to  organize  a  Slave  Brigade,  504 — Presides  at  New  York  Emancipation 
Meeting,  514 — Invited,  but  unable,  to  address  Citizens  of  Boston,  637 — Is  one  of  a 
deputation  to  President  Lincoln  on  Slavery,  548. 

*  For  official  papers,  etc.,  see  Titles  of,  in  General  Index.  t  Ibid. 


INDEX.  635 


VOYAGES  TO   EUROPE. 

FIRST  VOYAGE,  IN  1836.  President  Jackson's  letter,  288— Paris,  289— Louis  Philippe, 
Duchess  de  Broglie,  Madame  de  Stael,  M.  de  Neuville,  289 — Lyons,  289 — Florence  :  the 
Duke  de  Nenon,  Grand  Duke  of  Tuscany,  290 — Rome :  Lady  Coventry,  Mr.  Austin, 
Father  Esmond,  the  Vatican  Library,  Mezzofanti,  the  Case  of  Vallatte,  Marriages,  Lord 
de  Rothsay,  291 — Gambling,  the  Jesuits'  College,  294 — Naples:  Visit  to  the  King;  his 
family  and  government,  295 — public  institutions  and  people,  296 — Great  Britain :  Lon 
don,  297 — Letters  to  Nobility,  297 — Party  at  Holland  House,  297 — Conversation  with 
Lord  Holland  on  American  politics,  298 — Talfourd,  Rogers,  Lord  North,  and  the  War 
with  America,  Duke  and  Duchess  of  Sutherland,  299 — Visit  to  the  Earl  of  Leicester, 
299 — Lord  and  Lady  Leicester  and  their  family,  300 — Return  to  Lynn,  301 — Visit  to 
Mr.  Whittaker,  conversations  on  Durham  cattle,  laborers,  and  taxation,  301 — Edin 
burgh  :  Sir  William  Hamilton,  Lord  Jeffries,  the  Earl  of  Lauderdale,  election  of  Scottish 
Peers,  Grange  in  Ayrshire,  Alexander  Hamilton,  whiskey  and  the  excise,  the  Duke  of 
Hamilton,  302 — Return  to  London,  303 — Visits  to  Rogers,  303 — Visit  to  Lansdowne 
House,  Anecdote  of  Macaulay,  Lords  Brougham,  Lyndhurst,  and  Denman  on  Slavery,  304 
— The  American  Constitution,  305 — Lord  Holland's  opinion  of  Napoleon,  Fox,  and  Alex 
ander  Hamilton,  305 — Leaves  for  Paris.  Paris:  Visit  to  Prince  Talleyrand,  306 — The 
Prince's  Memoirs,  his  person,  and  habits,  307 — Talleyrand's  anecdote  of  Aaron  Burr  and 
portrait  of  Alexander  Hamilton,  308 — The  Philadelphia  Watchman,  308 — Letter  of  the 
Duchess  de  Denon,  with  lock  of  Talleyrand's  hair  and  his  glasses,  309 — Reply  of  the 
author,  309. 

SECOND  VOYAGE — VISIT  TO  RUSSIA.  The  Schuyler  Contract  with  the  Russian  Government 
for  the  Kamscltatka,  318— Sailed  in  that  ship,  319 — The  McLeod  case,  319 — Incidents 
of  the  Voyage,  Southampton  to  Copenhagen,  320 — At  Copenhagen,  visit  to  Le  Chevalier 
Huygens,  the  Princess  of  Hesse,  320 — The  Danes,  321— Cronstadt,  Russian  sailors, 
Custom  House,  my  passport,  322 — St.  Petersburg,  police  formalities,  Taglioni,  323 — 
Prince  Menschikoff  and  official  evasions,  324 — Mr.  Schuyler's  letter  to  Prince  Menschi- 
koff  on  the  Kamschatka  contract,  325 — Mr.  Hamilton  to  Capt.  Von  Schautz  on  the 
same,  327— Dines  with  Baron  Steiglitz,  Minister  Todd,  and  Mr.  Motley,  327 — Conclusion 
of  the  Kamschatka  negotiation,  329 — The  Emperor  Nicholas,  his  policy,  and  character, 
329 — Railroads,  330 — Serfs,  their  condition,  330 — Russian  Revenue,  332 — Jurisprudence, 
332— The  army,  education,  333— The  Greek  Church,  334— Visit  to  Lord  de  Rothsay, 
the  English  ambassador,  334— Review  of  troops,  335— Government  food-stores,  bankers, 
335 — Police,  336 — Journal  de  St.  Petersburg,  337 — Incident  of  the  Secret  Police,  337 — 
The  Countess  and  the  serf,  338 — Organization  of  the  Government,  population,  339 — 
Money,  productions  of  Russia,  349— Presentation  to  the  Emperor,  invitation  to  ball  and 
supper  at  the  Palace,  342— Conversation  with  the  Empress,  342— Description  of  the 
supper,  343— Visit  to  the  Hospital,  343—"  Russian  Mountain,"  a  winter  amusement, 
344— Left  St.  Petersburg,  345— Journey  to  Berlin,  social  customs,  the  Berlin  winter 
garden,  346— Visit  to  Humboldt,  347— Return  to  London,  347— Visit  to  Lady  Holland, 
347— Sydney  Smith  at  Lady  Holland's  dinner,  347— The  Author  related  anecdote  of 
Battle  of  New  Orleans,  347— Thomas  Moore,  348— British  Under  Secretaries,  349— 
Dinner  at  Lord  Palmerston's,  349— Conversation  with  Hon.  Mrs.  Norton,  349— Other 
distinguished  guests,  349. 

THIRD  VOYAGE— ITALY.  London,  Paris,  arrival  at  Florence,  357— The  revolution  in  Tuscany, 
358— Mr.  Greenough,  the  Sculptor,  358— Arrived  at  Rome,  visit  of  the  Earl  of  Minto, 
358— The  Pope's  disposition,  359— Tribunal  of  the  Vicar-General,  359— Laws  and 


636  INDEX. 

Statistics  of  the  Roman  States,  360 — Letter  to  a  Friend  on  Italian  Affairs,  361 — Italy 
and  Italian  Reforms,  362 — Brunetti  and  the  Jesuits,  365 — Garibaldi  on  the  same,  365 — 
Demand  for  Reforms  by  the  People,  365 — Paper  addressed  by  Mr,  Hamilton  to  the  Pope 
on  these  reforms,  367 — Position  of  Italy,  and  Rome  in  particular,  369 — Reflections  on 
the  same,  by  the  Author,  for  circulation,  369 — Left  for  Naples,  372 — Acquaintance  with 
the  Viceroy  of  Egypt,  372 — Invited  to  join  a  combination  of  Italian  Liberals  and  declines, 
373 — The  Revolution,  fighting  at  Naples,  374 — Left  for  Milan,  Venice,  thence  to  Vienna, 
375— At  Vienna,  the  Vienna  Revolution,  376 — The  Austrian-Papal  Concordat,  378 — 
Arrived  at  Dresden,  379 — Concessions  by  the  King,  379 — Met  Mr.  Forbes,  dined  with 
Sir  R.  K.  Arbuthnot,  379 — Repudiation  by  German  States,  380— By  other  Countries, 
380 — Holland  and  the  Dykes,  380 — The  Haarlem  Sea,  381 — Antwerp:  Police  in  Holland, 
381— Arrived  in  Paris,  382— Incidents  of  the  Revolution  of  1848,  382— Call  of  General 
Lafayette,  prepared  for  him  a  draft  of  a  Constitution,  384 — Letter  to  General  Lafayette 
on  the  same,  385 — Hints  by  the  Author  of  a  plan  for  relief  of  France,  387 — Left  Paris 
for  England,  389 — Threatened  riots  in  London,  389. 

FOURTH  VOYAGE — THE  YACHT  AMERICA.  The  Royal  Yacht  Club's  invitation,  395 — Sailing  of 
the  America  and  arrival  at  Havre,  396 — Challenge  by  the  New  York  Yacht  Club,  and 
Lord  Wilton's  reply,  397 — Commodore  Stevens'  rejoinder,  398 — Victory  over  the  Titania, 
400 — The  Regatta  race  for  the  Cup,  and  victory  of  the  America,  400 — Visit  to  her  by 
the  Queen  and  Prince  Consort,  400 — Sale  of  the  America,  401. 

FIFTH  VOYAGE.  Parisian  habits,  422 — Paul  Morphy,  423 — Education,  424 — The  Women  of 
Paris,  425 — The  Men  of  France,  425 — Napoleon's  policy,  425 — Foreign  Relations,  426. 


LETTERS  BY  JAMES  A.  HAMILTON,  TO 

Adams,  John  Q.     On  Otis  Correspondence,  108. 

Andrew,  Gov.  John  A.     Proposed  Constitutional  Amendments,  571. 

Arnold,  Isaac  N.     Coasting  Slave  Trade,  573. 

Barnard,  D.  D.     Assault  on  Mr.  Sumner,  411. 

Barry,  Major.     On  Supply  of  Money  to  Post  Office  Department,  281. 

Blair,  Francis  P.,  jr.     On  Organizing  the  House,  427. 

Blunt,  George  W.     Imbecility  of  President  Buchanan,  577. 

Bond,  Hugh  L.     Drafting  Negroes,  567— Reply,  569. 

Boston  Committee.     Reply  to  Invitation,  537. 

Bronson,  Isaac.     Bank  Deposits,  253. 

Brougham,  Lord.     With  thanks  for  Works  of,  348. 

Brownson,  Dr.  0.  A.     Expressions  of  Mr.  Seward,  536. 

Buchanan,  (Sec.)  James.     With  Tuscan  Treaties,  366. 

Buchanan,  President.     His  Treatment  of  Secession,  450 — His  duty  and  responsibilities,  458. 

Cameron,  Simon.     Suggestions  on  War  Department,  494. 

Cass,  Lewis.     Missouri  Compromise,  412. 

Cauldwell,  William.     Committee  of  Public  Safety,  481. 

Chase,  S.  P.  Collectors  and  Closing  Ports,  474— The  Same,  476— Failure  of  Aid  from  New 
York  Banks,  480,  481 — Financial  Report ;  New  York  Frauds,  495 — Report  to  Senate  ; 
Funding  System,  496 — Loan  ;  Negro  Enlistments,  503 — State  Rights  and  Democratic 
Party,  504 — Report,  December  1861,  506 — National  Banks,  etc.,  507 — Currency  and 
Revenue,  511 — Miniature  of  Alexander  Hamilton  for  Bank  Note,  511,  512,  513 — New 
York  War  Meeting,  513 — Banking  System,  518 — President's  Call  and  Conquest  of  Texas, 
523 — Financial  Suggestions,  537 — Additions  to  Banking  Bill,  548 — Six  per  cent.  Notes, 


INDEX.  637 

553 — On  his  chance  for  the  Presidency;  Story  by  Thurlow  Weed,  558 — Success  of 
Banking  Bill,  558 — Choice  of  Currency  Comptroller,  559 — Special  deposits  of  U.  S. 
Bonds  with  Savings  Banks,  562 — Mines,  revenue  from,  569. 

Chicago  Improvement  Convention.     Letter  to  a  distinguished  member  of,  611. 

Clay,  Henry.     Bank  question,  317. 

Cochrane,  John.     Congress  Organization,  411. 

Colcman,  W.     New  York  Appointments,  133, 134,  137. 

Cooper,  Edward.     Duty  on  Iron  ;  Peter  Cooper,  517. 

Crosswell,  E.     On  Van  Buren  for  Vice  President,  241. 

De  Castillea,  Sefior.     Future  of  Italy,  388. 

Do  Sacken,  Baron.     Relations  with  France,  153. 

Pe  Rcgina,  Duke.     On  Official  Practice,  197. 

J/'iscrcet  Friend.  Louisiana  Annexation;  Mr.  Plumer's  letter,  etc.,  127 — Appointments, 
various,  136,  137,  138 — Revision  of  Message,  etc.,  151. 

Eaincs,  Charles.     Future  of  the  Country,  519,  520. 

Evarts,  W.  M.     Asking  Impeachment  of  President  Buchanan,  454. 

Fellow-Citizens.     Call  for  Union  Meeting,  414. 

Fenton,  Gov.  R.  E.     Slavery  Constitutional  Amendments,  577. 

Fessendcn,  W.  P.  Dixon's  Constitutional  Amendment  on  Taxation,  552 — On  his  accession 
to  the  Treasury,  574. 

Fish,  Hamilton,     Fillmore's  Nomination  and  the  Whigs,  410. 

Forsyth,  John,  211. 

Friend,  A.  Jackson's  Cabinet,  102 — New  York  District-Attorneyship,  123 — Conversation 
with  Jackson,  168 — Message,  190,  191 — Visit  to  Same,  230 — Tariff  and  Bank  Notes, 
243— Italy  and  the  Italians,  361— From  Paris,  423. 

Gentleman  in  Washington.     Future  of  the  Country,  518,  520. 

Fillmore,  President.     Northeastern  Boundary,  350. 

Governors  of  Loyal  States.     A  Circular  to,  526. 

Green,  Duff.     Bank  of  United  States,  152. 

Hammond,  E.     Defence  of  Republican  Party,  470. 

Harrison,  President.     Relations  with  Italy,  314. 

Hartt,  Dr.     Loyal  League  and  the  Elections,  547. 

Humboldt,  Baron.     With  Works  of  Hamilton,  415. 

Jackson,  President.  Advertiser's  Charge  of  Speculating,  152 — Bank  Questions,  154,  166. 
168,  231,  261,  265— Belgian  and  Dutch  War,  228— British  Reform  Bill,  228— British 
Political  Affairs,  161 — British  Assumptions  in  America,  171 — Calhouu's  Charges^  195, 
196 — Causes  tried,  238 — District-Attorneyship  Resignation,  267 — Fort  Gansevoort,  196 
— French  Claims,  219 — German  Trade,  175 — Manufacturers'  Convention,  220— Masons, 
220 — Polish  liberty,  220 — Military  Service,  offer  of,  283 — Northeastern  Boundary,  115 — 
Nullification,  249— Political  Compromise,  246 — Prussian  Treaty,  114 — Turkish  Treaty, 
218 — West  India  Trade  Negotiation,  189. 

Judicious  Friend.  Official  ignorance  of  History,  134 — Source  of  American  Independence, 
134. 

Kentucky  Military  Board.     War  Loan,  501. 

King,  Charles.     Reduction  of  Rebellious  States  to  Territories,  and  arming  Slaves,  505. 

King,  Gov.  J.  A.     His  Message,  419 — Vine  Growers'  Convention,  521. 

Lafayette,  Gen.  G.  W.     With  draft  of  French  Constitution,  385. 

Lawrence,  \V.  B.     Bank  Question,  316. 

Lewis,  William  B.  Van  Buren's  and  Eaton's  Resignation,  212 — The  Same  and  New  Cabinet, 
214. 

Lieber,  Dr.  Francis.     On  Gift  of  Portrait  of  Alexander  Hamilton,  and  reply,  500. 


638  INDEX. 

Lincoln,  President.  Compromise  to  avoid  Secession,  469 — His  Cabinet ;  Gen.  Dix  and  Re 
publican  Party,  472,  473 — Army  Appointments,  482 — Removal  of  *******  and 
Appointment  of  Holt,  498 — His  Message,  December  1861,  506 — Urging  call  for  half  a 
million  Men,  1862,  525 — Condition  and  Treatment  of  Texas,  555— The  Same,  557 — On 
Gov.  Andrew  for  the  Treasury,  576. 

McCulloch,  Hugh.     Debt,  Public  Lands,  etc.,  578. 

McKay,  Col.  James.  Condition  of  Negroes  Commission,  561 — Slavery  Constitutional 
Amendment,  575. 

McLane,  Louis.     Secretary  Ingham's  Removal,  169 — Jackson's  reply  to  Calhoun,  245. 

Marcy,  Gov.  W.  L.     With  offer  of  Military  Service,  310. 

Maxey,  Solicitor.     Bellevue  Prisoners,  247. 

Meredith,  Secretary.     Mint  Deposits,  395. 

Morgan,  Gov.  E  D.  Perils  of  the  Country,  456 — Votes  of  Volunteers  in  the  Field,  516— 
Debt  and  Sale  of  Public  Lands,  582. 

New  York  Eighth  District  Committee.     Pennsylvania  Invasion,  563. 

New  York  War  Committee.  Interview  with  President  Lincoln  with  Report,  September,  1862, 
529. 

North  East  Boundary.     (See  North  East  in  General  Index.) 

Pickering,  Timothy.     Jackson's  Character,  etc.,  76. 

Pinckney,  T.  C.     Warning  against  Secession,  446. 

Plait,  H.  Y.     With  offer  to  organize  Slave  Brigade,  504. 

Polk,  President.     On  visit  to  Italy,  356. 

Pope,  The.     On  Italian  Affairs,  367. 

Popham,  Major  W.      On  Loan  to  Alexander  Hamilton,  9. 

Prime,  Dr.  A.  J.     Address  to  Westchester  County  Citizens,  528. 

Princess  of  Orange  Jewels.     (See  Princess  in  General  Index  for  letters.) 

Rev. Duty  of  Obeying  Draft,  566. 

Rhind,  Mr.  and  the  Present  of  Horses.     (See  Rhind  in  General  Index  for  letters.) 

Robertson,  D.  II.     Special  Deposits  with  Savings  Banks,  560. 

Robinson,  Lucius.     Coin  Payment  of  Interest,  573. 

Rogers,  S.     With  Works  of  Hamilton,  403 — Reply  on  Presents  of  Poems,  404. 

Ruggles,  S.  B.     Export  Duty  Constitutional  Amendment,  572. 

Sandford,  General.     Volunteers  for  Sumter,  461. 

Scott,  General.     On  the  Same — disapproved,  462. 

Seward,  W.  H.    With  Alexander  Hamilton's  estimate  of  losses  by  Piracy,  578. 

Seymour,  Gov.  H.     Pennsylvania  Invasion,  563. 

Spofford,  Paul.     Circulation  of  Breadstuff's,  417. 

Stanton,  E.  M.     Town  Quotas,  536 — Tarrytown  Draft  Riots,  563. 

Sumnor,  Charles.  Coasting  Slave  Trade,  516— Texas  Subjugation,  554 — Pennsylvania  Inva 
sion,  562-3. 

Swartwout,  Collector.     (See  Princess  of  Orange  in  General  Index.) 
Taylor,  President,     Isthmus  of  Panama,  393. 
Tompkins,  Governor.     With  offer  of  Military  Service,  45. 

Van  Buren,  Martin.  Declining  Appointment  of  Aid,  81 — Banks  and  Banking,  82 — Diplo 
matic  Appointments,  96— Russian  Treaty,  159 — Parliamentary  Reports,  193 — North 
East  Boundary,  198,  199 — Rhind,  206 — on  his  resignation,  212 — War  and  Atlantic 
Steamers,  312. 

Vandever,  William.    Reduction  of  Rebellious  States  to  Territories,  508 — On  the  Same,  524. 
Van  Sholten,  General.     Cabinet  Changes,  190. 
Warner,  Matthew.     Impressions  of  Andrew  Jackson,  75. 
Webster,  Daniel.     Van  Buren's  Message,  and  British  Steam  Marine,  312. 


INDEX.  639 

Welles,  Gideon.     Suggestions  on  Navy  Department,  494— On  Obstructing  Ports,  499. 
Westchester  County  Citizens,     On  Draft,  527. 
Wilson,  Henry.     Appointments  and  Removal?,  434. 
Wright,  Captain,  of  London,  on  Presidential  Election,  79. 


LETTERS  TO  JAMES  A.  HAMILTON,  FROM 

Adams,  J.  Q.     Alexander  Hamilton's  opposition  to  Federalist  designs,  110. 

Barry,  Major.     Funds  for  Post-Office  Department,  280. 

Bradish,  Luther,     On  paper  by  James  A.  Hamilton — "  Property  in  Man,"  484. 

Brooklyn  Navy  Yard  Commander.     Detention  of  the  Vincennes,  193. 

Bunner,  R.     Cabinet  Appointments,  88,  89. 

Cambreleng,  C.  C.  Cabinet  Appointments,  88 — Extent  of  business  of  James  A.  Hamilton, 
125— Van  Buren  for  Vice  President,  240,  242. 

Cass,  Lewis.     Missouri  Compromise,  414. 

Chase,  S.  P.  Thanks  for  advice,  489 — Bank  interest ;  Use  of  Slaves,  503 — Compensation  to 
Mr.  Morgan;  Alexander  Hamilton's  portrait,  for  Notes,  511,  512 — Thanks  for  sugges 
tions,  546 — Homans,  Mr.,  and  Bankers'  Magazine  Notes,  547 — Disclaiming  personal  am 
bition,  574. 

Chicago  Convention.     Letter  of  a  distinguished  Member  of,  453. 

Cochrane,  John.     On  Paper  of  J.  A.  H.  on  Secession,  455. 

Coleman,  William.     President  Jackson's  Incompetency,  126 — New  York  Appointments,  132. 

Crosswell,  E.     On  Van  Buren  for  Vice  President,  242. 

Donelson,  A.  J.     On  illness  of  President  Jackson,  153. 

Everett,  Edward.  A  Union  Whig  Party  and  Fillmore's  Nomination,  406,  407,  408,  412 — 
Miscellaneous  subjects,  404. 

Fish,  Hamilton.     The  Whig  Party  and  Fillmore's  Nomination,  408. 

Green,  General  Duff.     On  Preparing  General  Jackson's  Message,  152. 

Hamilton,  Mrs.  Alexander,  his  Mother,  in  1827,  64. 

Hooper,  S.     Legal  Tenders,  Loans,  etc.,  512. 

Hoyt,  J.     New  York  District-Attorneyship,  125,  126. 

Hunt,  Washington.     Possibility  of  Compromises,  496. 

Jackson,  President.  Governor  Clinton,  75 — Governing  by  Law,  144— Bank  Question,  151 — 
(see  also  "Bank"  in  General  Index)  Charges  by  General  Green,  153 — McDuffie's  Bank 
Report,  167 — Mr.  Malibran,  171 — His  own  course,  171 — Collector's  instructions,  187 — 
Pirate  Gibbs,  218— French  Claims,  221,  227— Nullification,  226,  231,  247,  248,  251— 
On  his  Bank  Message,  234 — Van  Buren's  Rejection  by  Senate,  237 — Postmaster-Gen 
eral's  loss  of  $40,000,  237— On  MS.  Reply  to  Calhoun,  244— Clay  and  Calhoun,  251— 
Changing  U.  S.  Deposits,  260,  261 — Resignation  of  District-Attorneyship  by  James 
A.  Hamilton,  267 — Views  of  James  A.  Hamilton  on  Bank  Question,  269— The  Same, 
270— On  Rural  Life,  284— On  James  A.  Hamilton's  leaving  for  Europe,  288— His  Health  ; 
the  Caroline  Capture,  310— Rhind  Presents  (see  "  Rhind"  in  General  Index.) 

King,  Gov.  John  A.     Monetary  Convulsions,  419. 

King,  Preston.     On  Paper  on  "  Property  in  Man,"  455. 

King,  Rufus.     Washington's  Farewell  Address,  24. 

Lawrence,  W.  B.     Bank  Question,  316. 

Leonard,  Moses  G.     On  the  Draft,  etc.,  564. 

Lewis,  W.  B.  Official  Removals,  124— Courier  on  Van  Buren's  Party  Claims,  154— Rejec 
tion  of  Van  Buren,  237 — Van  Buren  for  Vice  President,  243— Presidential  Candidates, 
258 — President's  intention  to  withdraw  Deposits,  266— Cabinet  Harmony,  280— Presi- 


640  INDEX. 

dent  Jackson  and  his  enemies,  282 — Message  and  the  Opposition,  282 — Attempt  to  assas 
sinate  President  Jackson,  283 — War  with  France  improbable,  284. 

Lewis,  W.  B.  Letters  to  James  A.  Hamilton  on  Bank  Questions  (see  "  Banks  "  in  General 
Index.) 

McKay,  Col.  James.     Commission  on  Emancipated  Negroes,  560 — Copy  of  Order  for,  561. 

McLarie,  Louis.  Mallory's  Report  on  British  Colonies,  160 — Government  and  Politics,  162 — 
Senatorial  Elections;  European  Affairs,  188 — Polish  Revolution,  192 — European  War 
Prospects,  194 — Collector  Swartwout  suit,  236 — Jackson's  MS.  reply  to  Calhoun,  245. 

Letters  on  Northeastern  Boundary  (see  North-East,  in  General  Index.) 

Letters  on  Princess  of  Orange's  Jewels  (see  Princess,  in  General  Index.) 

Marcy,  Gov.  W.  L.     Van  Buren  for  Vice  President,  241. 

Morgan,  Gov.  E.  D.     Debt  and  Public  Lands,  reply  on,  583. 

Pendleton,  E.  II.     Irving's  Fourth  Volume,  418.  * 

Potter,  Edward  T.     On  Plan  of  Military  Operations,  by  James  A.  Hamilton,  414. 

Read,  John  M.     On  Paper  "  Property  in  Man,"  455. 

Rev. Duty  of  Obeying  the  Draft,  565. 

Rhind,  C.     On  leaving  for  his  Mission,  148. 

Letters  on  the  Rhind  Presents  (see  u  Rhind,"  in  General  Index.) 

Rives,  W.  C.     French  Claims  and  Treaty,  200,  238. 

Ruggles,  S.  B.     Export  Duty  Constitutional  Amendment,  576. 

Sedgewick,  C.  B.     Arming  Negroes,  524. 

Silliman,  B.  D.     Address  by  James  A.  Hamilton  to  Naval  Cadets,  51 6. 

Sumner,  Charles.  Port  Bill,  483 — Rebuff  of  Secession  Commissioners  by  Lord  John  Russell, 
483— On  a  Bankrupt  Bill,  576. 

Sumner,  George.     French  and  Italian  Affairs,  389,  391. 

Van  Buren,  Martin.  Mr.  Adams'  Nominations,  62,  63,  64 — Various  political  affairs  ;  Cabinet 
Nomination?,  etc.,  77,  78,  79,  80,  81,  89,  92,  93,  94,  95— Government  Printing;  Office 
Seekers,  129 — Mr.  Rives'  Instructions;  Cuba;  Tariff,  etc.,  141,  142 — Diplomatic  Ar 
rangements,  143 — Denial  of  Cabinet  dissensions,  144 — Newspapers  on  Foreign  Affairs, 
145 — Portugal,  146 — Various  family  and  other  matters,  149 — Prussian  Treaty,  160 — 
McLane's  Negotiations,  166 — Major  Eaton's  Card  in  Telegraph,  170 — Misunderstanding 
•with  *  *  *  ,  173 — Request  for  paper  on  Internal  Improvements,  187 — Commer- 
•cial  Act  of  1823,  189— Eaton's  Choctaw  Treaty,  190— His  Resignation,  213— Cabinet 
€hange?,  213— The  Same,  218— Probable  movements,  22«— British  Reform  Bill,  etc., 
229,  234 — His  London  Establishment,  230 — Leaving  for  Paris,  244 — Tariff  and  Bank 
Bill?,  246— Washington  Affairs,  247 — with  Van  Sholten's  letter,  266. — Letters  on  Rhind 
Present  (see  "Rhind"  in  General  Index.) 

Tan  Sholten,  P.     Their  mutual  friendship,  190. 

Very  Distinguished  Gentleman,  on  Emancipation  Policy,  526. 

Webster,  Daniel.  Chicago  Convention  of  June,  1847,  355,  356 — and  other  lawyers  on  the 
Missouri  Compromise,  436, 


GENERAL     INDEX. 


Adams,  John ;  and  the  dismissal  of  M.  Genet,  the  French  Minister  at  Washington,  19. 
Adams,  John  Quincy.    Conversations  on  Florida  Claims  Treaty,  58 — Interview  on  transferring 

Public  Securities  in  his  hands,  112 — Note  to  M.  de  Neuville  on  the  French  Treaty,  240. 
Alison,  Archibald.    Criticism  of  Washington's  Farewell  Address,  31. 
Allain,  Mr.   The  Quadroon  daughters  of,  72. 
America,    The  Yacht.     (See  Fourth  Voyage.) 

American,  the,  Newspaper  established,  48 — Sued  for  Libel  by  Mr.  Van  Ness,  53. 
Ames,  Fisher.    Talking  powers  of,  13. 
Annexation,    Plans  of,  by  Secessionists,  449. 
Anti-Masons.    Their  proposed  Support  of  Henry  Clay,  220. 
Anti-Slavery.     (See  Slavery.) 
Application  for  Office,  a  specimen  of,  98. 

Appointments  and  Removals.    President's  power  over.     (See  President.) 
Austria.    Failure  of  a  Treaty  with,  108 — Report,  in  1829,  on  Relations  with  the  United 

States,  603. 

Autle,  Colonel.    Killed  in  the  Revolutionary  War,  3 — His  orphan  child  Fanny,  3. 
Bank  of  America  in  New  York,  43 — Charge  of  Corruption  in  establishing,  48 — Chartered  in 

1812,  48 — J.  A.  Hamilton's  lost  $1,000  note,  the  Bank's  conduct  on,  54. 
Bank  of  Columbia,  the,  and  the  Bank  of  America  loan,  49. 
Banks  of  New  York  and  Secretary  Chase's  loan  proposal,  480,  481. 
Bank  of  the  United  States.    Defeat  of  Bill  to  recharter,  43 — President  Jackson's  Message, 

149— Plans  for  a  United  States  Bank,  offices  of  Deposit,  etc.,  by  J.  A.  H.,  155,  270, 

544— Mr.  McDuffie's  Report,  letters  on,  166,  167— Various  letters,  234,  235,  237,  253, 

265,  269,  316 — President  Jackson's   announced  intention  to  withdraw  Deposits,  266. 

(See  also  Funding). 

Blackstone,  Sir  William.    On  Treason  and  Forfeiture,  443— On  Liberty  and  Natural  Law,  516^ 
Bond,  II.  L.    On  drafting  Negroes  for  the  War,  569. 
Brace,  C.  L.    Philanthropic  work  of,  421 — On  the  Appointing  power,  433. 
Brazil.    Report  in  1829  on  relations  with  the  United  States,  605. 

Breadstuffs.    A  Plan  to  forward  and  circulate,  416 — Letter  on  same  to  P.  Spofford,  417. 
Buchanan,  President.    Administration  of,  and  party  discipline,  431— Mr.  Hamilton's  demand 

for  his  impeachment,  454 — Suggestions  to,  on  his  duty  and  responsibilities,  458— His: 

refusal  of  Volunteers  for  Fort  Sumter,  462. 
Bunner,  Mr.     (See  Church,  John  B.) 
Burr,  Aaron.    Forged  challenge  to  of  J.  A.  Hamilton,  55 — Cause  of  his  duel  with  Alexander 

Hamilton,  56. 

Cabot,  George.    John  Adams  and  M.  Genet,  9. 
Calhoun,  John  C.     On  policy  of  Alexander  Hamilton,  62— Efforts  to  influence  President 

Jackson's  cabinet  appointments,  91 — Presidential  aspirations,  dinner  to  Washington 

newspaper  correspondents,  127 — Vindication  of  his  charges  against  Jackson,  195,  196 — 

41 


642  GENERAL    INDEX. 

Jackson's  MS.  reply  to  the  same,  244,  245— His  union  with  Clay,  251 — Plans  to  "Fire 
the  Southern  heart,"  449.  (See  also  Nullification). 

Call  for  a  meeting  to  Preserve  the  Union,  457. 

Canada.    British  efforts  to  create  Rivalry  with  the  United  States,  165. 

Caroline.    The,  Capture  of,  311. 

Carter,  John.     (See  Church,  John  B.) 

Central  America.    Federation,  Report,  in  1829,  on  relations  with,  604. 

Chamber  of  Commerce.    On  the  Levy  of  export  duties,  572. 

Chase,  S.  P.  Suggestions  by  J.  A.  II.  to,  on  collection  of  Revenue,  157,  537 — His  failure 
with  New  York  banks  and  loan,  480,  481 — Papers  on,  by  J.  A.  II.,  on  loans  and  taxa 
tion,  485,  542,  550 — Report,  in  1861,  prepared  by  J.  A.  H.,  on  the  Finances,  490— Re 
port,  in  1861,  on  the  Funding  system,  492 — Conversation  of  Thurlow  Weed  on  his 
chances  of  the  Presidency,  558. — Disclaims  personal  Ambition,  574. 

Cherokee  Indians.    Remonstrance  against  Georgia  usurpation,  134. 

Chicago.    Internal  Improvement  Convention  in  1847,  355,  611. 

Chicago  Convention  of  1860.    Letter  of  member,  453 — Platform  and  General  McClellan,  574. 

Church,  John  B.    Case  of  his  Citizenship  and  Spanish  claim,  60. 

Church,  Mrs.    Sister  of  Alexander  Hamilton,  7,  14. 

Claims  for  offices.    A  Specimen,  98. 

Clay,  Henry.  Resigns  Secretary  of  State,  107 — Information  to  his  successor,  107 — On  Non- 
Intercourse,  108 — Union  withCalhoun,  251 — Mr.  Southard  and  the  Missouri  Compromise, 
443. 

Clinton,  De  Witt.  Negotiations  to  nominate  for  President,  43  —  Statement  on,  by  Rufus 
King,  44. 

Clinton,  Gen.  Sir  Henry.    Proposal  to  abduct,  opposition  of  Alexander  Hamilton,  10. 

Clinton,  George.    Anecdote  of,  10. 

Coalition,  of  Calhoun,  McLean,  and  Webster,  162,  163,  ]66. 

Coleman,  William.    On  draft  of  Washington's  Farewell  Address,  33. 

Columbia.    Report,  in  1829,  on  relations  with,  604. 

Columbia  County.    Bar,  in  1810,  of,  41— Politics  in  Supreme  Court  of,  42. 

Compromises  of  the  Constitution.  History  of,  444 — Efforts  toward,  468 — Washington  Hunt 
on  the  subject,  495. 

Confederate  Notes.    Malicious  charges  against  the  United  States  Government,  584. 

'Cooper,  Peter.    Anecdote  of  popularity,  517. 

Carlin,  Mr.    A  journey  with,  73. 

Corruption  at  Elections,  1859.    Hints  on,  428. 

Council  of  Revision,  of  New  York.    Functions  of,  48. 

Courier  and  Enquirer,  and  Bank  question,  235. 

Crawford,  William.    Personal  acquaintance  with,  62. 

Creek  Indians.    A  visit  to,  and  anecdotes  of,  73. 

Croswell,  Mr.    Defence  of,  by  J.  A  H.,  in  Jefferson  libel  suit,  11. 

De  Longuemare  Claim,  the,  and  the  Florida  Treaty,  57 — Finally  allowed,  60 

Democratic  Association  of  Friends  of  Freedom.    Draft  of  Articles,  484. 

Democratic  Party.    Relations  of  toward  Slavery,  504. 

Democratic  Review.    On  the  New  York  Hotel  Committee,  428. 

Democratic  Vote.    The  plan  for  dividing,  449. 

Denmark.    Report,  in  1829,  on  Relations  with,  601. 

De  Tocqueville,  M.    On  English  sympathy  with  the  Rebellion,  463. 

Diplomatic  Intercourse.    Suggestions  on  extension  of,  175. 

Disbursements.    Of  Public  Money,  158. 

Disunion.    Call  by  J.  A.  II.  for  meeting  to  arrest  Progress  of,  414. 


GENERAL    INDEX.  G43 

Dorr  Insurrection.    The,  351. 

Draft.     Westchester  County  quota  and  enlistments,  527 — Tarrytown  Riots,  5G3,  564,  5G5. 

Duchess  de  Denon.     Gift  to  James  A.  Hamilton  of  relics  of  Talleyrand. 

Duer,  Colonel.     Kindness  to,  of  Alexander  Hamilton,  5. 

Ducr,  John.     Efforts  of  Jesse  Hoyt  to  supersede,  12G. 

Earle,  T.     Portrait  by,  of  Mrs.  Alexander  Hamilton,  4. 

Eaton,  Major.  And  President  Jackson's  Cabinet,  93-^resident  Jackson's  personal  regard 
for  him,  102— Nominated  Secretary  of  War,  114— Mrs.  Eaton  and  the  Washington 
Ladies,  127 — Cabinet  discussions  on  the  Same,  14G. 

Emancipation.     (See  Slavery.) 

European  War  Prospects.     Louis  McLauc,  111,  194. 

Evening  Post,     New  York,  94. 

Exports  to  Europe.     Value  of,  181. 

Export  Duties.     Chambers  of  Commerce  on,  572. 

Fauchet,  M.     Successor  of  French  Minister  Genet,  10. 

Federal  Party  in  New  York.     Denunciation  of,  as  for  Peace,  43 — Power  and  Aims,  48. 

Federalist,  The.     Extracts  from,  433. 

Federalists.     (See  also  American  newspaper.) 

Fish,  Hamilton.     On  Secretary  Chase's  July,  1SG1,  report,  495. 

Florida  Treaty.     (See  France.) 

Foreign  Relations.     Report  in  1829  on,  587. 

Forfeiture  of  State  Rights  by  Treason,  443. 

Fort  Moultrie.     President  Buchanan's  duty  to  Garrison,  451. 

Fort  Suinter.  Efforts  to  reinforce,  460 — Volunteers  declined  by  President  Buchanan  and 
General  Scott,  462. 

France.  Florida  Treaty  ;  conversation  with  J.  Q.  Adams,  58— Claims  by  United  States,  200, 
227 — Louisiana  Treaty,  111,  113,  238,  240— Threatened  War  with  the  United  States, 
283 — Report  in  1829,  on  relations  with,  587 — (Revolution  of  1848,  see  Third  Voyage. 
See  also  Memoir  on  German,  etc.,  Trade.) 

Fugitive  Slaves.     (See  Slavery.) 

Funding.  Jefferson's  charges  (see  Hamilton,  Alexander) — Funding  System  and  Mr. 
McCulloch,  38— Secretary  Chase's  July  1SG1  Report,  492,  496.  (See  also  Chase.) 

Future  of  the  Country.     Suggestions  on,  518,  520. 

Gallatin,  Albert.  First  Report  of  Treasury,  23 — On  Alexander  Hamilton's  administration  of 
the  Treasury,  121 — On  Bank  re-charter,  317. 

Genet,  M.     French  Minister  ;  conduct  of,  9 — Subsequent  history,  10. 

German  Trade.     Memoir  by  James  A.  Hamilton  on,  174,  175. 

Gibbs.     The  Pirate,  218 — Painful  duty  in  relation  to,  249. 

Giles,  Governor,   on  Alexander  Hamilton,  61. 

Governors  of  Loyal  States,  a  Circular  to,  526. 

Great  Britain.  Arbitration  by  King  of  the  Netherlands,  108— Convention  in  1827  on  North 
eastern  Boundary,  115 — Colonial  System,  Trade,  etc.,  160 — Commercial  Diplomacy,  177 
—Reform  Bill,  229— Sympathy  with  the  Rebellion,  463— Tariff  System,  its  complete 
ness,  493— Public  faith,  care  to  preserve,  497— Piracies  ;  former  and  present  neutrality 
claims,  estimate  of,  579— Report  in  1829,  on  relations  with,  589— Attempt  to  negotiate 
with  on  return  of  Fugitive  Slaves,  593— Report  on  Impressment,  593— (See  also  North 
eastern  Boundary  question.) 

Great  West.     Letter  to  Member  of  Chicago  Convention  on  development  of,  611. 

Grecley,  Horace.     Preference  for  Mr.  Bates  as  President  over  Mr.  Lincoln,  453. 

Grosvenor,  Thomas  P.     Recollections  of,  41. 

Hauseatic  Cities.     Report  in  1829,  on  relations  with,  603. 


644  GENERAL    INDEX. 

Hauteval,  Mr.     Letter  of  Thomas  Pinckney  on,  8. 

Holly,  Mrs.  Eliza,  64. 

Homans,  Mr.,  and  papers  in  Bankers'  Magazine,  547. 

Hoyt,  Jesse.     Disreputable  office-seeking  by,  126.) 

Huskisson,  William,  and  the  Act  of  1825,  165. 

Impressment.     Correspondence  with  Great  Britain  on,  593. 

Independence  of  the  United  States,  how  created,  134. 

Internal  Improvements.     (See  Chicago  Convention.) 

Isthmus  of  Panama.     Neutrality  of,  393. 

Italy.     President  Harrison  on  our  relations  with,  314.  4/ 

Jackson,  President  Andrew.  Visit  to,  by  James  A.  Hamilton,  68.  His  opinion  of  contempo 
raries,  68 — Battle  of  New  Orleans ;  incident  of  his  only  retreat,  69 — Impressions  of,  by 
James  A.  Hamilton,  75,  76 — -Aid  by  James  A.  Hamilton  and  others  in  forming  Cabinet, 
87,  89 — His  Election,  87— Character  and  intentions,  87 — His  removals  of  Officials,  87 — 
Arrival  in  Washington,  89 — Fitness  of  his  Cabinet,  97 — Inaugural  Address  ;  its  revision 
by  James  A.  Hamilton,  104,  105 — Message  with  Cabinet  Nominations,  114 — Inaugural 
Address  to  Foreign  Ministers,  115 — Message  on  Northeastern  Boundary,  117 — Hostility 
to  Great  Britain  misrepresented,  120 — Message  on  United  States  Bank,  149 — Attack  of 
fever,  153 — Refusal  to  influence  Congress,  164 — Message  of  1830,  190 — Cabinet  changes, 
215 — Bank  deposits,  266 — Attempted  Assassination,  283 — Conversation  on  Nullifica 
tion.  (See  also  "Banks,"  "Nullification,"  "Calhoun,"  "Jefferson,"  "President's  Ap 
pointments,"  "  Eaton,"  etc.) 

Jackson,  Mrs.  Andrew.     Reminiscences  of,  70. 

Jay,  John.     Tribute  to,  by  Daniel  Webster,  437. 

Jefferson,  Thomas.  "Ana"  and  letters,  16 — Refutation  of  his  charges  against  Alexander 
Hamilton,  16 — On  Character  of  Alexander  Hamilton,  19 — On  Funding  System;  letter  to 
Epes,  19 — Senate  debate  on  veracity  of  his  Memoirs,  19,  20 — Washington's  opinion  of 
his  character,  21 — Johnston,  John,  on  the  Same,  21 — Letter  to  Washington  on  Alex 
ander  Hamilton's  financial  plans,  21 — On  the  Same,  35,  123 — Mr.  A.  Gallatin's  first 
Treasury  Report,  24 — On  Secession  in  certain  cases,  38. 

Kentucky  Military  Loan.     Correspondence  on,  501. 

Kentucky  and  Virginia  Resolutions  and  Calhoun,  in  1798,  38,  39.     (See  also  Nullification.) 

King,  Rufus.     Recollections  of,  61. 

Lee,  Henry.     On  the  Public  Debt,  17. 

Legal  Tender  Notes.     J.  D.  Van  Buren's  plan  of  redemption,  579. 

Libel  defined  by  Alexander  Hamilton,  11. 

Loan.     (See  Chase,  S.  P.) 

Louis  Philippe,  King.     And  the  Gouverneur  Morris  Estate,  47. 

Louisiana  Treaty.     (See  France.) 

Lincoln,  President  Abraham.  His  Nomination  at  Chicago  ;  the  manner  of,  453 — New  York 
Deputation  on  the  Rebellion  ;  he  meant  to  give  blows,  477 — Interviews  with  New  York 
War  Committee,  529— Emancipation  Proclamation,  draft  of  by  James  A.  Hamilton, 
633.  (For  further  on  the  same,  see  "  Slavery.") 

Macaulay,  Thomas  Babington.     On  Corrupt  Politicians,  429. 

McClellan,  General.  New  York  Committee  on  his  appointment  to  the  Potomac  Army,  529 — 
And  Mr.  Seward,  532 — His  nomination  at  Chicago,  memorandum  on,  574. 

McCulloch,  Secretary.     On  the  Funding  System,  38. 

McDuffie.     (See  Bank.) 

McHenry,  Mr.     On  Mr.  Hauteval,  8. 

McLane,  Louis.     And  Cabinet  appointment,  88,  89,  91,  92,  94. 

McLean,  John.  Cabinet  Negotiations  with,  100— Appointed  to  Supreme  Court,  101.  (See 
also  Coalition.) 


GENERAL    INDEX.  645 

Madison,  President.     Insinuations  against  Alexander  Hamilton,  7 — Gov.  Giles  on  his  vindic- 

tiveness,  61 — On  Civil  War  and  Slavery,  441. 
Malibran,  Mr.  and  Wife.     The  suit  of,  171. 
Malicious  Falsehoods  of  Confederate  Government,  584. 
Manufacturers'  Convention  at  New  York,  220. 

Mason,  J.  M.  to  Jefferson  Davis  in  1858 ;  preparation  for  Secession,  449. 
Meade  Claim,  the,  60. 

Mexico.     Relations  with  new  power  in,  107 — Report  on  Treaty  with,  118 — War;  Mr.  Web 
ster's   resolution  to   treat,  prepared  by  James  A.  Hamilton,  355 — Report  in   1829   on 

relations  with,  603. 

Military  Operations  in  1861.     Plan  of,  by  James  A.  Hamilton,  477. 
Missouri  Compromise.     (See  Compromise.) 
Morris,  Gouverneur,  6 — Reply  of  James  A.  Hamilton  in  Court  of  Errors,  12 — Settlement  of 

Estate  of,  146. 

Morris,  Mrs.  Robert.     Kindness  to,  of  Alexander  Hamilton,  4. 
Morton,  Washington.     Husband  of*  Mrs.  Alexander  Hamilton's  sister,  5. 
Naples.     Report  in  1829  on,  602. 
Nashville  Slaveholders'  Convention,  448. 
Negroes.     (See  Slavery.) 
Netherlands.     King  of,  desires  United  States  Minister  at  his  Court,  108 — Report  in  1829  on 

relations  with  the  United  States,  599. 

New  Orleans.     Battle  of;  incidents,  69 — Delegates  from,  to  Governor  Johnson,  71. 
New  York.     Great  fire  in  1835,  285. 

New  York  Times.     War  Loans  Articles,  by  S.  B.  Ruggles,  496. 
New  York  War  Committee.     Interviews  with  President  Lincoln,  529. 
New  York  Wild  Lands.     Purchasers  of,  8. 
Non-Intercourse.     Opinions  of  Henry  Clay,  108. 
Northeastern  Boundary.     Report  on  Arbitration,  115 — President  Jackson's  Message,  117 — 

Letter   of  British  Minister  Vaughan  on  depredations,  120 — Letter  of  L.  McLane   on 

delays,  164 — Decision  of  King  of  Netherlands,  198,  199 — Report  on  Negotiations,  589 — 

Supplemental  Report,  606. 
Nullification.     Calhoun;    the  Virginia  and  Kentucky  Resolutions,  38,  39 — Operations   at 

Charleston,  226 — Letters  of   President  Jackson,  231,  247,  248 — Conversations  with 

President  Jackson,  448.     (See  also  Calhoun,  etc.) 
Offices  of  Deposit.     (See  Banks.) 

Official  Communications.     Treatise  of,  197—  Official  Delinquency,  430. 
Panama,  Isthmus.     President  Taylor  on  Neutrality  of,  393. 
Parton,  James.     Statement  of,  on  forged  challenge  to  Burr,  56. 
Party  Discipline  and  Official  Changes,  430,  431. 
Peel,  Sir  Robert.     On  President  Jackson  and  the  Tariff,  162. 
Pendleton,  Mr.     An  executor  of  Alexander  Hamilton,  9. 
Pennsylvania  Invasion.     (See  Letters.) 

Pickering,  Timothy.     Letter  to  Washington  with  Alexander  Hamilton's  to  McHenry,  8. 
Pinckney,  C.  C.     On  Disunion  pretexts  of  the  South,  445. 

Piracies  near  Havana.     Report  on,  119 — Alexander  Hamilton's  estimate  of  losses  by,  578. 
Plumer,  William.     On  designs  of  the  Federalists,  109. 
Poles.     New  York  Meeting  in  behalf  of  the,  220. 
Ports.     Closing  of;  suggestions,  474-499. 

Portugal.     Question  of  Envoy  to,  107— Report  in  1829  on  Relations  with,  598. 
Post-Office  Department.     Letters  in  aid,  by  James  A.  Hamilton,  280. 
Presents  to  United  States  Officials.     (See  Rhind.) 


646  GENERAL    INDEX. 

Presidential  Candidates  in  1832.     \V.  B.  Lewis  on,  258. 

President's   Appointments   and  Removals.     Jackson's  new  precedent,  87 — Resolutions   of 

inquiry,   etc.,  by  James   A.    Hamilton,  430,  431,  433,  434,  436 — Examination  of  the 

question,  614. 

Princess  of  Orange  Jewels.     Theft  of,  222,  227,  232,  236,  246. 

"  Property  in  Man."     James  A.  Hamilton's  paper  on,  624 — Comments  thereon,  454,  455. 
Prussia.     Treaty  with,  115 — Report  in  1829  on  Relations  with,  602. 
Public  Credit  and  Faith.     Maxims  of  Alexander   Hamilton,  416,  490 — United  States  and 

Great  Britain,  497. 

Public  Lands.     Suggestions  on  Sale  of,  to  liquidate  debt,  582. 
Quadroons  in  Louisiana,  72. 
Randolph,  Edward.     Report  on  default  of,  35. 

Randolph,  John.     On  Virginia  State  Armory,  39 — Erratic  conduct  at  Russian  Court, 
Rebellion.     (See  Secession.) 
Removals  and  Appointments.     (See  President.) 
Repudiation  in  Europe,  380. 

Retaliation.     Resolution  of  Confederate  Congress  threatening,  584. 
Revenue.     (See  Chase,  Banks,  etc.) 
Rhind,  Charles.    Facts  and  correspondence  on  the  present  of  Horses  to  by  the  Sublime  Porte 

144,  197,  201,  202,  203,  204,  205,  206,  207,  208,  211,  212,  213,  216,  217,  219,  233,  44( 

443. 

Rights  of  Mankind.    Alexander  Hamilton  on,  516. 
Riots.     (See  Draft.) 

Ruggles,  S.  B.    War  loans,  articles  in  JV.  Y.  Times. 
Russia.    Report,  in  1829,  on  relations  with,  596 — Kamschatka,  sale  of  the,     (See  Secon^ 

Voyage). 

Sandford,  General.    Reply  on  reinforcing  Sumter,  461. 

Savings  Banks.    Proposal  for  special  deposits  of  United  States  securities,  560,  562. 
Schuyler,  Geo.  L.    Visit  to  Russia  with.     (See  Second  Voyage.) 
Schuyler,  Maj.-Gen.  Philip.    Father  of  Mrs.  Alexander  Hamilton,  1,  3. 
Scott,  General.    Reply  to  offer  of  service  by  J.  A.  H.,  317 — Reply  on  Volunteers  forSumtt 

462. 

Seaton,  W.    Letter  on  Bank  Deposits,  265. 
Secession.    Jefferson's  opinion  on,  in  certain  cases,  38 — Paper  on,  by  J.  A.  H.,  459,  46J 

Commissioners  rebuffed  by  Lord  John  Russell,  483. 
Seward,  W.  H.    Named  at  Chicago  Convention,  453 — Discussion  of  War  Committee,  529- 

Letter  to  Minister  Adams  on  power  to  subdue  Rebellion,  531 — Desired  a  Coup  d'Etai 

Cromwell,  etc.,  536. 

Sinking  Fund.   Legal  Tender,  etc.,  579. 
Slavery  and  Slaves.    Writings  of  Wise  and  Good,  440 — Enlistment  of  Slaves,  478,  503,  5( 

524,  567,  569 — War  measures  by  Congress,  suggestions,  505,  509 — New  York  Emai 

pation  meeting,  514 — Internal  Slave  Trade,  516,  573 — Emancipation  Proclamation,  dl 

by  J.  A.  H.,  533— Deputation  to  President  Lincoln,  548— Draft  of  Abolition  Act, 

571 — Constitutional  Amendment,  575 — Great  Britain  and  Fugitive  Slaves,  593.    (See 

"  Property  in  Man." ) 
Slidell.    The  father  of  John  Slidell,  16. 

Southard,  S.  L.    Authorship  of  Missouri  Compromise  resolutions,  443. 
Spark,  Jared.    On  Washington's  Farewell  Address,  31. 
Spain.    Report,  in  1829,  on  relations  with,  597. 
States.    How  affected  by  Rebellion,  443. 
State  Banks.     (See  Banks.) 


GENERAL     INDEX.  047 

South  Carolina.    Motives  for  Secession,  451. 

Stolen  Jewels.     (See  Princess  of  Orange.) 

Sublime  Porte.     (See  Turkey  ;  also  Rhiud.) 

Swartwout,  General.  Appointed  Collector,  123,  125 — Removal  for  default,  125 — Default  and 
ignorance,  173. 

Sweden.    Case  of  arrest  by  Captain  Turner,108 — Report,  in  1829,  on  relations  with,  600. 

Talleyrand,  Prince.  The,  admiration  of  Alexander  Hamilton,  7 — On  Hamilton's  Circum 
stances,  7 — Visit  by  J.  A.  II.  to  home  of,  at  Valeu9ay,  306— Presents  of  relics  of,  to  J. 
"A.  II.,  309. 

Tariff  Law,  a  pretext  for  Disunion,  4-15,  448. 

Tazcwell,  L.  W.,  88,  89,  91,  92. 

Tenure  of  Office  Bill,  436. 

Territories.    Reduction  to  condition  of,  of  rebel  States,  505,  508. 

Texas.    Proposal  for  volunteers,  and  an  Act,  to  subdue,  523,  554,  557. 

Treason.    Forfeiture  of  rights  by,  443. 

Treasury,  Loose  conduct  of  the,  140. 

Treaties  of  Commerce  and  Navigation.    Report  on,  123. 

Troup,  Colonel.  Kindness  of,  to  Alexander  Hamilton,  4. 

Turkey.    Memorandum  on  Treaty  of  Peace  and  Commerce,  202. 

•Van  Buren,  President  Martin.  Recollections  in  1810  of,  41  —  Insinuation  of  Columbia 
county  Judge,  42 — Recollections,  161 — To  W.  Coleman  on  State  Governments,  77 — To 
Major  Eaton,  93 — Secretaryship  of  State,  103,  114 — On  various  Appointments,  131 — 
Maine  Message,  311. 

Van  Buren,  John  D.    Plan  of  Legal  Tender  redemption,  579. 

Vandevcr,  Mr.    Bill  on  reducing  rebellious  States  to  Territories,  508. 

Van  Ness,  William.  Recollections  of,  42 — Charge  of  corruption  with  Bank  of  America,  48 — 
Investigation  of  same  by  New  Ycrk  Assembly,  49 — Report  on  same,  52 — Suit  against 
American  for  libel,  53 — Suit  discontinued  ;  effect  of  the  exposure,  54. 

Van  Rensselaer,  Jacob  R.  Recollections  in  1810  of,  41 — Alleged  corruption  with  Bank  of 
America,  148. 

Vaughan,  Charles  R.    In  1844,  on  Baltimore  Convention,  etc.,  352. 

Vergennes,  M.    On  Source  of  American  Independence,  135. 

.Vine  Growers'  Association,  the,  421. 

Virginia  and  Kentucky,  resolutions  of  1798,  38. 

Virginia  State  Armory.    Purpose  of  erection,  39. 

Volunteers  in  the  Field.    Suggestion  on  Votes  of,  516. 

Walker,  Captain,  of  Fort  Hull,  a  visit  to,  73. 

"War  of  1812.    Columbia  lawyers  on,  42. 

Washington,  George.  To  Alexander  Hamilton,  on  Jefferson's  objections  to  Financial  System, 
21. 

Washington's  Farewell  Address.  Authorship  of,  by  Alexander  Hamilton,  24,  30,  31,  33,  34 — 
Criticisms  of  the  same,  31. 

Webster.     (See  Coalition.) 

jed,  Thurlow.    On  Mr.  Chase's  Chance  for  Presidency,  559 — Letter  on  Public  Land  sales 
to  pay  debt,  582. 

Wells,  John.    Lock  of  Alexander  Hamilton's  hair  found  in  the  desk  of,  13. 

West  Indies.    Claim  of  United  States  to  trade  with,  165. 

Whig  Party.    W.  II.  Seward  on,  351 

Williams,  Elisha.  Recollections  about  1810,  41 — Alleged  corruption  with  Bank  of  America, 
48. 

Wortmau,  Tunis.    Anecdote  of,  11. 


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